Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017497
Michaël J. Amy
Michelangelo’s prestigious commission of April 1503 for twelve over-life-sized marble Apostle statues for the Cathedral of Florence is often overlooked, almost certainly because this project barely got off the ground, as it was interrupted by three major commissions allotted to the artist by Pope Julius II. We do have one statue, namely the St. Matthew begun no earlier than April 1506, which was left two-thirds unfinished. This sculpture must form the point of departure for the assembly of drawings preparatory for the Apostle statues, a task no one has previously attempted. This is remarkable, considering that only the St. Matthew and the preparatory drawings for the statues can shed light upon Michelangelo’s changing intentions for the cycle. Several drawings that are undoubtedly related to this commission have received considerable scholarly attention. Three sheets never previously connected to the project are tentatively introduced here as potential Apostle studies.
{"title":"Michelangelo’s Drawings for Apostle Statues for the Cathedral of Florence","authors":"Michaël J. Amy","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017497","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017497","url":null,"abstract":"Michelangelo’s prestigious commission of April 1503 for twelve over-life-sized marble Apostle statues for the Cathedral of Florence is often overlooked, almost certainly because this project barely got off the ground, as it was interrupted by three major commissions allotted to the artist by Pope Julius II. We do have one statue, namely the St. Matthew begun no earlier than April 1506, which was left two-thirds unfinished. This sculpture must form the point of departure for the assembly of drawings preparatory for the Apostle statues, a task no one has previously attempted. This is remarkable, considering that only the St. Matthew and the preparatory drawings for the statues can shed light upon Michelangelo’s changing intentions for the cycle. Several drawings that are undoubtedly related to this commission have received considerable scholarly attention. Three sheets never previously connected to the project are tentatively introduced here as potential Apostle studies.","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":"479-517"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76054715","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017487
D. Stathakopoulos
When the Crusaders captured Constantinople in 1204, they converted a Byzantine hospital, the xenon of St. Sampson, into a Western hospitale, a hostel for poor and/or sick pilgrims, which was soon organized as the basis of a military order, attracting numerous donations. Prominent among them was the property given in Douai (Flanders) by the Latin archbishop of Thessalonica, aiming to create a daughter institution that would serve the local poor. This house flourished throughout the thirteenth century, then faced serious problems that led to its incorporation into the Order of St. John of Jerusalem. When the Byzantines recaptured Constantinople in 1261, the brothers of St. Sampson fled to Corinth, where they built another hospital. This structure has been recently excavated, revealing a multi-purpose unit wherein people received medical care, while the house served the public in numerous (including commercial) ways.
{"title":"Discovering a Military Order of the Crusades: The Hospital of St. Sampson of Constantinople","authors":"D. Stathakopoulos","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017487","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017487","url":null,"abstract":"When the Crusaders captured Constantinople in 1204, they converted a Byzantine hospital, the xenon of St. Sampson, into a Western hospitale, a hostel for poor and/or sick pilgrims, which was soon organized as the basis of a military order, attracting numerous donations. Prominent among them was the property given in Douai (Flanders) by the Latin archbishop of Thessalonica, aiming to create a daughter institution that would serve the local poor. This house flourished throughout the thirteenth century, then faced serious problems that led to its incorporation into the Order of St. John of Jerusalem. When the Byzantines recaptured Constantinople in 1261, the brothers of St. Sampson fled to Corinth, where they built another hospital. This structure has been recently excavated, revealing a multi-purpose unit wherein people received medical care, while the house served the public in numerous (including commercial) ways.","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"14 1","pages":"255-273"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83779588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017488
Björn K. U. Weiler
Traditionally, historians of thirteenth-century English politics have focused on legal, fiscal, and administrative reform; the development of institutions and mechanisms to counterbalance the power of the monarch; and the conventions surrounding issues of aristocratic property and inheritance. By contrast, questions of symbolism of ritual, sacrality or ceremonial, were thought to have at best a decorative, never a formative, function. This essay uses acts of knighting and homage involving the kings of England and their neighbors in Britain and mainland Europe to outline the continuing importance of ritual and symbolism in England. This, in turn, makes it possible to deal with a series of more general questions about the importance of such acts in a wider European context, dealing specifically with ritual ambiguity, the role of the audience in defining the meaning of ritual, and the relationship between political symbolism and other means of political communication.
{"title":"Knighting, Homage, and the Meaning of Ritual: The Kings of England and Their Neighbors in the Thirteenth Century","authors":"Björn K. U. Weiler","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017488","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017488","url":null,"abstract":"Traditionally, historians of thirteenth-century English politics have focused on legal, fiscal, and administrative reform; the development of institutions and mechanisms to counterbalance the power of the monarch; and the conventions surrounding issues of aristocratic property and inheritance. By contrast, questions of symbolism of ritual, sacrality or ceremonial, were thought to have at best a decorative, never a formative, function. This essay uses acts of knighting and homage involving the kings of England and their neighbors in Britain and mainland Europe to outline the continuing importance of ritual and symbolism in England. This, in turn, makes it possible to deal with a series of more general questions about the importance of such acts in a wider European context, dealing specifically with ritual ambiguity, the role of the audience in defining the meaning of ritual, and the relationship between political symbolism and other means of political communication.","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"111 1","pages":"275-299"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76799424","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017492
E. Shoham-Steiner
This article discusses the effect the Christian propaganda in favor of pilgrimage to the shrines of healing saints had on inner-Jewish social phenomenon. It explores the ways Jews confronted this issue and shows how Jews devised methods of their own to balance this propaganda, either by directly confronting the message or by offering Jewish solutions—especially to those Jews seeking the aid and healing powers that were reported to have existed at the shrines of saints. The argument is based on a review of attitudes found in medieval Jewish sources towards the alleged powers of the Christian saints, the inner-Jewish discussion concerning the authenticity of the miracles reported to have taken place at the saint’s shrines. Finally, it describes what appears to be a “Jewish alternative” constructed in pious Jewish circles to balance and counter the common practice among Christian neighbors to seek the aid of the saints, especially when health matters were concerned.
{"title":"“For a prayer in that place would be most welcome”: Jews, Holy Shrines, and Miracles—A New Approach","authors":"E. Shoham-Steiner","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017492","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017492","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the effect the Christian propaganda in favor of pilgrimage to the shrines of healing saints had on inner-Jewish social phenomenon. It explores the ways Jews confronted this issue and shows how Jews devised methods of their own to balance this propaganda, either by directly confronting the message or by offering Jewish solutions—especially to those Jews seeking the aid and healing powers that were reported to have existed at the shrines of saints. The argument is based on a review of attitudes found in medieval Jewish sources towards the alleged powers of the Christian saints, the inner-Jewish discussion concerning the authenticity of the miracles reported to have taken place at the saint’s shrines. Finally, it describes what appears to be a “Jewish alternative” constructed in pious Jewish circles to balance and counter the common practice among Christian neighbors to seek the aid of the saints, especially when health matters were concerned.","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"36 1","pages":"369-395"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76971527","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017498
Katherine Elliot van Liere
For over a millennium, the relics of James the Apostle (Santiago) were widely believed to lie in Santiago de Compostela in northwestern Spain. A closely related legend was that James had traveled to Spain and preached the Gospel there in the first century. Both beliefs, firmly established by the ninth century, are usually thought to have prevailed until the critiques of the Counter-Reformation historians Bellarmine and Baronius in the later sixteenth century. The present study shows, however, that medieval Spanish historians did not consider Santiago the founder of the Spanish Church. While most historians writing between 1100 and 1450 upheld the tradition of the translation of the apostle’s relics to Compostela, they did not consistently maintain that he had come to Spain during his lifetime. The tradition of “the coming of the apostle” only become a central part of national historiography in the Renaissance, when humanist historians began to seek apostolic origins for Spanish Catholicism. The tradition ...
{"title":"The missionary and the moorslayer : James the apostle in Spanish historiography from Isidore of Seville to Ambrosio de Morales","authors":"Katherine Elliot van Liere","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017498","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017498","url":null,"abstract":"For over a millennium, the relics of James the Apostle (Santiago) were widely believed to lie in Santiago de Compostela in northwestern Spain. A closely related legend was that James had traveled to Spain and preached the Gospel there in the first century. Both beliefs, firmly established by the ninth century, are usually thought to have prevailed until the critiques of the Counter-Reformation historians Bellarmine and Baronius in the later sixteenth century. The present study shows, however, that medieval Spanish historians did not consider Santiago the founder of the Spanish Church. While most historians writing between 1100 and 1450 upheld the tradition of the translation of the apostle’s relics to Compostela, they did not consistently maintain that he had come to Spain during his lifetime. The tradition of “the coming of the apostle” only become a central part of national historiography in the Renaissance, when humanist historians began to seek apostolic origins for Spanish Catholicism. The tradition ...","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"42 1","pages":"519-543"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90538028","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017489
Gregory B. Milton
The debt transactions recorded in the notarial registers of Santa Coloma de Queralt demonstrate that lending was a multi-religious activity at the turn of the fourteenth century. Economic, social, and religious attitudes shaped the manner in which notaries, creditors, and debtors documented their activity. At first glance, this appears to conform to medieval and modern stereotypes concerning moneylending and debt. However, the reality of financing in this rural Catalan town included the participation of both Christians and Jews as lenders, although the written record reflected prevailing cultural attitudes towards usury. Christians avoided the appearance of charging interest, while Jews more normally stated their loans in money-terms. Both Jews and Christians provided credit through direct loans and credit-sales. Despite the stereotypes, Christians were, in reality, the primary lenders of Santa Coloma. Jews played a secondary, although significant, role as creditors, an activity necessary for the better o...
Santa Coloma de Queralt的公证登记簿上记录的债务交易表明，在14世纪初，借贷是一种多宗教活动。经济、社会和宗教态度决定了公证人、债权人和债务人记录其活动的方式。乍一看，这似乎符合中世纪和现代关于借贷和债务的刻板印象。然而，尽管书面记录反映了对高利贷的普遍文化态度，但这个加泰罗尼亚乡村小镇的现实融资包括基督徒和犹太人作为贷款人的参与。基督徒避免收取利息，而犹太人通常以货币形式说明他们的贷款。犹太人和基督徒都通过直接贷款和赊销提供信贷。尽管有这些刻板印象，但实际上，基督徒是圣科洛马的主要贷款人。犹太人扮演了次要的角色，虽然重要，作为债权人，这是为了更好地……
{"title":"Christian and Jewish Lenders: Religious Identity and the Extension of Credit","authors":"Gregory B. Milton","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017489","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017489","url":null,"abstract":"The debt transactions recorded in the notarial registers of Santa Coloma de Queralt demonstrate that lending was a multi-religious activity at the turn of the fourteenth century. Economic, social, and religious attitudes shaped the manner in which notaries, creditors, and debtors documented their activity. At first glance, this appears to conform to medieval and modern stereotypes concerning moneylending and debt. However, the reality of financing in this rural Catalan town included the participation of both Christians and Jews as lenders, although the written record reflected prevailing cultural attitudes towards usury. Christians avoided the appearance of charging interest, while Jews more normally stated their loans in money-terms. Both Jews and Christians provided credit through direct loans and credit-sales. Despite the stereotypes, Christians were, in reality, the primary lenders of Santa Coloma. Jews played a secondary, although significant, role as creditors, an activity necessary for the better o...","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"32 1","pages":"301-318"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84635273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017495
T. Bredehoft
This study assesses the corpus of late medieval pilgrim badges (chiefly from the Low Countries) that feature “pseudo-text” inscriptions. Such inscriptions either have sequences of well-formed letters that cannot be construed or sequences of unreadable letter-like characters. Rather than suggesting that such texts are cryptic or magical, this study argues that pilgrim badge “pseudo-texts” functioned iconographically as signs of text. The conclusion that “textual communities” (as per Brian Stock) functioned around such inscriptions follows directly, and thus this study suggests that we can understand these inscriptions as revealing attitudes about (and ideologies of) literacy, even in contexts where the skills of literacy were not being used. As such, these brief pilgrim badge texts offer a new perspective on thinking about the nature, distribution, and functioning of late medieval literacy.
{"title":"Literacy without Letters: Pilgrim Badges and Late Medieval Literate Ideology","authors":"T. Bredehoft","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017495","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017495","url":null,"abstract":"This study assesses the corpus of late medieval pilgrim badges (chiefly from the Low Countries) that feature “pseudo-text” inscriptions. Such inscriptions either have sequences of well-formed letters that cannot be construed or sequences of unreadable letter-like characters. Rather than suggesting that such texts are cryptic or magical, this study argues that pilgrim badge “pseudo-texts” functioned iconographically as signs of text. The conclusion that “textual communities” (as per Brian Stock) functioned around such inscriptions follows directly, and thus this study suggests that we can understand these inscriptions as revealing attitudes about (and ideologies of) literacy, even in contexts where the skills of literacy were not being used. As such, these brief pilgrim badge texts offer a new perspective on thinking about the nature, distribution, and functioning of late medieval literacy.","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":"433-445"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89382383","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2005-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.300014
Morgan Powell
Making the Psalter of Christina of Markyate (the St. Albans Psalter). MORGAN POWELL. The pictures and texts in the Psalter of Christina of Markyate, best known as the St. Albans Psalter, document a nascent fascination with a woman’s devotional reading and visionary powers in the first half of the twelfth century. They place the book on the threshold of an expansion of religious art and literature that will soon bring a dramatic turn in the relationship between the lay public and the book, between the receiving subject and the (written) Word. Proper assessment of the place of the book and its owner in these developments depends on a detailed understanding of the book’s assembly in relationship to the progress of Christina’s relationship to the Abbey of St. Albans. This article combines detailed study of the codex, full cognizance of the events reported in Christina’s contemporary Vita, and the observations of recent scholarship in order to place study of the book on a new foundation.
{"title":"Making the Psalter of Christina of Markyate (the St. Albans Psalter)","authors":"Morgan Powell","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.300014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.300014","url":null,"abstract":"Making the Psalter of Christina of Markyate (the St. Albans Psalter). MORGAN POWELL. The pictures and texts in the Psalter of Christina of Markyate, best known as the St. Albans Psalter, document a nascent fascination with a woman’s devotional reading and visionary powers in the first half of the twelfth century. They place the book on the threshold of an expansion of religious art and literature that will soon bring a dramatic turn in the relationship between the lay public and the book, between the receiving subject and the (written) Word. Proper assessment of the place of the book and its owner in these developments depends on a detailed understanding of the book’s assembly in relationship to the progress of Christina’s relationship to the Abbey of St. Albans. This article combines detailed study of the codex, full cognizance of the events reported in Christina’s contemporary Vita, and the observations of recent scholarship in order to place study of the book on a new foundation.","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"41 2","pages":"293-335"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2005-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.300014","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72418916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2005-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.300007
Anna Taylor
The monk Rainerus calls his correspondent, the verse hagiographer Johannes of Saint-Amand, a “mother bee” (mater apes). This striking term characterizes Johannes’s method of composition and also demonstrates Rainerus’s participation in an erudite tradition of readers and writers of verse saints’ lives (vitae metricae) who collected, digested, and transformed their sources—Christian and classical, verse and prose—to create texts that were simultaneously original and densely allusive. Johannes’s text and Rainerus’s response to it suggest the existence of an erudite and dynamic monastic literary community around the year 1000.
{"title":"Just Like a Mother Bee: Reading and Writing Vitae metricae around the Year 1000","authors":"Anna Taylor","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.300007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.300007","url":null,"abstract":"The monk Rainerus calls his correspondent, the verse hagiographer Johannes of Saint-Amand, a “mother bee” (mater apes). This striking term characterizes Johannes’s method of composition and also demonstrates Rainerus’s participation in an erudite tradition of readers and writers of verse saints’ lives (vitae metricae) who collected, digested, and transformed their sources—Christian and classical, verse and prose—to create texts that were simultaneously original and densely allusive. Johannes’s text and Rainerus’s response to it suggest the existence of an erudite and dynamic monastic literary community around the year 1000.","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"119-148"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2005-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88091180","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2005-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.300010
I. Bejczy
This article examines the reflections of twelfth-century canon and civil lawyers on justice as a moral virtue and demonstrates their influence on moral theology. The canonists were among the first to recognize natural virtues and contributed to moral thought in this respect. However, their increasing insistence on the divine aspects of natural justice and law deprived these concepts of their religiously neutral character. Civil lawyers generally devoted more attention to virtue ethics than the canonists; some of them even cherished ideas which interfered with the foundations of contemporary moral thought. Many of them recognized the divine origin of justice, but tended to confine this virtue within the boundaries of human law, ruling out the possibility of testing the law against moral standards. Only Martin Gosia and his school maximized the difference between divinely inspired justice and human law, thus making it possible for laws to be measured against objective standards of morality.
{"title":"Law and Ethics: Twelfth-Century Jurists on the Virtue of Justice","authors":"I. Bejczy","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.300010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.300010","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the reflections of twelfth-century canon and civil lawyers on justice as a moral virtue and demonstrates their influence on moral theology. The canonists were among the first to recognize natural virtues and contributed to moral thought in this respect. However, their increasing insistence on the divine aspects of natural justice and law deprived these concepts of their religiously neutral character. Civil lawyers generally devoted more attention to virtue ethics than the canonists; some of them even cherished ideas which interfered with the foundations of contemporary moral thought. Many of them recognized the divine origin of justice, but tended to confine this virtue within the boundaries of human law, ruling out the possibility of testing the law against moral standards. Only Martin Gosia and his school maximized the difference between divinely inspired justice and human law, thus making it possible for laws to be measured against objective standards of morality.","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":"197-216"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2005-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91159889","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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