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Yellow-Blue Collars: American Labor and the Pursuit of Swedish Policy, 1961-1963 黄蓝领:美国劳工与瑞典政策的追求,1961-1963
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-10-30 DOI: 10.22439/ASCA.V50I2.5777
Byron Z. Rom-Jensen
This article studies the Kennedy administration’s labor market policies as a case of lesson drawing during a transnational moment in the early 1960s. With the election of Kennedy, leaders in the labor movement rose to positions of policymaking influence, in the process reimagining the United States’ political and economic landscape. This spirit of reform led to the embrace of Sweden’s solidarity wage policy and Rehn-Meidner model as lessons on how to balance full employment, economic growth, and a powerful labor movement. However, Secretary of Labor Arthur Goldberg and Walter Reuther of the United Automobile Workers found implementing Swedish policies to be more difficult than they expected, even with the support of a sitting president. Their experiences demonstrate the possibility for policy diffusion from small states to the United States over a short period, as well as its risks and limitations.
本文以20世纪60年代初的跨国时刻为例,研究了肯尼迪政府的劳动力市场政策。随着肯尼迪的当选,劳工运动的领导人上升到了具有决策影响力的位置,在这个过程中重新构想了美国的政治和经济格局。这种改革精神使瑞典的团结工资政策和Rehn Meidner模式成为如何平衡充分就业、经济增长和强大劳工运动的教训。然而,劳工部长Arthur Goldberg和汽车工人联合会的Walter Reuther发现,即使有现任总统的支持,实施瑞典的政策也比他们预期的要困难。他们的经验表明,政策在短期内从小国扩散到美国的可能性,以及其风险和局限性。
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引用次数: 1
Francesca de Lucia's Italian American Cultural Fictions: From Diaspora to Globalization. Transatlantic Aesthetics and Cultures Vol. 7. 弗朗西斯卡·德·卢西亚的意大利裔美国人文化小说:从散居到全球化。跨大西洋美学和文化卷7。
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-10-30 DOI: 10.22439/ASCA.V50I2.5782
Elena Furlanetto
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引用次数: 0
Contributors 贡献者
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-10-30 DOI: 10.22439/asca.v50i2.5780
American Studies In Scandinavia
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Whose North America? Identities, Agency, and Belonging 介绍:谁的北美?身份、代理和归属
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-01-30 DOI: 10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5690
Rani-Henrik Andersson, S. Kekki, J. Turpeinen, J. Salminen
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引用次数: 0
Nicole Hemmer's Messengers of the Right: Conservative Media and the Transformation of American Politics 妮可·海默的《右翼信使:保守媒体与美国政治转型》
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-01-30 DOI: 10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5701
Oscar Winberg
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引用次数: 0
Honor and Humiliation: James Chesnut and Violent Emotions in Reconstruction South Carolina 荣誉与耻辱:詹姆斯·切斯纳特与南卡罗来纳州重建中的暴力情绪
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-01-30 DOI: 10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5692
A. Koivusalo
Reconstruction has been seen as the period of redeeming lost southern honor. I argue, however, that the Reconstruction struggle was not simply about restoring pre-war honor to defeated Southerners, for the Civil War had not terminated or subdued honor. Rather, its contents, the idea of what was honorable, underwent changes. These changes were observed and lamented by James Chesnut, Jr. (1815–1885), a politician from South Carolina. Honor can be seen both as a source of emotion guidelines and as a tool used for navigating between acceptable and unacceptable emotions. By expressing acceptable emotions, an individual could claim ownership to honor and attempt to achieve life goals. During Reconstruction, the role of honor and the importance of honor-related emotional expression intensified. Because of major changes in society, individual goals changed and the necessity of forceful alteration to the understanding of honor arose. It became transformed, borrowing from violence, racism, and a more acute fear of shame. Aiming to preserve white supremacy, many white Southerners readjusted their honor ideals and emotional expression. Nonetheless, some moderate individuals, like Chesnut, found it difficult to adopt these new ideals and thus all but lost their political power.
重建被视为弥补失去的南方荣誉的时期。然而,我认为,重建斗争不仅仅是为了恢复战败的南方人战前的荣誉,因为内战并没有终止或削弱荣誉。相反,它的内容,什么是光荣的观念,发生了变化。南卡罗来纳州的政治家小詹姆斯·切斯纳特(1815-1885)观察到并哀叹了这些变化。荣誉既可以被视为情绪指南的来源,也可以被视是在可接受和不可接受的情绪之间导航的工具。通过表达可接受的情绪,个人可以声称自己拥有荣誉,并试图实现人生目标。在重建过程中,荣誉的作用和荣誉相关情感表达的重要性得到了强化。由于社会的重大变化,个人的目标发生了变化,对荣誉的理解也产生了强有力的改变的必要性。它从暴力、种族主义和对羞耻的更加强烈的恐惧中汲取了力量,从而发生了转变。为了维护白人至上主义,许多南方白人重新调整了他们的荣誉理想和情感表达。尽管如此,一些温和派人士,如切斯纳特,发现很难接受这些新的理想,因此几乎失去了政治权力。
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引用次数: 0
Maureen K. Lux' Separate Beds: A History of Indian Hospitals in Canada, 1920s–1980s Maureen K. Lux的《分开的病床:20世纪20 - 80年代加拿大印度医院的历史》
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-01-30 DOI: 10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5703
Samira Saramo
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引用次数: 0
Citizenship in the United States: A Historical Assessment of a Present-Day Contretemps 《美国公民身份:对当今事件的历史评价》
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-01-30 DOI: 10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5693
Jr Moore
In late 2015, debate among many US Republican presidential candidates focused on immigration policy, with one candidate who was hostile to America’s immigration policy, opining that the 14th Amendment’s definition of citizenship may be unconstitutional. This was the view of the GOP candidate who eventually won the Presidency. The question of citizenship, and the linked issue of rights, was contested in the early republic. Much of the quarrel revolved around the issue of slavery. At least three competing notions of citizenship and rights gained traction by the first half of the 19th century: one argued for citizenship and rights only for whites; another urged that “popular sovereignty” should determine rights and citizenship. A third insisted on an inclusive definition of citizenship. By 1868, the 14th Amendment underscored the latter view. But, as current affairs in America show, the bickering persists, often using arguments similar to those found in the early republic’s squabbles. This essay explores the debate among the viewpoints articulated during the first half of the 19th century and seeks to draw out counsel for our own time.
2015年末,许多美国共和党总统候选人的辩论集中在移民政策上,其中一位候选人对美国的移民政策持敌对态度,认为第十四修正案对公民身份的定义可能违宪。这是最终赢得总统大选的共和党候选人的观点。公民身份问题和相关的权利问题在共和国早期就存在争议。大部分争论都围绕着奴隶制问题展开。到19世纪上半叶,至少有三种相互竞争的公民身份和权利观念得到了支持:一种主张只为白人提供公民身份和权力;另一位敦促“民众主权”应该决定权利和公民身份。三分之一的人坚持对公民身份有一个包容性的定义。到1868年,第十四修正案强调了后一种观点。但是,正如美国时事所表明的那样,争吵仍在继续,经常使用与早期共和国争吵中类似的论点。本文探讨了19世纪上半叶各种观点之间的争论,并试图为我们自己的时代提出建议。
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引用次数: 0
Becoming Part of Mainstream America or Asserting a New Muslim-Americanness: How American Muslims Negotiate their Identity in a post 9/11 Environment 成为美国主流的一部分或主张一种新的穆斯林美国人:美国穆斯林如何在后9/11环境中协商他们的身份
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-01-30 DOI: 10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5695
Dominique Cadinot
In 2005, historian David R. Roediger published the now-classic Working Toward Whiteness: How America’s Immigrants Became White in which he recounts how immigrant minorities in the early 20th century secured their place in the “white race” in order to qualify as fully American and be treated with fairness and respect. Muslim immigrants from the Middle-East were no exception to the process described. However, becoming white was a particularly long and arduous journey which eventually led to the 1978 Office of Management Budget directive officially categorizing Middle-Eastern immigrants as white. But the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 sparked new alliances between the various ethnic groups that make up the US Muslim community: Arabs, African-Americans or South-East Asians from all walks of life have joined forces in resisting discrimination and bigotry. Thus, the question arises whether common cultural heritage or faith should be the main force shaping a new collective and visible identity. Also, such process entails a questioning of hierarchies based on socioeconomic status; compared to their African-American coreligionists, American citizens of Arab descent fare much better in terms of education and wealth. The main purpose of this paper is to evaluate the impact of 9/11 on the way Arab-American Muslims and their community leaders re-define the boundaries of their collective identity and how they forge bonds of solidarity with indigenous Muslims. It seeks to address two related questions: How do Arab-American Muslims relate to the black-white dualist model or racial binary? What role does class identification play in structuring social relations between Arab and African-American Muslims? While I do not negate the fact that in the US race continues to play a fundamental role in structuring social relations, I argue that it is important to pay close attention to how socioeconomic status may condition the formulation of a group identity.
2005年,历史学家大卫·r·罗迪格(David R. Roediger)出版了《向白人化努力:美国移民如何成为白人》(Working Toward Whiteness: How us’s Immigrants 's becoming White)一书,该书现在已成为经典。他在书中讲述了20世纪初的少数族裔移民如何在“白人种族”中获得一席之地,从而有资格成为完全的美国人,并受到公平和尊重。来自中东的穆斯林移民也不例外。然而,成为白人是一个特别漫长而艰辛的过程,最终导致1978年管理预算办公室的指令正式将中东移民归类为白人。但2001年9月11日的恐怖袭击引发了构成美国穆斯林社区的不同族群之间的新联盟:来自各行各业的阿拉伯人、非洲裔美国人或东南亚人联合起来,抵制歧视和偏见。因此,出现了一个问题,即共同的文化遗产或信仰是否应该成为形成新的集体和可见身份的主要力量。此外,这一过程需要对基于社会经济地位的等级制度提出质疑;与同为宗教信徒的非裔美国人相比,阿拉伯裔美国公民在教育和财富方面要好得多。本文的主要目的是评估9/11对阿拉伯裔美国穆斯林及其社区领袖重新定义其集体身份边界的方式的影响,以及他们如何与本土穆斯林建立团结的纽带。它试图解决两个相关的问题:阿拉伯裔美国穆斯林与黑人-白人二元模型或种族二元模型有什么关系?阶级认同在构建阿拉伯和非裔美国穆斯林之间的社会关系中扮演什么角色?虽然我不否认种族在构建社会关系中继续发挥着基本作用,但我认为,密切关注社会经济地位如何影响群体身份的形成是很重要的。
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引用次数: 0
Ecofeminist Activism and the Greening of Native America 生态女权主义与美洲原住民的绿化
IF 0.1 4区 社会学 Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-01-30 DOI: 10.22439/ASCA.V50I1.5697
Tina Parke-Sutherland
Ancient female-centered Native American myths reveal pre-colonial attitudes about gender, gender roles, and sexuality as well as about human persons’ essential relations with the non-human world. Girls and women in these stories variously function as creators, embodiments of the sacred, and culture-bringers. After settler colonialism, the subsistence contract embodied in these women-centered myths was broken. On Native lands, unparalleled ecological disaster followed. Since then, Native people and their lands have suffered. Women and girls have doubly suffered from the colonizing culture and its patriarchal institutions as well as from their own cultures’ adopted misogyny. But in the last few decades, Native girls and women have taken the lead in rejecting the false choice between prosperity and sustainability. Their ecofeminist activism has spread throughout Native America, perhaps most successfully in the Southwest with the Hopi and Navajo Black Mesa Water Coalition and in North Dakota with the Water Protectors encampment on the Standing Rock Reservation to block the Dakota Access Oil Pipeline. This essay details those two inspirational projects that, in the words of Pueblo poet Simon Ortiz, bear witness to “a spring wind / rising / from Sand Creek.”
古代以女性为中心的美洲原住民神话揭示了前殖民时期对性别、性别角色和性行为的态度,以及人类与非人类世界的本质关系。在这些故事中,女孩和妇女扮演着创造者、神圣的化身和文化带来者的不同角色。在殖民主义之后,这些以女性为中心的神话所体现的生存契约被打破了。在原住民的土地上,空前的生态灾难接踵而至。从那以后,土著人民和他们的土地遭受了苦难。妇女和女孩受到殖民文化及其父权制度以及她们自己文化中所接受的厌女症的双重折磨。但在过去的几十年里,当地的女孩和妇女已经带头拒绝在繁荣和可持续发展之间做出错误的选择。他们的生态女权主义行动已经传遍了整个美洲原住民,最成功的可能是在西南部的霍皮人和纳瓦霍人的黑梅萨水联盟,以及在北达科他州的立岩保留地的水保护者营地,他们阻止了达科他石油管道。这篇文章详细介绍了这两个鼓舞人心的项目,用普韦布洛诗人西蒙·奥尔蒂斯的话来说,见证了“春风/从沙溪升起/”。
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引用次数: 4
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AMERICAN STUDIES IN SCANDINAVIA
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