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A Royal Letter, in Arabic, by Sultan ʿAẓīm al-Dīn I of Sulu (1747) 阿拉伯语的皇家信函,苏禄的苏丹阿卜杜拉Aẓīm al- d - n一世(1747年)
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-04-15 DOI: 10.1163/1878464X-01001002
Isaac Donoso, Mourad Kacimi
This article presents an analysis of the only known official Arabic document from the Sultanate of Sulu (Philippine Archipelago), a royal response by Sultan ʿAẓīm al-Dīn I (Alimudín) to the Spanish King Philip V, dated September 12, 1747. Among the consequences of this correspondence was a sojourn to Manila and the conversion of the sultan to Christianity. An edition of the Arabic text is herewith supplied, together with an edition with variant readings of the historical Spanish translation and, finally, a modern English translation of the original Arabic text.
本文分析了苏禄(菲律宾群岛)苏丹国(Sultanate of Sulu)唯一已知的官方阿拉伯语文件,该文件是1747年9月12日由苏丹(Sultan al- Aẓīm al- d n I, Alimudín)写给西班牙国王菲利普五世的皇家回复。这种通信的后果之一是在马尼拉逗留和皈依基督教的苏丹。现提供阿拉伯文本的一个版本,连同历史上西班牙文译本的不同读本,最后是阿拉伯文本的现代英文译本。
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引用次数: 0
A Mamluk Qurʾānic Ǧuzʾ and Its Connection with Amīr ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Ǧazāʾirī 《马穆鲁克古兰经》及其与阿穆德·阿卜杜勒·贾扎吉尔的关系
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-04-15 DOI: 10.1163/1878464X-01001003
Carine Juvin
This article presents a Mamluk Qurʾān ǧuzʾ copied in Cairo in the late 14th century, newly acquired by the Musée du Louvre. It is an interesting example of manuscript production in this period and well contextualized thanks to its informative colophon. It can be linked with other volumes of the same Qurʾān now in Cairo and Brussels. This manuscript was acquired together with some documents (two letters, a note and a watercolour) revealing information about its circulation in the 19th century and connecting it with the amīr ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Ǧazāʾirī and the French orientalist Léon Roches.
这篇文章介绍了一本14世纪晚期在开罗抄写的马穆鲁克古兰经ān ǧuz,最近被卢浮宫博物馆获得。这是一个有趣的例子,手稿生产在这一时期和良好的背景下,由于其信息丰富的colophon。它可以与现在在开罗和布鲁塞尔的《古兰经》的其他卷ān联系起来。这份手稿与一些文件(两封信、一份笔记和一幅水彩画)一起被获得,揭示了它在19世纪的流通情况,并将它与amurr al- Abd al-Qādir al- -Ǧazā - al- ir -和法国东方学家lsamonroches联系起来。
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引用次数: 0
The Changing Fates of the Cambodian Islamic Manuscript Tradition 柬埔寨伊斯兰手抄本传统的命运变迁
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-04-15 DOI: 10.1163/1878464X-01001001
P. Bruckmayr
Predominantly Buddhist Cambodia is home to a distinctive Islamic manuscript tradition, introduced into the country by Cham settlers from Champa in present-day Vietnam, and further developed in the Khmer kingdom. Commonly written in Cham script (akhar srak) or in a combination of the latter and Arabic, it has largely fallen into disuse among the majority of Cambodian Muslims since the mid-19th century, as the community increasingly turned towards Islamic scholarship and printed books in jawi (i.e. Arabic-script-based) Malay. Among the side effects of this development was the adoption of jawi also for the Cham language, which has, however, only been employed in a modest number of manuscripts. A minority of akhar srak users and discontents of growing Malay religious and cultural influence, based mainly in central and northwestern Cambodia, have, however, kept the local Islamic manuscript tradition alive. Recognized by the Cambodian state as a distinct Islamic religious community in 1998, this group now known as the Islamic Community of Imam San, has made the physical preservation of, and engagement with, their manuscripts a central pillar of identity and community formation. The present article provides insight into the changing fates of the Islamic manuscript tradition in Cambodia as well as an overview of content, distribution and usage of Islamic manuscripts in the country.
以佛教为主的柬埔寨是独特的伊斯兰手稿传统的发源地,由占婆(占婆位于今天的越南)的占婆定居者引入该国,并在高棉王国进一步发展。它通常用占族文字(akhar srak)或后者与阿拉伯语的结合书写,自19世纪中叶以来,随着柬埔寨社区越来越多地转向伊斯兰学术和以爪哇语(即以阿拉伯语为基础的)马来语印刷的书籍,它在大多数柬埔寨穆斯林中基本上已经被废弃了。这一发展的副作用之一是,占族语言也采用了爪哇语,然而,只有少数手稿使用了爪哇语。然而,主要居住在柬埔寨中部和西北部的少数阿卡拉克使用者,以及对日益增长的马来宗教和文化影响的不满,使当地的伊斯兰手稿传统得以延续。1998年,柬埔寨政府承认这个团体是一个独特的伊斯兰宗教团体,现在这个团体被称为伊玛目伊斯兰社区,他们把对手稿的实物保存和参与作为身份和社区形成的核心支柱。本文提供了深入了解柬埔寨伊斯兰手稿传统的变化命运,以及对该国伊斯兰手稿的内容,分布和使用的概述。
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引用次数: 0
Teuku Panglima Polem’s Purse Teuku Panglima Polem钱包
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-04-15 DOI: 10.1163/1878464X-01001006
J. J. Witkam
The Dutch colonial wars in Southeast Asia had manuscripts as by-products. The subject of the present article is the content of the purse of Teuku Panglima Polem (d. 1940), an Acehnese leader during the final episode of the colonial war that the Dutch waged in Aceh, a staunch Muslim country in the Northern part of Sumatra. The captured purse was part of war booty in 1899. It contained a number of short Islamic texts, written in anyone of the three languages that at the time were in current use in Aceh: Acehnese, Malay and Arabic. It is, in fact, a small portable library. A full description of the purse’s contents is given and an attempt is made to offer an analysis of the texts that Panglima Polem carried on his person. Such documents were often considered as subversive by the colonial authorities. In an appendix, the author identifies a considerable number Islamic manuscripts in the Leiden collection with similar provenances.
荷兰在东南亚的殖民战争的副产品就是手稿。本文的主题是Teuku Panglima Polem(生于1940年)钱包中的内容,Teuku Panglima Polem是荷兰在苏门答腊岛北部一个坚定的穆斯林国家亚齐发动的殖民战争的最后一段时期的亚齐领导人。缴获的钱包是1899年战争战利品的一部分。它载有一些简短的伊斯兰文本,用亚齐当时使用的三种语言中的任何一种书写:亚齐语、马来语和阿拉伯语。事实上,它是一个小型的便携式图书馆。对钱袋里的东西作了全面的描述,并试图对Panglima Polem随身携带的文字进行分析。这些文件往往被殖民当局视为具有颠覆性。在附录中,作者指出莱顿收藏的相当数量的伊斯兰手稿出处相似。
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引用次数: 0
Arabic Manuscripts from Buton, Southeast Sulawesi, and the Literary Activities of Sultan Muḥammad ʿAydarūs (1824–1851) 苏拉威西岛东南部布顿的阿拉伯手稿与穆苏丹的文学活动ḥ艾达尔斯(1824-1851)
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-04-15 DOI: 10.1163/1878464X-01001005
A. Peacock
This article examines the Arabic manuscripts of Buton Island, Southeast Sulawesi, Indonesia, focussing on the Abdul Mulku Zahari collection. In particular, it studies manuscripts of texts composed by the ruler of Buton, Sultan Muḥammad ʿAydarūs (r. 1824–1851) who wrote a large number of Sufi works in both Arabic and Wolio, the literary language of the Butonese court. The manuscripts attest not only the religious and intellectual culture of the court, but also Buton’s connections with the wider Islamic world including the Hijaz and its reformist Sufi movements. The article also situates Muḥammad ʿAydarūs’s Arabic works in the broader context of Butonese history and textual production.
本文研究了印度尼西亚苏拉威西岛东南部布顿岛的阿拉伯语手稿,重点是阿卜杜勒·穆尔库·扎哈里的收藏。特别是,它研究了布顿统治者苏丹Muḥammad - Aydarūs(1824-1851年)撰写的文本手稿,他用阿拉伯语和乌里奥语(布顿宫廷的文学语言)撰写了大量苏菲派作品。这些手稿不仅证明了宫廷的宗教和知识文化,而且还证明了布顿与更广泛的伊斯兰世界的联系,包括汉志及其改革派苏菲运动。这篇文章还将Muḥammad - Aydarūs的阿拉伯语作品置于更广阔的波斯历史和文本生产的背景下。
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引用次数: 1
Mamlūk Poetry, Ottoman Readers, and an Enlightenment Collector Mamlūk诗歌,奥斯曼读者,和启蒙收藏家
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-10-25 DOI: 10.1163/1878464X-00902011
James White
One kind of reader’s note that has received minimal attention in scholarship to date is the poem. This article suggests that the verses added by readers to manuscripts can reveal information concerning the social and intellectual history of reading communities, the history of collecting, and the reception of literary works. I examine an appendix of unattributed poems that were added by a group of readers to a holograph copy of Ibn Sūdūn al-Bashbughāwī’s (d. 868/1464) Nuzha (Bodleian Library MS. Sale 13), most probably in northern Syria in the seventeenth century. I identify the poems and their authors, study their manipulation in the Sale manuscript, and offer some initial conclusions as to what they can tell us about the social and intellectual contexts in which MS. Sale 13 was stored before it came to England.
迄今为止,这首诗是学术界关注度最低的一种读者笔记。本文认为,读者在手稿中添加的诗句可以揭示阅读群体的社会和知识史、收藏史以及文学作品的接受等信息。我查看了一群读者添加到Ibn Súdún al-Bashbughāwī(公元868/1464年)Nuzha(Bodleian Library MS Sale 13)全息图副本中的未经致敬的诗歌附录,很可能是17世纪在叙利亚北部。我确定了这些诗歌及其作者的身份,研究了他们在Sale手稿中的操作,并提供了一些初步结论,说明他们可以告诉我们关于Sale 13号女士在英国之前存放的社会和知识背景。
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引用次数: 1
The Reconstruction of the Circulation of Muḥammad al-Hindī’s Ǧumal al-falsafa Using Manuscript Notes 穆流通的重建ḥammad al-Hindī的Ǧumal al-falsafa使用手稿注释
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-10-25 DOI: 10.1163/1878464X-00902004
J. Jabbour
Muḥammad al-Hindī’s Ǧumal al-falsafa is a philosophical summa from the 12th century CE. The text is preserved in two manuscripts: an autograph (Esad Efendi 1918) and a copy thereof. Various notes and annotations pervade MS Esad Efendi 1918’s fly-leaves and title-page. An examination of these, to date, understudied elements provides us with the only information that links this author to Yemen. It also reveals the steps taken on its journey, from 12th-century Yemen to Mamluk Egypt and Syria, and eventually Safavid Iran and Ottoman Istanbul.
Muḥammad al-Hindī的Ǧumal al-falsafa是公元12世纪的哲学总结。该文本保存在两份手稿中:一份亲笔签名(Esad Efendi 1918)和一份副本。Esad Efendi女士1918年的扉页和扉页上充斥着各种注释和注释。对这些迄今为止研究不足的元素的研究为我们提供了将本作者与也门联系起来的唯一信息。它还揭示了其旅程中所采取的步骤,从12世纪的也门到马穆鲁克埃及和叙利亚,最终到萨非王朝的伊朗和奥斯曼帝国的伊斯坦布尔。
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引用次数: 0
Preface 前言
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-10-25 DOI: 10.1163/1878464x-00902001
Boris Liebrenz
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引用次数: 0
Scattered Manuscripts 零散手稿
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-10-25 DOI: 10.1163/1878464x-00902005
Akram Khabibullaev
This article examines notes left by readers, endowers, owners, or borrowers of manuscripts on their fly-leaves, title pages, colophons, etc. The notes under review were found on pages of different manuscripts belonging to the medieval library associated with the name of shaykh Khwājah Muḥammad Pārsā (d. 822/1420). The findings add to our knowledge of the intellectual history of medieval Bukhārā. They also shed some light on the history of Muḥammad Pārsā’s library and its physical location.
本文研究了手稿的读者、赠与人、所有者或借款人在其扉页、扉页、colophons等上留下的笔记。审查中的笔记是在中世纪图书馆的不同手稿页面上发现的,这些手稿与shaykh Khwājah Mu的名字有关ḥammad Pārsā(公元822/1420年)。这些发现增加了我们对中世纪Bukhārā知识史的了解。他们也揭示了穆的历史ḥammad Pārsā的图书馆及其物理位置。
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引用次数: 0
Creating a Cultural Repertoire Based on Texts 创造以文本为基础的文化剧目
IF 0.2 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-10-25 DOI: 10.1163/1878464X-00902003
C. Bahl
The early modern South Asian sultanate of Bijapur (9/15 th–11/17 th c.) represented a rich centre for the transmission of manuscripts by both the court and local Sufi communities. Thus far, Richard Eaton has mainly concentrated on prosopographical sources to write a social history of the Sufis of Bijapur. However, Arabic manuscripts as they survive in the Royal Library of Bijapur can provide a documentary perspective that testifies to the Deccan’s transregional connections with the wider Western Indian Ocean and the cultural practices transacted by Sufis in Bijapur. In this article, I focus on Sayyid Zayn ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Muqaybil’s (d. 1130/1718) manuscripts, transcribed during his travels from Yemen to Bijapur during the second half of the 17th century. I study the paratextual profile of these manuscripts to advance an argument on modalities of manuscript transmission through the transregional scholarly and Sufi networks of Bijapur. Thus, this study will exemplify the socio-cultural significance of manuscript circulation in the context of the early modern Deccan.
比贾布尔的早期现代南亚苏丹国(公元前9/15–11/17)是宫廷和当地苏菲社区传播手稿的丰富中心。到目前为止,Richard Eaton主要集中在亲社会学的来源上,写了一部比贾布尔苏菲派的社会史。然而,保存在比贾布尔皇家图书馆的阿拉伯手稿可以提供一个文献视角,证明德干人与更广阔的西印度洋的跨地区联系,以及苏菲派在比贾普尔的文化实践。在这篇文章中,我重点关注Sayyid ZaynʿAbdallāh ibn al-Muqaybil(d.1130/1718)的手稿,这些手稿是他在17世纪下半叶从也门到比贾布尔的旅行中转录的。我研究了这些手稿的副文本概况,以提出关于通过比贾布尔跨地区学术和苏菲网络传播手稿的方式的论点。因此,本研究将在现代德干早期的背景下,举例说明手稿流通的社会文化意义。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Journal of Islamic Manuscripts
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