Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017486
D. Traill
That Philip the Chancellor wrote Dogmatum falsas species is clear from its juxtaposition, in two manuscripts, with other poems known to be by him. Its condemnation of French bishops for not taking action against heretics aligns Philip with the tenor of Gregory IX’s bull Dudum ad aliquorum murmur (21 August 1235). Philip is known to have assisted Robert le Bougre in the trial and execution of heretics at Châlons-sur-Marne early in 1236. Whether Philip accompanied Robert in the following months in his campaign against heretics in Flanders is not clear from our sources, but an analysis of the text of the poem suggests that this is likely. Henry of Braine, archbishop of Reims, had reasons for allowing Robert to pursue heretics in his province while keeping him out of his diocese.
{"title":"Philip the Chancellor and the Heresy Inquisition in Northern France, 1235–1236","authors":"D. Traill","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017486","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017486","url":null,"abstract":"That Philip the Chancellor wrote Dogmatum falsas species is clear from its juxtaposition, in two manuscripts, with other poems known to be by him. Its condemnation of French bishops for not taking action against heretics aligns Philip with the tenor of Gregory IX’s bull Dudum ad aliquorum murmur (21 August 1235). Philip is known to have assisted Robert le Bougre in the trial and execution of heretics at Châlons-sur-Marne early in 1236. Whether Philip accompanied Robert in the following months in his campaign against heretics in Flanders is not clear from our sources, but an analysis of the text of the poem suggests that this is likely. Henry of Braine, archbishop of Reims, had reasons for allowing Robert to pursue heretics in his province while keeping him out of his diocese.","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"43 1","pages":"241-254"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86958191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017484
Matthew Reeve
This article proposes a rereading of the Old Testament imagery in the Painted Chamber in Westminster Palace, London, patronized by Edward I between 1292–1297. It is argued here that the paintings—which represent the battles for the Holy Land—must be understood within the context of the crusading efforts of the English court, and in particular that they were intended to be a reflection of Edward’s own zeal to return on crusade in the aftermath of the fall of Acre in 1291. In seeking to understand the Old Testament imagery within its broader cultural contexts, its themes and meanings are explored within the contexts of contemporary crusading propaganda. Like the Capetians, the Plantagenets also embraced the typological conceit of being successors to the kings of Judah, and manipulated this connection in their own propaganda. Edward’s use of Old Testament imagery in his crusading propaganda—and particularly the image of Judas Maccabeus—provides a crucial context in which to understand the otherwise unprecede...
{"title":"The Painted Chamber at Westminster, Edward I, and the Crusade","authors":"Matthew Reeve","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017484","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017484","url":null,"abstract":"This article proposes a rereading of the Old Testament imagery in the Painted Chamber in Westminster Palace, London, patronized by Edward I between 1292–1297. It is argued here that the paintings—which represent the battles for the Holy Land—must be understood within the context of the crusading efforts of the English court, and in particular that they were intended to be a reflection of Edward’s own zeal to return on crusade in the aftermath of the fall of Acre in 1291. In seeking to understand the Old Testament imagery within its broader cultural contexts, its themes and meanings are explored within the contexts of contemporary crusading propaganda. Like the Capetians, the Plantagenets also embraced the typological conceit of being successors to the kings of Judah, and manipulated this connection in their own propaganda. Edward’s use of Old Testament imagery in his crusading propaganda—and particularly the image of Judas Maccabeus—provides a crucial context in which to understand the otherwise unprecede...","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"49 1","pages":"189-221"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83247212","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017480
J. Mcilwain
The Middle Ages inherited from classical writers a debate as to whether the heart or brain is the master organ of the body that governs movement and mental phenomena. Studies of literary, poetic, and homiletic writings of the Anglo-Saxon period have shown that these texts use language that tends to locate the mind in the heart or breast. The present work examines the Old English medical writings and their Latin sources, texts in which one might expect a literal, rather than a figurative or metaphoric, use of the names of the physical organs. These texts cite a variety of causes for mental disorders, but when an organ is identified as ultimately responsible for the manifestations, that organ is the brain and not the heart. Some texts known to the Anglo-Saxons assert explicitly that the brain or the head is the locus of thought, perception, memory, and even the soul.
{"title":"Brain and Mind in Anglo-Saxon Medicine","authors":"J. Mcilwain","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017480","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017480","url":null,"abstract":"The Middle Ages inherited from classical writers a debate as to whether the heart or brain is the master organ of the body that governs movement and mental phenomena. Studies of literary, poetic, and homiletic writings of the Anglo-Saxon period have shown that these texts use language that tends to locate the mind in the heart or breast. The present work examines the Old English medical writings and their Latin sources, texts in which one might expect a literal, rather than a figurative or metaphoric, use of the names of the physical organs. These texts cite a variety of causes for mental disorders, but when an organ is identified as ultimately responsible for the manifestations, that organ is the brain and not the heart. Some texts known to the Anglo-Saxons assert explicitly that the brain or the head is the locus of thought, perception, memory, and even the soul.","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"60 1","pages":"103-112"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89328538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017479
A. Jones
This article examines the consequences of the ninth-century Viking incursions for religious houses in the southwest of France, and the portrayal of those raids in contemporary and later medieval sources. Focusing on three houses in particular—Saint-Hilaire and Saint-Maixent in the Poitou and Saint-Cybard in Angouleme—the author uses both narrative and diplomatic evidence to make two arguments. First, the charter record of these houses indicates that although the Viking raids did cause damage, which was often exacerbated by opportunistic predation by locals, recovery took place relatively quickly. Second, the accounts in tenth-century and later medieval texts, in contrast to the contemporary charter evidence, often evoke more persistent destruction at these houses. This disjunction occurred because the authors of those later accounts shaped their portrayals of the Vikings and the consequences of the raids to serve purposes such as glorifying a restorer or emphasizing a reform in observance.
{"title":"Pitying the Desolation of Such a Place: Rebuilding Religious Houses and Constructing Memory in Aquitaine in the Wake of the Viking Incursions","authors":"A. Jones","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017479","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017479","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the consequences of the ninth-century Viking incursions for religious houses in the southwest of France, and the portrayal of those raids in contemporary and later medieval sources. Focusing on three houses in particular—Saint-Hilaire and Saint-Maixent in the Poitou and Saint-Cybard in Angouleme—the author uses both narrative and diplomatic evidence to make two arguments. First, the charter record of these houses indicates that although the Viking raids did cause damage, which was often exacerbated by opportunistic predation by locals, recovery took place relatively quickly. Second, the accounts in tenth-century and later medieval texts, in contrast to the contemporary charter evidence, often evoke more persistent destruction at these houses. This disjunction occurred because the authors of those later accounts shaped their portrayals of the Vikings and the consequences of the raids to serve purposes such as glorifying a restorer or emphasizing a reform in observance.","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"2 1","pages":"85-102"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85608414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017491
M. A. Kelleher
This article explores an unpublished set of records surrounding a rape inquest in fourteenth-century Catalonia, and examines its implications for the relationship between law and community in the High Middle Ages. The rise of inquisitorial procedure during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries made fama (reputation) a part of preliminary inquests, thereby giving legal voice to a broad cross-section of medieval communities, including children who were procedurally barred from giving sworn testimony. This article uses the documents in this case to show how fama was created, and how it was translated into terms actionable at law. The role that fama and the testimony of children played indicates a close relationship between community opinion and formal legal proceedings, even during the heyday of the ius commune. Furthermore, such testimony strongly suggests that participation in legal discourse was much broader than previously suspected.
{"title":"Law and the Maiden: Inquisitio, Fama, and the Testimony of Children in Medieval Catalonia","authors":"M. A. Kelleher","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017491","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017491","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores an unpublished set of records surrounding a rape inquest in fourteenth-century Catalonia, and examines its implications for the relationship between law and community in the High Middle Ages. The rise of inquisitorial procedure during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries made fama (reputation) a part of preliminary inquests, thereby giving legal voice to a broad cross-section of medieval communities, including children who were procedurally barred from giving sworn testimony. This article uses the documents in this case to show how fama was created, and how it was translated into terms actionable at law. The role that fama and the testimony of children played indicates a close relationship between community opinion and formal legal proceedings, even during the heyday of the ius commune. Furthermore, such testimony strongly suggests that participation in legal discourse was much broader than previously suspected.","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"351-367"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75075636","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017493
L. Warner
Did Langland compose the fanciful Middle English alliterative romance William of Palerne, concerning a werewolf and lovers in bear suits? Although no one has seriously pursued the possibility, compelling circumstances make room for it. Yet the issue remains firmly in the realm of speculation. This essay shows, first, that no amount of testing of metrics, etc., will help. All we have are a sequence of prerequisites to common authorship (the author’s dialects, etc.) and the circumstance that if he did, certain problems of the “Alliterative Revival” make more sense. The essay then suggests that the connection Piers Plowman forges between “disguise” and atonement, both in its opening lines and the account of the Christ-knight, make new sense if Langland indeed wrote the romance. We might never know the answer, but taking the question seriously will result in a fairer assessment of the place of speculation within Middle English studies.
{"title":"Langland and the problem of William of Palerne","authors":"L. Warner","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017493","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017493","url":null,"abstract":"Did Langland compose the fanciful Middle English alliterative romance William of Palerne, concerning a werewolf and lovers in bear suits? Although no one has seriously pursued the possibility, compelling circumstances make room for it. Yet the issue remains firmly in the realm of speculation. This essay shows, first, that no amount of testing of metrics, etc., will help. All we have are a sequence of prerequisites to common authorship (the author’s dialects, etc.) and the circumstance that if he did, certain problems of the “Alliterative Revival” make more sense. The essay then suggests that the connection Piers Plowman forges between “disguise” and atonement, both in its opening lines and the account of the Christ-knight, make new sense if Langland indeed wrote the romance. We might never know the answer, but taking the question seriously will result in a fairer assessment of the place of speculation within Middle English studies.","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"52 1","pages":"397-415"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74173579","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017477
Yitzhak Hen
The so-called Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae is commonly associated with Charlemagne’s brutal campaign in Saxony during the years 782–785. This article reexamines the evidence concerning the Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae, arguing that it should be associated with Charlemagne’s final campaign in Saxony (around 795), and that in order to understand the unusual policy it prescribes one should consider the Capitulatio against a broader political and cultural background. As suggested by the author, the Capitulatio’s policy did not emerge ex nihilo; it was deeply rooted in the political as well as the religious ideology that characterized Muslim Spain (al-Andalus) at the time.
{"title":"Charlemagne's Jihad","authors":"Yitzhak Hen","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017477","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017477","url":null,"abstract":"The so-called Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae is commonly associated with Charlemagne’s brutal campaign in Saxony during the years 782–785. This article reexamines the evidence concerning the Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae, arguing that it should be associated with Charlemagne’s final campaign in Saxony (around 795), and that in order to understand the unusual policy it prescribes one should consider the Capitulatio against a broader political and cultural background. As suggested by the author, the Capitulatio’s policy did not emerge ex nihilo; it was deeply rooted in the political as well as the religious ideology that characterized Muslim Spain (al-Andalus) at the time.","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"31 1","pages":"33-51"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87664614","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017482
Susan R. Kramer
To what degree was the inner life of the soul considered private by twelfth-century writers? Much current work in areas as diverse as medieval penance, theological anthropology, and ethics demonstrates the period’s richly complicated conception of the inner self. The evidence also reveals, however, contemporary ambivalence as to whether this inner realm should be removed from the communal gaze. For this discussion the author’s approach to medieval conceptions of interiority and the soul’s secret life is the examination of changing attitudes towards sins of thought. Beginning with a biblical allegory first developed by St. Augustine, the article traces how the privacy of Augustine’s metaphorical “house of conscience” was expanded by twelfth-century schoolmen to include not only God but also priest.
{"title":"The Priest in the House of Conscience: Sins of Thought and the Twelfth-Century Schoolmen","authors":"Susan R. Kramer","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017482","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017482","url":null,"abstract":"To what degree was the inner life of the soul considered private by twelfth-century writers? Much current work in areas as diverse as medieval penance, theological anthropology, and ethics demonstrates the period’s richly complicated conception of the inner self. The evidence also reveals, however, contemporary ambivalence as to whether this inner realm should be removed from the communal gaze. For this discussion the author’s approach to medieval conceptions of interiority and the soul’s secret life is the examination of changing attitudes towards sins of thought. Beginning with a biblical allegory first developed by St. Augustine, the article traces how the privacy of Augustine’s metaphorical “house of conscience” was expanded by twelfth-century schoolmen to include not only God but also priest.","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"176 1","pages":"149-166"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77237637","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017478
Jenny H. Shaffer
Architectural historians, focused on whether form or meaning had primacy in the medieval “copy,” have debated the significance and value of Letaldus of Micy’s statement that Theodulf’s oratory at Germigny-des-Pres was “manifestly in the likeness” of Aachen, as Germigny-des-Pres bore little formal resemblance to Charlemagne’s famous chapel. Letaldus’s quote, however, has been divorced from its textual and historical contexts. Considered as part of his tenth-century Miracula Sancti Maximini and the circumstances of its production, Letaldus’s association of the ninth-century buildings confirms Richard Krautheimer’s well-known assertion that meaning was primary in medieval notions of likeness, voicing an image of a Carolingian past remembered in light of fierce present struggles within the monastic world of the Orleanais. Indeed, rather than answering the question of whether Germigny-des-Pres was built as a “copy” of Aachen, Letaldus’s quote raises the issue of how buildings’ complex, layered, and transformin...
建筑历史学家关注的是形式还是意义在中世纪的“复制”中占据主导地位，他们对Letaldus of Micy的说法的意义和价值进行了争论，Letaldus of Micy说，狄奥多夫在德国教堂的演讲“明显与亚琛相似”，因为德国教堂与查理曼著名的教堂几乎没有形式上的相似之处。然而，莱塔尔杜斯的这句话已经脱离了它的文本和历史背景。Letaldus的作品《Miracula Sancti Maximini》被认为是他十世纪作品《Miracula Sancti Maximini》及其创作环境的一部分，他对九世纪建筑的联想证实了Richard Krautheimer的著名论断，即中世纪的相似性概念的意义是主要的，表达了一种加洛林王朝时期的过去，在奥尔利纳修道院世界激烈斗争的背景下被人们记住。事实上，Letaldus的这句话并没有回答“德国是否复制了亚琛”的问题，而是提出了一个问题，即建筑的复杂、分层和变化……
{"title":"Letaldus of Micy, Germigny-des-Prés, and Aachen: Histories, Contexts, and the Problem of Likeness in Medieval Architecture","authors":"Jenny H. Shaffer","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017478","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017478","url":null,"abstract":"Architectural historians, focused on whether form or meaning had primacy in the medieval “copy,” have debated the significance and value of Letaldus of Micy’s statement that Theodulf’s oratory at Germigny-des-Pres was “manifestly in the likeness” of Aachen, as Germigny-des-Pres bore little formal resemblance to Charlemagne’s famous chapel. Letaldus’s quote, however, has been divorced from its textual and historical contexts. Considered as part of his tenth-century Miracula Sancti Maximini and the circumstances of its production, Letaldus’s association of the ninth-century buildings confirms Richard Krautheimer’s well-known assertion that meaning was primary in medieval notions of likeness, voicing an image of a Carolingian past remembered in light of fierce present struggles within the monastic world of the Orleanais. Indeed, rather than answering the question of whether Germigny-des-Pres was built as a “copy” of Aachen, Letaldus’s quote raises the issue of how buildings’ complex, layered, and transformin...","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"32 1","pages":"53-83"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89492166","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017499
D. Tangri
Demosthenes has been renowned since antiquity as one of the major Athenian orators of the fourth century B.C. His speeches were effectively forgotten in the Latin-speaking west after the fall of the Roman Empire, though they continued to be studied in the Byzantine east. Those speeches were among the first Greek texts to be brought to Italy during the Renaissance, and significant humanists translated some of them into Latin. This essay considers the growth and development of these early humanist studies. Humanists were interested in Demosthenes because of his ancient fame, and because they considered that he could help them improve their own oratory, but overall his place in their range of interests was fairly restricted. Renaissance studies of Demosthenes are significant, however, because they inspired and in some ways influenced later work.
{"title":"Demosthenes in the renaissance : A case study on the origins and development of scholarship on Athenian oratory","authors":"D. Tangri","doi":"10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017499","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.3017499","url":null,"abstract":"Demosthenes has been renowned since antiquity as one of the major Athenian orators of the fourth century B.C. His speeches were effectively forgotten in the Latin-speaking west after the fall of the Roman Empire, though they continued to be studied in the Byzantine east. Those speeches were among the first Greek texts to be brought to Italy during the Renaissance, and significant humanists translated some of them into Latin. This essay considers the growth and development of these early humanist studies. Humanists were interested in Demosthenes because of his ancient fame, and because they considered that he could help them improve their own oratory, but overall his place in their range of interests was fairly restricted. Renaissance studies of Demosthenes are significant, however, because they inspired and in some ways influenced later work.","PeriodicalId":39588,"journal":{"name":"Viator - Medieval and Renaissance Studies","volume":"500 1","pages":"545-582"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78137521","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：