Pub Date : 2009-12-16DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.1.100425
P. Oldfield
The kingdom of Sicily is rarely afforded a prominent place in the early development of the medieval university, and analysis of its contribution is largely dominated by the perceived peculiarities of the university of Naples, founded by Frederick II in 1224. This article reinterprets southern Italy’s contribution during the formative period of the university movement, as well as the apparent atypical characteristics of the university at Naples and its significance. It emphasizes the important role played by South Italian students and masters across Europe in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. In addition, it provides evidence for a range of commonalities between Naples and other universities, suggesting that, in the context of origins, objectives, and the nature of learning, it was not an entirely exceptional institution. The article also identifies the areas in which the university impacted internally within the kingdom of Sicily.
{"title":"The Kingdom of Sicily and the Early University Movement","authors":"P. Oldfield","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.1.100425","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.1.100425","url":null,"abstract":"The kingdom of Sicily is rarely afforded a prominent place in the early development of the medieval university, and analysis of its contribution is largely dominated by the perceived peculiarities of the university of Naples, founded by Frederick II in 1224. This article reinterprets southern Italy’s contribution during the formative period of the university movement, as well as the apparent atypical characteristics of the university at Naples and its significance. It emphasizes the important role played by South Italian students and masters across Europe in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. In addition, it provides evidence for a range of commonalities between Naples and other universities, suggesting that, in the context of origins, objectives, and the nature of learning, it was not an entirely exceptional institution. The article also identifies the areas in which the university impacted internally within the kingdom of Sicily.","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2009-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80435891","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2009-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.1.100357
J. Deane
One of the most widely circulating prophecies of the fifteenth century, the “Auffahrtabend” text was adapted into German from the late thirteenth-century Latin “Visio fratris Johannis,” and attributed to notables such as Hildegard of Bingen, the emperor Sigismund, and the theologian Henry of Langenstein. Despite its popularity and longevity, however, it has received only sporadic and often misleading treatment. Clarifying the origins, context, and significance of the “Auffahrtabend” prophecy, this article augments the known list of manuscript and early printed copies, pins down the provenance and transmission of the German text, and explores its historical milieu and meaning. Close analysis indicates that the prophecy was adapted between 1386 and 1396 by a member of Langenstein’s circle in Vienna, and that its contents were shaped by the fusion of anxieties about the Great Schism, fourteenth-century German and Bohemian political concerns, and apocalyptic expectations of the looming century’s end.
{"title":"The Auffahrtabend Prophecy and Henry of Langenstein: German Adaptation and Transmission of the “Visio fratris Johannis”","authors":"J. Deane","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.1.100357","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.1.100357","url":null,"abstract":"One of the most widely circulating prophecies of the fifteenth century, the “Auffahrtabend” text was adapted into German from the late thirteenth-century Latin “Visio fratris Johannis,” and attributed to notables such as Hildegard of Bingen, the emperor Sigismund, and the theologian Henry of Langenstein. Despite its popularity and longevity, however, it has received only sporadic and often misleading treatment. Clarifying the origins, context, and significance of the “Auffahrtabend” prophecy, this article augments the known list of manuscript and early printed copies, pins down the provenance and transmission of the German text, and explores its historical milieu and meaning. Close analysis indicates that the prophecy was adapted between 1386 and 1396 by a member of Langenstein’s circle in Vienna, and that its contents were shaped by the fusion of anxieties about the Great Schism, fourteenth-century German and Bohemian political concerns, and apocalyptic expectations of the looming century’s end.","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2009-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87615776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.1.100205
Luigi Andrea Berto
The achievement of autonomy from the Byzantine Empire and the political fragmentation of southern Italy made the second half of the eighth century and the ninth century a crucial period for the history of Naples. In those years the Neapolitan rulers tried to legitimize and to strengthen their power, and during this process they attempted to take control of the Neapolitan Church, which inevitably led to conflicts with the local ecclesiastics. This article analyzes how this period is described in the Gesta episcoporum Neapolitanorum of John the Deacon, who probably composed this work between the end of the ninth century and the beginning of the tenth century. It demonstrates that the author of the "Deeds of the Neapolitan Bishops" wanted to emphasize not only that all the Neapolitan prelates had taken care of the religious buildings and of their flock, but also that they had not been accommodating to secular power.
{"title":"\"UTILIUS EST VERITATEM PROFERRE.\" A DIFFICULT MEMORY TO MANAGE: NARRATING THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN BISHOPS AND DUKES IN EARLY MEDIEVAL NAPLES","authors":"Luigi Andrea Berto","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.1.100205","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.1.100205","url":null,"abstract":"The achievement of autonomy from the Byzantine Empire and the political fragmentation of southern Italy made the second half of the eighth century and the ninth century a crucial period for the history of Naples. In those years the Neapolitan rulers tried to legitimize and to strengthen their power, and during this process they attempted to take control of the Neapolitan Church, which inevitably led to conflicts with the local ecclesiastics. This article analyzes how this period is described in the Gesta episcoporum Neapolitanorum of John the Deacon, who probably composed this work between the end of the ninth century and the beginning of the tenth century. It demonstrates that the author of the \"Deeds of the Neapolitan Bishops\" wanted to emphasize not only that all the Neapolitan prelates had taken care of the religious buildings and of their flock, but also that they had not been accommodating to secular power.","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87732565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2007-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.302075
Luigi Andrea Berto
The dissolution of the Lombard political unity in southern Italy and the Muslim military activities in that area rendered the ninth century a crucial yet troubled period for the history of this part of the Italian peninsula. The abbey of Montecassino was deeply affected by those events as well. Its riches, in fact, made it an easy target for the Muslims, who, after imposing heavy tributes on the monastery, sacked and destroyed it in 883. Several years had to pass before Saint Benedict’s monks could return to Montecassino. In the difficult period of exile they put a lot of effort in the reconstruction of their community’s identity as well as in reaffirming its role as repository of southern Italy’s memory. In this process of reconstruction the texts known as the “Chronicles of Saint Benedict of Cassino” had the fundamental task of describing as well as explaining the events that had provoked the crisis of southern Lombard Italy.
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Pub Date : 2007-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.302537
C. Mews
Cicero’s De amicitia exerted a powerful influence on Latin Christian thought in the twelfth century. This paper considers core features of Cicero’s idealization of friendship and the way these ideals were transformed within a Christian context, above all in the writing of Augustine, as a prelude to exploring how twelfth-century writers responded to the themes of the De amicitia. Traditionally, friendship was perceived as operating within a purely masculine environment. I consider the way in which Abelard composed his Historia calamitatum as a way of offering consolation to someone in distress, perhaps intending it to be read by Heloise. I also explore the way in which Heloise sought to redefine their relationship by recalling Ciceronian ideals of true friendship, as not seeking any personal advantage, suggesting further evidence for considering the exchange of love letters known as the Epistolae duorum amantium as a record of the early letters of Abelard and Heloise. The teacher in this exchange alludes t...
西塞罗的《论友谊》对十二世纪的拉丁基督教思想产生了巨大的影响。本文考虑了西塞罗对友谊理想化的核心特征，以及这些理想在基督教背景下的转变方式，尤其是在奥古斯丁的写作中，作为探索十二世纪作家如何回应《论友谊》主题的前奏。传统上，友谊被认为是在纯男性的环境中运作的。我认为阿伯拉尔写《灾难史》的方式是为了安慰处于困境中的人，也许是想让爱洛伊丝读。我还探讨了爱洛伊丝试图重新定义他们关系的方式通过回忆西塞罗的真正友谊的理想，不寻求任何个人利益，提出了进一步的证据来考虑被称为Epistolae duorum amantium的情书交换作为阿伯拉尔和爱洛伊丝早期信件的记录。在这次交流中，老师暗指……
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Pub Date : 2007-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.302083
Cordelia Warr
The visualization and imitation of Christ were central to thirteenth- and fourteenth-century spirituality. Saints and holy people increasingly focused their spirituality through the bodily reenactment or representation of Christ’s Passion. Images, and thus the sense of sight, were central in religious practice. Visual stimuli, real or imagined, provoked physical reactions. This article explores the tensions inherent in the use, and perceived use, of images by two Italian thirteenth-century holy women—Clare of Montefalco (d. 1308) and Margaret of Citta di Castello (d. 1320). A careful reading of surviving documentation for the canonization process (1318–1319) of Clare of Montefalco, and of the fourteenth-century vitae of Clare and Margaret, allows a problematization of the ways in which images were understood to have been used by women and to have affected women.
对基督的想象和模仿是十三和十四世纪灵性的核心。圣徒和圣人们越来越多地通过身体上对基督受难的再现或再现来集中他们的灵性。图像，以及视觉，是宗教实践的中心。视觉刺激，无论是真实的还是想象的，都会引起身体的反应。本文探讨了两位13世纪意大利女圣人——蒙特法尔科的克莱尔(1308年)和Citta di Castello的玛格丽特(1320年)——在使用和感知使用图像时固有的紧张关系。仔细阅读蒙特法尔科的克莱尔(Clare of Montefalco)的封圣过程(1318-1319)以及14世纪克莱尔和玛格丽特(Clare and Margaret)的履历，可以对女性使用和影响女性的形象的理解方式进行问题化。
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Pub Date : 2007-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.302077
S. Vanderputten
This article argues that the chronology and geography of the Cluniac reform movement in the county of Flanders in the early twelfth century were to a large extent determined by the attempts of the counts to regain control over the feudal network and by the reformers’ specific strategies to reassess relations between monastic communities and their lay officers. Through the example of the turbulent abbacy and eventual deposition of Fulcard, abbot of Marchiennes and member of one of the most powerful local clans in the southeastern parts of Flanders, it is shown how the dividing line between supporters and adversaries of the reform movement ran across the division between the higher levels of the Flemish aristocracy and families who had recently introduced themselves into the aristocratic network. If one accepts the existence of opportunities for consensus based on what Patrick Geary has described as “structural conflicts,” it can be understood how Cluniac reforms at the same time constituted a point of diss...
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Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017476
Florin Curta
Historians have traditionally seen the rulers of early medieval Bulgaria as either poor imitations of the Byzantine emperor or qagans of a “steppe empire.” Despite consistent use in Western ninth-century sources of the phrase rex Bulgarorum in reference to Krum and his successors, historians of the early Middle Ages often refer to his pagan predecessors as “khans.” However, the power of the Bulgar rulers was less a matter of titles and more a matter of action. This article examines the evidence of “true” politics, as well as ruler images as projected through buildings or inscriptions, to illuminate a key aspect of the history of eighth- and ninth-century Bulgaria, whose significance has never been fully recognized. Power contestation at home was directly associated to the projection of the ruler’s image beyond the limits of Bulgaria, as several rulers used the latter to overcome the former.
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Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017496
Jamie C. Fumo
The scandal surrounding the downfall of Eleanor Cobham, second wife of Duke Humphrey of Gloucester—especially as represented in the anonymous Lament of the Duchess of Gloucester—forms an important historical precedent for several features of Henryson’s Testament of Cresseid otherwise unaccounted for in previous scholarship. In charting the relationship between these two late medieval poems, the author examines the network of literary and political interactions between Scotland and England in the fifteenth century and identifies the larger cultural field in which both poems participate as “historical” complaint narratives. Finally, the author uncover traces left by the intersection of the Lament and the Testament in Renaissance poetry, especially the flowering of poems in the Mirror for Magistrates tradition. Recognizing this new source of Henryson’s poem allows us to situate the Testament in a political milieu, and illuminates the complicated generic contexts of the Testament and the methods behind Henrys...
围绕着格洛斯特公爵汉弗莱的第二任妻子埃莉诺·科巴姆(Eleanor Cobham)下台的丑闻——尤其是在《格洛斯特公爵夫人的佚名挽歌》(Lament of The Duchess of gloucester)中所体现的——为亨利森的《克雷塞德遗嘱》(Testament of creseid)的几个特征提供了一个重要的历史先例，否则在以前的学术研究中就没有提到过。在绘制这两首中世纪晚期诗歌之间的关系时，作者考察了15世纪苏格兰和英格兰之间的文学和政治互动网络，并确定了这两首诗都作为“历史”抱怨叙事参与的更大的文化领域。最后，作者揭示了《哀歌》和《遗嘱》在文艺复兴时期诗歌中交汇留下的痕迹，特别是《官吏镜》传统中诗歌的繁盛。认识到亨利森诗歌的这一新来源，使我们能够将《圣经》置于一个政治环境中，并阐明《圣经》复杂的一般语境和亨利诗背后的方法……
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Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017481
C. Mews
This article explores a range of connections between the foundation of Fontevraud by Robert of Arbrissel and Hersende, its first prioress, and of the Paraclete by Abelard and Heloise, arguing that both communities were characterized by uncertainty and controversy about gender roles. It explores Abelard’s support for Robert, against the criticisms of Roscelin, yet distrust of the practice of an abbess having authority over both men and women, as happened when Petronilla became abbess in 1115. In particular it supports Robl’s hypothesis that Hersende of Fontevraud was the same person as Hersende, mother of Heloise. Fulbert’s willingness to have Heloise educated by Abelard reflects the same literary values as Baudri of Bourgueil, a great admirer of Robert of Arbrissel. Heloise’s assertion of her role as abbess of the Paraclete reflects her awareness, not shared by Abelard, that it was necessary for her to emulate Petronilla as abbess with authority of both men and women.
本文探讨了由阿布里塞尔的罗伯特(Robert of Arbrissel)和首任院长Hersende创立的Fontevraud，以及由阿伯拉尔(Abelard)和埃洛伊兹(Heloise)创立的Paraclete之间的一系列联系，认为这两个社区都以性别角色的不确定性和争议为特征。它探讨了阿伯拉尔对罗伯特的支持，反对罗塞林的批评，但对一个对男人和女人都有权威的女修道院院长的做法的不信任，就像佩特罗尼拉在1115年成为女修道院院长时发生的那样。特别是它支持了罗布的假设，即Fontevraud的Hersende与Hersende是同一个人，Hersende是Heloise的母亲。富尔伯特愿意让埃洛伊丝接受阿伯拉尔的教育，这反映了布盖尔的波德里的文学价值观，他是阿布里塞尔的罗伯特的忠实崇拜者。爱洛伊丝声称自己是护卫员的女修道院院长反映了她的意识，而阿伯拉尔并不认同，她意识到她有必要效仿佩特罗尼亚，成为拥有男女权威的女修道院院长。
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