En las primeras ediciones y estudios consagrados a los Cynegetica de pseudo-Opiano se argumentaba que el poema estaba incompleto; esta opinión se basaba principalmente en la promesa incumplida de III 404-6 y en la falta de un epílogo. Dando por válidas esas razones, el presente artículo estudia, en primer lugar, el contenido de los libros II y III, en los cuales se observan numerosos indicios de que el poeta conocía muchos más datos sobre la caza que los expuestos en el libro IV. En segundo lugar, estas páginas prestan atención al marcado contraste que se aprecia entre el esmerado proemio del libro IV y su abrupto final. Ambos aspectos, que anteriormente no habían sido apenas tenidos en cuenta, permiten completar la argumentación a favor del estado inacabado de los Cynegetica. From the first editions and studies about the Cynegetica of pseudo-Oppian it has been argued that the poem was incomplete; it was based on the broken promise of III 404-6 and on the lack of an epilogue. Considering these reasons as valid, this article first studies the content of the books II and III, in which it is possible to find many indications that the author knew much more about the theme of the book IV (the description of hunting) than he revealed. Next, we pay attention to the contrast between the careful proem of the book IV and its abrupt ending. Both aspects that have been scarcely considered before enable to show the shortcoming of the book IV.
{"title":"Los Cynegetica de pseudo-Opiano, ¿poema incompleto?","authors":"Sebastián Martínez García","doi":"10.6018/myrtia.441281","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6018/myrtia.441281","url":null,"abstract":"En las primeras ediciones y estudios consagrados a los Cynegetica de pseudo-Opiano se argumentaba que el poema estaba incompleto; esta opinión se basaba principalmente en la promesa incumplida de III 404-6 y en la falta de un epílogo. Dando por válidas esas razones, el presente artículo estudia, en primer lugar, el contenido de los libros II y III, en los cuales se observan numerosos indicios de que el poeta conocía muchos más datos sobre la caza que los expuestos en el libro IV. En segundo lugar, estas páginas prestan atención al marcado contraste que se aprecia entre el esmerado proemio del libro IV y su abrupto final. Ambos aspectos, que anteriormente no habían sido apenas tenidos en cuenta, permiten completar la argumentación a favor del estado inacabado de los Cynegetica.\u0000 From the first editions and studies about the Cynegetica of pseudo-Oppian it has been argued that the poem was incomplete; it was based on the broken promise of III 404-6 and on the lack of an epilogue. Considering these reasons as valid, this article first studies the content of the books II and III, in which it is possible to find many indications that the author knew much more about the theme of the book IV (the description of hunting) than he revealed. Next, we pay attention to the contrast between the careful proem of the book IV and its abrupt ending. Both aspects that have been scarcely considered before enable to show the shortcoming of the book IV.","PeriodicalId":41220,"journal":{"name":"Myrtia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47469373","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
En el corpus filostrateo se reitera el mito troyano del héroe Memnón con variantes y reformulaciones en diferentes obras: Imágenes, Vida de Apolonio de Tiana y Heroico. La inclusión de relatos míticos ha sido considerada, frecuentemente, como un recurso repetitivo heredero de formas escolares y del gusto arcaizante y libresco de los pepaideuménoi. Este artículo propone un análisis trasversal de las referencias a Memnón en el corpus para demostrar cómo las variaciones al relato mítico son re-escrituras funcionales a una sophía helénica según el programa narrativo del sofista en cada obra. The Trojan myth of the hero Memnon is reiterated with variants and reformulations in different works of the Philostratean corpus: Images, Life of Apollonius of Tyana and Heroicus. The inclusion of mythical narrative has been often considered as a repetitive resource inheriting school forms and the archaic and bookish taste of the pepaideumenoi. This article proposes a transversal analysis of alluding to Memnon in the corpus to demonstrate that the variations of the mythical story are functional rewritings of a Hellenic sophia according to the sophist's narrative program in each work.
在语料库philostrateo中，特洛伊神话的英雄曼农被重申，并在不同的作品中进行了变体和重新表述:意象、提阿娜的阿波罗尼厄斯的生活和英雄。神话故事的包含通常被认为是一种重复的资源，继承了学校形式和pepaideumenoi古老的文学品味。本文对语料库中对曼农的引用进行了交叉分析，以证明神话故事的变化是如何根据诡辩家在每一部作品中的叙事程序对希腊诡辩家进行功能性重写的。门农The Trojan springs of The hero is产生with variants and reformulations in lending works of The Philostratean保护权:Images, Life of Apollonius of Tyana and Heroicus。一直往往牢房as The融入社会》mythical narrative repetitive resource inheriting school forms and The archaic and bookish pepaideumenoi的味道。这条政见对门农的横向analysis of alluding in the语料库to证明variations of the mythical story are functional rewritings of a希腊sophia to the sophist s narrative program in每work。
{"title":"El mito troyano de Memnón y el coloso que canta: variantes del relato en Filóstrato","authors":"Ivana Selene Chialva","doi":"10.6018/myrtia.500161","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6018/myrtia.500161","url":null,"abstract":"En el corpus filostrateo se reitera el mito troyano del héroe Memnón con variantes y reformulaciones en diferentes obras: Imágenes, Vida de Apolonio de Tiana y Heroico. La inclusión de relatos míticos ha sido considerada, frecuentemente, como un recurso repetitivo heredero de formas escolares y del gusto arcaizante y libresco de los pepaideuménoi. Este artículo propone un análisis trasversal de las referencias a Memnón en el corpus para demostrar cómo las variaciones al relato mítico son re-escrituras funcionales a una sophía helénica según el programa narrativo del sofista en cada obra.\u0000 The Trojan myth of the hero Memnon is reiterated with variants and reformulations in different works of the Philostratean corpus: Images, Life of Apollonius of Tyana and Heroicus. The inclusion of mythical narrative has been often considered as a repetitive resource inheriting school forms and the archaic and bookish taste of the pepaideumenoi. This article proposes a transversal analysis of alluding to Memnon in the corpus to demonstrate that the variations of the mythical story are functional rewritings of a Hellenic sophia according to the sophist's narrative program in each work.","PeriodicalId":41220,"journal":{"name":"Myrtia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42921961","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The first part of the article offers a metapoetic interpretation of Herondas’ Mimiamb 3, suggesting that the Hellenistic poet describes Cottalos and his passion for dice with allusion to Alexander Aetolus that wrote Astragalistai. In the second part, starting from some touch points between Mimiamb 3 and Calliamchus’ Iambus 2 (in particular the presence of three mysterious characters with similar names), the author gives some evidence for the identification of that characters with three poets who lived at that time and had undoubted contacts both with Alexander Aetolus and Callimachus: they are Antagoras of Rhodes, Philicus of Corcyra and Timon of Phlius. L’articolo offre nella prima parte un’interpretazione metapoetica del Mimiambo 3 di Eronda, suggerendo che il poeta ellenistico descriva Cottalo e la sua passione per i dadi con allusione ad Alessandro Etolo che scrisse gli Astragalistai. Nella seconda parte, prendendo le mosse da alcuni punti in comune tra il Mimiambo 3 ed il Giambo 2 di Callimaco (in particolare la presenza di tre misteriosi personaggi con nomi simili), vengono fornite alcune prove per l’identificazione di tali personaggi con tre poeti che vissero in quel periodo ed ebbero sicuri contatti sia con Alessandro Etolo che con Callimaco: si tratta di Antagora di Rodi, Filisco di Corcira e Timone di Fliunte.
文章的第一部分对希龙达的《米米安姆3》进行了元诗学解读，认为希龙达在描述科塔洛斯和他对骰子的热情时，暗指了写《阿斯特拉斯》的亚历山大·埃托洛斯。在第二部分，作者从《米米安布3》和卡利亚姆库斯的《米米安布2》之间的一些接触点(特别是三个名字相似的神秘人物的出现)出发，给出了一些证据，证明这些人物与当时生活的三位诗人有联系，他们无疑与亚历山大·埃托洛斯和卡利马库斯都有联系:罗德岛的安塔戈拉斯，科基拉岛的菲利卡斯和菲利乌斯的提门。L 'articolo offre nella prima parte un 'interpretazione metapoetica del Mimiambo 3 di Eronda，建议将poeta ellenistica描述为cotalo，将sua passione描述为cotalo和Alessandro Etolo chrisse gli Astragalistai。所以Nella自组成部分,prendendo mosse da alcuni punti只有交易il Mimiambo 3 ed il 2 Giambo di Callimaco (particolare la presenza di混乱关系misteriosi personaggi con无关冲沙),vengono fornite alcune证明/ l 'identificazione di斜面personaggi反对混乱关系poeti格瓦拉vissero嘧啶醇periodo ed ebbero sicuri contatti新航con Alessandro Etolo格瓦拉con Callimaco: si tratta di Antagora di Rodi Filisco di Corcira e Timone di Fliunte。
{"title":"Tre personaggi in cerca di autore: il Mimiambo 3 di Eronda e la critica letteraria nel Giambo 2 di Callimaco","authors":"Nicola Piacenza","doi":"10.6018/myrtia.500101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6018/myrtia.500101","url":null,"abstract":"The first part of the article offers a metapoetic interpretation of Herondas’ Mimiamb 3, suggesting that the Hellenistic poet describes Cottalos and his passion for dice with allusion to Alexander Aetolus that wrote Astragalistai. In the second part, starting from some touch points between Mimiamb 3 and Calliamchus’ Iambus 2 (in particular the presence of three mysterious characters with similar names), the author gives some evidence for the identification of that characters with three poets who lived at that time and had undoubted contacts both with Alexander Aetolus and Callimachus: they are Antagoras of Rhodes, Philicus of Corcyra and Timon of Phlius. L’articolo offre nella prima parte un’interpretazione metapoetica del Mimiambo 3 di Eronda, suggerendo che il poeta ellenistico descriva Cottalo e la sua passione per i dadi con allusione ad Alessandro Etolo che scrisse gli Astragalistai. Nella seconda parte, prendendo le mosse da alcuni punti in comune tra il Mimiambo 3 ed il Giambo 2 di Callimaco (in particolare la presenza di tre misteriosi personaggi con nomi simili), vengono fornite alcune prove per l’identificazione di tali personaggi con tre poeti che vissero in quel periodo ed ebbero sicuri contatti sia con Alessandro Etolo che con Callimaco: si tratta di Antagora di Rodi, Filisco di Corcira e Timone di Fliunte.","PeriodicalId":41220,"journal":{"name":"Myrtia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45048410","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Analizo el texto y la colometría de los mss. Laurentianus plut. 32,2 (L) y Laurentianus conv. soppr. 172 + Palatinus gr. 287 (P) para el canto de entrada del coro de Heracles. Muchos lugares han sido discutidos y corregidos por un autorizado grupo de filólogos. Los discutiré nuevamente, proponiendo una defensa del texto antiguo y la colometría donde creo haber encontrado argumentos adecuados. Las ediciones modernas modifican la colometría en varios lugares, anulando la mezcla de cola yámbicos y trocaicos, que en cambio tiene su propia ratio. La presencia de los ἴαμβοι podría remontarse al género ialemos, una forma de lamento fúnebre, y la mezcla con los τροχαῖοι es típica del estilo de Eurípides, cuando quiere insistir en un tono sombrío y lúgubre. Cuando la atención de los ancianos de sí mismos se desplaza a los niños de Heracles, la versificación se vuelve en hypodochmi y τροχαῖοι como resultado de un tono más trepidante. This work analyzes text and colometry of mss. Laurentianus plut. 32,2 (L) and Laurentianus conv. soppr. 172 + Palatinus gr. 287 (P) for the chorus’ entrance song of Heracles. Many places have been discussed and corrected by an authoritative group of philologists. I will re-discuss them, proposing a defense of the ancient text and colometry, where I believe I have found suitable arguments. The modern editions modify the colometry in several places, cancelling the mixture of iambic and trochaic cola, which instead has its own ratio. The presence of ἴαμβοι could be traced back to ialemos genus, a form of funeral lament, and the mixture with τροχαῖοι is typical of Euripide’s style, when he wants to insist on a sombre and mournful tone. When the attention of the elderly people from themselves shifts to Heracles’ children, the versification turns into hypodochmi and τροχαῖοι as a result of a more trepidating tone.
我分析mss的文本和颜色。Laurentianus plut。32.2 (L)和劳伦提努斯172 + Palatinus gr. 287 (P)为赫拉克勒斯合唱团的入口歌唱。许多地点已经被一群权威的语言学家讨论和修正。我将再次讨论它们，为古代文本和颜色法提出辩护，我相信我已经找到了合适的论点。现代版本在几个地方修改了颜色，消除了杂色和杂色的混合，相反，它有自己的比例。存在ἴαμβοι可以追溯到性别ialemos葬礼,一种很抱歉,和混合τροχαῖοι欧里庇得斯的典型风格,当他想住在阴暗的色调和沉闷。当老年人的护理儿童自己也正在Heracles,押韵变得hypodochmi和τροχαῖοι由于自然更速射。= =地理= =根据美国人口普查，这个县的总面积是，其中土地和(3.064平方公里)水。Laurentianus plut。32.2 (L)和劳伦提努斯。= =地理= =根据美国人口普查，该镇的土地面积为。而许多地方的corrected by an authoritative group of philologists。我将重新讨论它们，为古代文本和颜色辩护，我相信我已经找到了合适的论点。The modern editions modify The colometry若干iambic and places, cancelling The mixture的trochaic队列,which instead has its own比例。在场ἴαμβοι还将教育战略,back to ialemos genus葬礼,form of lament, and The mixture withτροχαῖοιis typical of Euripide’s style,当我希望to insist on a sombre and mournful音调。When the注意of the elderly people from为shifts to the children Heracles‘versification转动到hypodochmiτροχαῖοι因此of a more trepidating音调。
{"title":"La parodo dell’Eracle di Euripide: tradizione critica della colometria e del testo","authors":"P. Santé","doi":"10.6018/myrtia.460511","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6018/myrtia.460511","url":null,"abstract":"Analizo el texto y la colometría de los mss. Laurentianus plut. 32,2 (L) y Laurentianus conv. soppr. 172 + Palatinus gr. 287 (P) para el canto de entrada del coro de Heracles. Muchos lugares han sido discutidos y corregidos por un autorizado grupo de filólogos. Los discutiré nuevamente, proponiendo una defensa del texto antiguo y la colometría donde creo haber encontrado argumentos adecuados. Las ediciones modernas modifican la colometría en varios lugares, anulando la mezcla de cola yámbicos y trocaicos, que en cambio tiene su propia ratio. La presencia de los ἴαμβοι podría remontarse al género ialemos, una forma de lamento fúnebre, y la mezcla con los τροχαῖοι es típica del estilo de Eurípides, cuando quiere insistir en un tono sombrío y lúgubre. Cuando la atención de los ancianos de sí mismos se desplaza a los niños de Heracles, la versificación se vuelve en hypodochmi y τροχαῖοι como resultado de un tono más trepidante.\u0000 This work analyzes text and colometry of mss. Laurentianus plut. 32,2 (L) and Laurentianus conv. soppr. 172 + Palatinus gr. 287 (P) for the chorus’ entrance song of Heracles. Many places have been discussed and corrected by an authoritative group of philologists. I will re-discuss them, proposing a defense of the ancient text and colometry, where I believe I have found suitable arguments. The modern editions modify the colometry in several places, cancelling the mixture of iambic and trochaic cola, which instead has its own ratio. The presence of ἴαμβοι could be traced back to ialemos genus, a form of funeral lament, and the mixture with τροχαῖοι is typical of Euripide’s style, when he wants to insist on a sombre and mournful tone. When the attention of the elderly people from themselves shifts to Heracles’ children, the versification turns into hypodochmi and τροχαῖοι as a result of a more trepidating tone.","PeriodicalId":41220,"journal":{"name":"Myrtia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71331233","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Aristófanes resulta ser una pieza clave para el conocimiento del léxico musical griego. La abundancia de testimonios que ofrece, sus apreciaciones técnicas y la creación de nuevos términos musicales le convierten en un importante eslabón en el campo de la música antigua. Su gusto por el detalle se evidencia en la descripción que realiza de los cantos y, sobre todo, de los instrumentos musicales. Aristophanes is a key piece for the Greek musical lexicon. The plenty of testimonies that he gives, his technical appreciations and the creation of new musical terms make him an important link in the scope of the ancient music. His interest in the detail is made evident in the description concerning songs and, especially, musical instruments.
{"title":"La terminología musical en Las ranas de Aristófanes","authors":"Esteban Calderón Dorda","doi":"10.6018/myrtia.500091","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6018/myrtia.500091","url":null,"abstract":"Aristófanes resulta ser una pieza clave para el conocimiento del léxico musical griego. La abundancia de testimonios que ofrece, sus apreciaciones técnicas y la creación de nuevos términos musicales le convierten en un importante eslabón en el campo de la música antigua. Su gusto por el detalle se evidencia en la descripción que realiza de los cantos y, sobre todo, de los instrumentos musicales.\u0000 Aristophanes is a key piece for the Greek musical lexicon. The plenty of testimonies that he gives, his technical appreciations and the creation of new musical terms make him an important link in the scope of the ancient music. His interest in the detail is made evident in the description concerning songs and, especially, musical instruments.","PeriodicalId":41220,"journal":{"name":"Myrtia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44847468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Utilizando datos de orden textual, paleográfico, codicológico e histórico se examina en primer lugar la historia del manuscrito platónico Escur. Ψ I 1 desde su confección en Corfú a cargo de Demetrio Triboles en 1461-1462 hasta su adquisición por parte de Antonio Agustín a mediados del s. XVI. Tras analizar las fuentes textuales del códice y la dinámica de la copia, se concluye, a través del examen de los inventarios de la Biblioteca Vaticana, que el manuscrito formó parte de los fondos de esa biblioteca hasta el Saco de Roma de 1527. Se demuestra asimismo que otro códice platónico conservado en El Escorial, Escur. y I 13, procede también de la Biblioteca Vaticana, de donde desapareció igualmente con motivo del Saco antes de ser adquirido por Juan Páez de Castro. Se intenta además demostrar que tanto el Escur. Ψ I 1 como el Escur. y I 13 formaban parte de los fondos de la Vaticana ya desde 1475. Basing on textual, palaeographic, codicological and historic evidence, this paper firstly examines the history of the Platonic manuscript Escur. Ψ I 1 since its making in Corfu by Demetrios Triboles in 1461-62 till its purchase by Antonio Agustín in the middle of the 16th century. The textual sources of this codex and the copying process are also analysed. The conclusion reached through the examination of inventories in the Vatican Library is that the manuscript belonged to that library till the Sack of Rome in 1527. Secondly, this paper proves that another Platonic codex kept in El Escorial, Escur. y I 13, comes as well from the Vatican Library, from where it disappeared on the occasion of the Sack, and was later purchased by Juan Páez de Castro. Additionally, an attempt is made to prove that both Escur. Ψ I 1 and Escur. y I 13 belonged to the Vatican Library as early as 1475.
本文分析了埃斯库尔手稿的历史，并对其进行了分析。ΨI 1自Demetrio Triboles服装科孚岛由安东尼奥·奥古斯丁在1461-1462购置直到16中叶s。。在分析了抄本的文本来源和复制的动态后，通过对梵蒂冈图书馆库存的检查，得出结论，手稿一直是该图书馆收藏的一部分，直到1527年罗马被洗劫。另一个柏拉图抄本保存在护卫队，埃斯库尔也被证明。I 13也来自梵蒂冈图书馆，在被胡安paez德卡斯特罗收购之前，它也在Saco期间消失了。此外，还试图证明两者都是合理的。ΨI 1 Escur等。自1475年以来，I 13一直是梵蒂冈基金的一部分。txt Basing on, palaeographic codicological检查和历史证据,this paper firstly the history of the Platonic manuscript Escur。ΨI 1鉴于its making in科夫by Demetrios Triboles 1461-62直到其purchase by安东尼奥古斯丁in the middle of the精简century)。该法典的文本来源和复制过程也进行了分析。The结论,through The审查计算in The Vatican Library is that The manuscript belonged to that Library直到The Sack of罗马in 1527。其次,this paper proves that another Platonic维持着in Escorial, Escur法典。13 I from the Vatican Library,吃as well, from where it的on the occasion of the Sack, and was后面的purchased by胡安paez卡斯特罗。= =地理= =根据美国人口普查，这个县的土地面积为。Ψ我1和Escur。= =地理= =根据美国人口普查，这个县的面积为。
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{"title":"Cosa rappresenta il già famoso carro di Pompei?","authors":"P. Paolucci, L. Zurli","doi":"10.6018/myrtia.500241","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6018/myrtia.500241","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41220,"journal":{"name":"Myrtia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48156199","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the Sententiae associated with Publilius, there are two main characteristics of anger: its brevity and its danger. Such a view was common by the end of the Republic. The moral assessment of anger can vary: when it is the result of a thoughtless impulsion, which occurs most of the time, the anger is blamed, but several verses seem to approve it when it came from a wise man. It is hard to understand whether this fact is influenced by a philosophy (Epicuraneism) or by dramaturgic necessities we do not know because of the fragmentary state of our corpus. It is nevertheless possible to assign a role to anger in several usual mime plots: it can provoke an argument as well as a reconciliation between two people who are in love and, as it appeared in Classical Comedy, it seems to occur often in a father-son relationship. Dans les Sentences attribuées à Publilius, deux traits sont inhérents à la colère: sa brièveté et sa dangerosité, ce qui reflète une vision largement partagée à la fin de la République. L’appréciation morale, elle, est variable: lorsqu’elle procède d’un élan irréfléchi, ce qui est le cas ordinaire, la colère est condamnée, mais plusieurs vers semblent l’approuver quand elle émane d’un sage. Il est difficile de déterminer si ce fait résulte d’une influence philosophique (l’épicurisme) ou de nécessités dramaturgiques qui nous échappent en raison du caractère fragmentaire du corpus. Il est toutefois possible d’assigner un rôle à la colère dans certaines intrigues probablement classiques du mime: elle est susceptible de provoquer aussi bien la fâcherie que la réconciliation entre amoureux et, à l’instar de la comédie classique, paraît fréquente dans les relations entre un père et son fils.
在与Publilius有关的句子中，愤怒有两个主要特征:简洁和危险。这种观点在共和国末期很普遍。对愤怒的道德评价各不相同:当愤怒是由于轻率的冲动时(这种情况经常发生)，人们会谴责愤怒，但当愤怒出自智者之口时，有几句经文似乎对它表示赞同。很难理解这一事实是否受到哲学(伊壁鸠鲁主义)或戏剧需求的影响，我们不知道，因为我们的语料库的碎片状态。然而，在几个常见的哑剧情节中，我们可以给愤怒分配一个角色:它可以引发两个相爱的人之间的争论，也可以使他们和解，就像在古典喜剧中出现的那样，它似乎经常发生在父子关系中。Dans les sentence将其归因于公共事业组织，在其公共事业组织中发现了两个特征:a bribrivevetest和a dangerositeest, ce qui refltant . une vision large partag辽阔的部分- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -L 'appreciation士气,elle,美国东部时间变量:当它就像d一个elan irreflechi, ce, le cas惯常的la colere condamnee,但是几个更小semblent L 'approuver当elle emane d一个圣人。最困难的是，如果一个人不能把他看做是一个影响哲学的人，他就不能把他看做是一个具有戏剧性的人，他就不能把他看做是一个人格分裂的人。在交换条件中，可能的交换条件为:在交换条件中，可能的交换条件为:在交换条件下，可能的交换条件为:在交换条件下，可能的交换条件为:在交换条件下，可能的交换条件为:在交换条件下，可能的交换条件为:在交换条件下，可能的交换条件为:在交换条件下，可能的交换条件为:在交换条件下，可能的交换条件为:在交换条件下，可能的交换条件为:在交换条件下;
{"title":"La colère dans les Sentences attribuées à Publilius","authors":"Guillaume Flamerie de Lachapelle","doi":"10.6018/myrtia.500121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6018/myrtia.500121","url":null,"abstract":"In the Sententiae associated with Publilius, there are two main characteristics of anger: its brevity and its danger. Such a view was common by the end of the Republic. The moral assessment of anger can vary: when it is the result of a thoughtless impulsion, which occurs most of the time, the anger is blamed, but several verses seem to approve it when it came from a wise man. It is hard to understand whether this fact is influenced by a philosophy (Epicuraneism) or by dramaturgic necessities we do not know because of the fragmentary state of our corpus. It is nevertheless possible to assign a role to anger in several usual mime plots: it can provoke an argument as well as a reconciliation between two people who are in love and, as it appeared in Classical Comedy, it seems to occur often in a father-son relationship.\u0000 Dans les Sentences attribuées à Publilius, deux traits sont inhérents à la colère: sa brièveté et sa dangerosité, ce qui reflète une vision largement partagée à la fin de la République. L’appréciation morale, elle, est variable: lorsqu’elle procède d’un élan irréfléchi, ce qui est le cas ordinaire, la colère est condamnée, mais plusieurs vers semblent l’approuver quand elle émane d’un sage. Il est difficile de déterminer si ce fait résulte d’une influence philosophique (l’épicurisme) ou de nécessités dramaturgiques qui nous échappent en raison du caractère fragmentaire du corpus. Il est toutefois possible d’assigner un rôle à la colère dans certaines intrigues probablement classiques du mime: elle est susceptible de provoquer aussi bien la fâcherie que la réconciliation entre amoureux et, à l’instar de la comédie classique, paraît fréquente dans les relations entre un père et son fils.","PeriodicalId":41220,"journal":{"name":"Myrtia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44616227","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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