Pub Date : 2018-10-30DOI: 10.22439/ASCA.V50I2.5776
H. Karadeniz
The present study discusses the demystification of the urban sublime in Paul Auster’s In the Country of Last Things. It sets the term in a US context and discusses its specificity through the examination of the relationship of the urban sublime with a pair of interrelated concepts: the technological sublime and the consumer’s sublime. This theoretical preview verifies that the architectural and technological structure of the city has been subordinated to the logics of capitalist economy. The paper evaluates Auster’s novel as a critique of the deferential elevation of the urban landscape through its reduction to the dystopian images of garbage and waste; through the reversal of the object of the sublime from the infinitely large to the infinitely small, from the urban to the natural; and through the subversion of the power dynamics attributed to the skyscraper, the central emblem of the urban sublime. It asserts that the foregrounding of the act of falling, set against the pronounced upward orientation of the urban landscape, defines the city as an inherently lethal area capable of arousing a single passion linked to the notion of the sublime—terror.
{"title":"Demystifying the Sublime City in Paul Auster’s In the Country of Last Things","authors":"H. Karadeniz","doi":"10.22439/ASCA.V50I2.5776","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22439/ASCA.V50I2.5776","url":null,"abstract":"The present study discusses the demystification of the urban sublime in Paul Auster’s In the Country of Last Things. It sets the term in a US context and discusses its specificity through the examination of the relationship of the urban sublime with a pair of interrelated concepts: the technological sublime and the consumer’s sublime. This theoretical preview verifies that the architectural and technological structure of the city has been subordinated to the logics of capitalist economy. The paper evaluates Auster’s novel as a critique of the deferential elevation of the urban landscape through its reduction to the dystopian images of garbage and waste; through the reversal of the object of the sublime from the infinitely large to the infinitely small, from the urban to the natural; and through the subversion of the power dynamics attributed to the skyscraper, the central emblem of the urban sublime. It asserts that the foregrounding of the act of falling, set against the pronounced upward orientation of the urban landscape, defines the city as an inherently lethal area capable of arousing a single passion linked to the notion of the sublime—terror.","PeriodicalId":40729,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN STUDIES IN SCANDINAVIA","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45749967","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-10-30DOI: 10.22439/ASCA.V50I2.5777
Byron Z. Rom-Jensen
This article studies the Kennedy administration’s labor market policies as a case of lesson drawing during a transnational moment in the early 1960s. With the election of Kennedy, leaders in the labor movement rose to positions of policymaking influence, in the process reimagining the United States’ political and economic landscape. This spirit of reform led to the embrace of Sweden’s solidarity wage policy and Rehn-Meidner model as lessons on how to balance full employment, economic growth, and a powerful labor movement. However, Secretary of Labor Arthur Goldberg and Walter Reuther of the United Automobile Workers found implementing Swedish policies to be more difficult than they expected, even with the support of a sitting president. Their experiences demonstrate the possibility for policy diffusion from small states to the United States over a short period, as well as its risks and limitations.
{"title":"Yellow-Blue Collars: American Labor and the Pursuit of Swedish Policy, 1961-1963","authors":"Byron Z. Rom-Jensen","doi":"10.22439/ASCA.V50I2.5777","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22439/ASCA.V50I2.5777","url":null,"abstract":"This article studies the Kennedy administration’s labor market policies as a case of lesson drawing during a transnational moment in the early 1960s. With the election of Kennedy, leaders in the labor movement rose to positions of policymaking influence, in the process reimagining the United States’ political and economic landscape. This spirit of reform led to the embrace of Sweden’s solidarity wage policy and Rehn-Meidner model as lessons on how to balance full employment, economic growth, and a powerful labor movement. However, Secretary of Labor Arthur Goldberg and Walter Reuther of the United Automobile Workers found implementing Swedish policies to be more difficult than they expected, even with the support of a sitting president. Their experiences demonstrate the possibility for policy diffusion from small states to the United States over a short period, as well as its risks and limitations.","PeriodicalId":40729,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN STUDIES IN SCANDINAVIA","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46130873","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-10-30DOI: 10.22439/ASCA.V50I2.5782
Elena Furlanetto
{"title":"Francesca de Lucia's Italian American Cultural Fictions: From Diaspora to Globalization. Transatlantic Aesthetics and Cultures Vol. 7.","authors":"Elena Furlanetto","doi":"10.22439/ASCA.V50I2.5782","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22439/ASCA.V50I2.5782","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":40729,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN STUDIES IN SCANDINAVIA","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41492586","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-01-30DOI: 10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5690
Rani-Henrik Andersson, S. Kekki, J. Turpeinen, J. Salminen
{"title":"Introduction: Whose North America? Identities, Agency, and Belonging","authors":"Rani-Henrik Andersson, S. Kekki, J. Turpeinen, J. Salminen","doi":"10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5690","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5690","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":40729,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN STUDIES IN SCANDINAVIA","volume":"50 1","pages":"5-8"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44232472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-01-30DOI: 10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5701
Oscar Winberg
{"title":"Nicole Hemmer's Messengers of the Right: Conservative Media and the Transformation of American Politics","authors":"Oscar Winberg","doi":"10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5701","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5701","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":40729,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN STUDIES IN SCANDINAVIA","volume":"50 1","pages":"171-174"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43758022","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-01-30DOI: 10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5703
Samira Saramo
{"title":"Maureen K. Lux' Separate Beds: A History of Indian Hospitals in Canada, 1920s–1980s","authors":"Samira Saramo","doi":"10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5703","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5703","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":40729,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN STUDIES IN SCANDINAVIA","volume":"50 1","pages":"176-178"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44959912","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-01-30DOI: 10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5692
A. Koivusalo
Reconstruction has been seen as the period of redeeming lost southern honor. I argue, however, that the Reconstruction struggle was not simply about restoring pre-war honor to defeated Southerners, for the Civil War had not terminated or subdued honor. Rather, its contents, the idea of what was honorable, underwent changes. These changes were observed and lamented by James Chesnut, Jr. (1815–1885), a politician from South Carolina. Honor can be seen both as a source of emotion guidelines and as a tool used for navigating between acceptable and unacceptable emotions. By expressing acceptable emotions, an individual could claim ownership to honor and attempt to achieve life goals. During Reconstruction, the role of honor and the importance of honor-related emotional expression intensified. Because of major changes in society, individual goals changed and the necessity of forceful alteration to the understanding of honor arose. It became transformed, borrowing from violence, racism, and a more acute fear of shame. Aiming to preserve white supremacy, many white Southerners readjusted their honor ideals and emotional expression. Nonetheless, some moderate individuals, like Chesnut, found it difficult to adopt these new ideals and thus all but lost their political power.
{"title":"Honor and Humiliation: James Chesnut and Violent Emotions in Reconstruction South Carolina","authors":"A. Koivusalo","doi":"10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5692","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5692","url":null,"abstract":"Reconstruction has been seen as the period of redeeming lost southern honor. I argue, however, that the Reconstruction struggle was not simply about restoring pre-war honor to defeated Southerners, for the Civil War had not terminated or subdued honor. Rather, its contents, the idea of what was honorable, underwent changes. These changes were observed and lamented by James Chesnut, Jr. (1815–1885), a politician from South Carolina. Honor can be seen both as a source of emotion guidelines and as a tool used for navigating between acceptable and unacceptable emotions. By expressing acceptable emotions, an individual could claim ownership to honor and attempt to achieve life goals. During Reconstruction, the role of honor and the importance of honor-related emotional expression intensified. Because of major changes in society, individual goals changed and the necessity of forceful alteration to the understanding of honor arose. It became transformed, borrowing from violence, racism, and a more acute fear of shame. Aiming to preserve white supremacy, many white Southerners readjusted their honor ideals and emotional expression. Nonetheless, some moderate individuals, like Chesnut, found it difficult to adopt these new ideals and thus all but lost their political power.","PeriodicalId":40729,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN STUDIES IN SCANDINAVIA","volume":"50 1","pages":"27-49"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45961604","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-01-30DOI: 10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5693
Jr Moore
In late 2015, debate among many US Republican presidential candidates focused on immigration policy, with one candidate who was hostile to America’s immigration policy, opining that the 14th Amendment’s definition of citizenship may be unconstitutional. This was the view of the GOP candidate who eventually won the Presidency. The question of citizenship, and the linked issue of rights, was contested in the early republic. Much of the quarrel revolved around the issue of slavery. At least three competing notions of citizenship and rights gained traction by the first half of the 19th century: one argued for citizenship and rights only for whites; another urged that “popular sovereignty” should determine rights and citizenship. A third insisted on an inclusive definition of citizenship. By 1868, the 14th Amendment underscored the latter view. But, as current affairs in America show, the bickering persists, often using arguments similar to those found in the early republic’s squabbles. This essay explores the debate among the viewpoints articulated during the first half of the 19th century and seeks to draw out counsel for our own time.
{"title":"Citizenship in the United States: A Historical Assessment of a Present-Day Contretemps","authors":"Jr Moore","doi":"10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5693","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5693","url":null,"abstract":"In late 2015, debate among many US Republican presidential candidates focused on immigration policy, with one candidate who was hostile to America’s immigration policy, opining that the 14th Amendment’s definition of citizenship may be unconstitutional. This was the view of the GOP candidate who eventually won the Presidency. The question of citizenship, and the linked issue of rights, was contested in the early republic. Much of the quarrel revolved around the issue of slavery. At least three competing notions of citizenship and rights gained traction by the first half of the 19th century: one argued for citizenship and rights only for whites; another urged that “popular sovereignty” should determine rights and citizenship. A third insisted on an inclusive definition of citizenship. By 1868, the 14th Amendment underscored the latter view. But, as current affairs in America show, the bickering persists, often using arguments similar to those found in the early republic’s squabbles. This essay explores the debate among the viewpoints articulated during the first half of the 19th century and seeks to draw out counsel for our own time.","PeriodicalId":40729,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN STUDIES IN SCANDINAVIA","volume":"50 1","pages":"51-61"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41435138","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-01-30DOI: 10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5695
Dominique Cadinot
In 2005, historian David R. Roediger published the now-classic Working Toward Whiteness: How America’s Immigrants Became White in which he recounts how immigrant minorities in the early 20th century secured their place in the “white race” in order to qualify as fully American and be treated with fairness and respect. Muslim immigrants from the Middle-East were no exception to the process described. However, becoming white was a particularly long and arduous journey which eventually led to the 1978 Office of Management Budget directive officially categorizing Middle-Eastern immigrants as white. But the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 sparked new alliances between the various ethnic groups that make up the US Muslim community: Arabs, African-Americans or South-East Asians from all walks of life have joined forces in resisting discrimination and bigotry. Thus, the question arises whether common cultural heritage or faith should be the main force shaping a new collective and visible identity. Also, such process entails a questioning of hierarchies based on socioeconomic status; compared to their African-American coreligionists, American citizens of Arab descent fare much better in terms of education and wealth. The main purpose of this paper is to evaluate the impact of 9/11 on the way Arab-American Muslims and their community leaders re-define the boundaries of their collective identity and how they forge bonds of solidarity with indigenous Muslims. It seeks to address two related questions: How do Arab-American Muslims relate to the black-white dualist model or racial binary? What role does class identification play in structuring social relations between Arab and African-American Muslims? While I do not negate the fact that in the US race continues to play a fundamental role in structuring social relations, I argue that it is important to pay close attention to how socioeconomic status may condition the formulation of a group identity.
2005年，历史学家大卫·r·罗迪格(David R. Roediger)出版了《向白人化努力:美国移民如何成为白人》(Working Toward Whiteness: How us’s Immigrants 's becoming White)一书，该书现在已成为经典。他在书中讲述了20世纪初的少数族裔移民如何在“白人种族”中获得一席之地，从而有资格成为完全的美国人，并受到公平和尊重。来自中东的穆斯林移民也不例外。然而，成为白人是一个特别漫长而艰辛的过程，最终导致1978年管理预算办公室的指令正式将中东移民归类为白人。但2001年9月11日的恐怖袭击引发了构成美国穆斯林社区的不同族群之间的新联盟:来自各行各业的阿拉伯人、非洲裔美国人或东南亚人联合起来，抵制歧视和偏见。因此，出现了一个问题，即共同的文化遗产或信仰是否应该成为形成新的集体和可见身份的主要力量。此外，这一过程需要对基于社会经济地位的等级制度提出质疑;与同为宗教信徒的非裔美国人相比，阿拉伯裔美国公民在教育和财富方面要好得多。本文的主要目的是评估9/11对阿拉伯裔美国穆斯林及其社区领袖重新定义其集体身份边界的方式的影响，以及他们如何与本土穆斯林建立团结的纽带。它试图解决两个相关的问题:阿拉伯裔美国穆斯林与黑人-白人二元模型或种族二元模型有什么关系?阶级认同在构建阿拉伯和非裔美国穆斯林之间的社会关系中扮演什么角色?虽然我不否认种族在构建社会关系中继续发挥着基本作用，但我认为，密切关注社会经济地位如何影响群体身份的形成是很重要的。
{"title":"Becoming Part of Mainstream America or Asserting a New Muslim-Americanness: How American Muslims Negotiate their Identity in a post 9/11 Environment","authors":"Dominique Cadinot","doi":"10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5695","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5695","url":null,"abstract":"In 2005, historian David R. Roediger published the now-classic Working Toward Whiteness: How America’s Immigrants Became White in which he recounts how immigrant minorities in the early 20th century secured their place in the “white race” in order to qualify as fully American and be treated with fairness and respect. Muslim immigrants from the Middle-East were no exception to the process described. However, becoming white was a particularly long and arduous journey which eventually led to the 1978 Office of Management Budget directive officially categorizing Middle-Eastern immigrants as white. But the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 sparked new alliances between the various ethnic groups that make up the US Muslim community: Arabs, African-Americans or South-East Asians from all walks of life have joined forces in resisting discrimination and bigotry. Thus, the question arises whether common cultural heritage or faith should be the main force shaping a new collective and visible identity. Also, such process entails a questioning of hierarchies based on socioeconomic status; compared to their African-American coreligionists, American citizens of Arab descent fare much better in terms of education and wealth. The main purpose of this paper is to evaluate the impact of 9/11 on the way Arab-American Muslims and their community leaders re-define the boundaries of their collective identity and how they forge bonds of solidarity with indigenous Muslims. It seeks to address two related questions: How do Arab-American Muslims relate to the black-white dualist model or racial binary? What role does class identification play in structuring social relations between Arab and African-American Muslims? While I do not negate the fact that in the US race continues to play a fundamental role in structuring social relations, I argue that it is important to pay close attention to how socioeconomic status may condition the formulation of a group identity.","PeriodicalId":40729,"journal":{"name":"AMERICAN STUDIES IN SCANDINAVIA","volume":"50 1","pages":"83-99"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45037341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-01-30DOI: 10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5697
Tina Parke-Sutherland
Ancient female-centered Native American myths reveal pre-colonial attitudes about gender, gender roles, and sexuality as well as about human persons’ essential relations with the non-human world. Girls and women in these stories variously function as creators, embodiments of the sacred, and culture-bringers. After settler colonialism, the subsistence contract embodied in these women-centered myths was broken. On Native lands, unparalleled ecological disaster followed. Since then, Native people and their lands have suffered. Women and girls have doubly suffered from the colonizing culture and its patriarchal institutions as well as from their own cultures’ adopted misogyny. But in the last few decades, Native girls and women have taken the lead in rejecting the false choice between prosperity and sustainability. Their ecofeminist activism has spread throughout Native America, perhaps most successfully in the Southwest with the Hopi and Navajo Black Mesa Water Coalition and in North Dakota with the Water Protectors encampment on the Standing Rock Reservation to block the Dakota Access Oil Pipeline. This essay details those two inspirational projects that, in the words of Pueblo poet Simon Ortiz, bear witness to “a spring wind / rising / from Sand Creek.”
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