Although there has been a voluminous literature on American foreign policy and its effect on several regions, research on American domestic politics has been relatively scarce. Due to its significant impact on foreign policy formation, the Presidency received a lot of scholarly attention. This paper, on the other hand, focuses on another important actor in American foreign and domestic policy: The United States Congress. In this respect, we specifically aim to contribute to the literature on American Congress which aims to uncover the party effect on legislative behavior. Current studies on the topic usually rely on rollcall votes. Although this method has been quite popular, recent studies indicate problems in terms of measuring the true effect of the party. Hence, this study proposes an alternative method which has been widely used in the European Politics literature. The proposed methods involves using expert surveys to determine the level of party effect.
{"title":"Uncovering the Party Effect in the US Congress","authors":"Alper T. Bulut","doi":"10.19060/gav.437821","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19060/gav.437821","url":null,"abstract":"Although there has been a voluminous literature on American foreign policy and its effect on several regions, research on American domestic politics has been relatively scarce. Due to its significant impact on foreign policy formation, the Presidency received a lot of scholarly attention. This paper, on the other hand, focuses on another important actor in American foreign and domestic policy: The United States Congress. In this respect, we specifically aim to contribute to the literature on American Congress which aims to uncover the party effect on legislative behavior. Current studies on the topic usually rely on rollcall votes. Although this method has been quite popular, recent studies indicate problems in terms of measuring the true effect of the party. Hence, this study proposes an alternative method which has been widely used in the European Politics literature. The proposed methods involves using expert surveys to determine the level of party effect.","PeriodicalId":41235,"journal":{"name":"Gazi Akademik Bakis-Gazi Academic View","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48113479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Sanayi devrimiyle yeni bir dunya duzeninin kurulmaya baslandigi 19. yuzyilda batili devletler dunyanin bircok bolgesini somurgeleri altina almislardir. Somurgecilik faaliyetleri kara kita Afrika’nin da kapisini calmis, Ingiltere ve Fransa’nin onculugunde kitanin bircok bolgesi batili devletler tarafindan taksim edilmistir. Ingiliz ve Fransiz nufuz bolgelerinin Turk idaresindeki bolgelerle catismasi Osmanli idaresiyle taraf devletlerin iliskilerini belirleyen en onemli etkenlerden biri olmustur. Ingilizlerin Sudan ve Misir, Fransizlarin Cezayir, Tunus ve Orta Afrika’daki faaliyetleri sadece Osmanli tarihi acisindan degil ayni zamanda Afrika tarihi hatta somurgecilik tarihi acisindan da onemli bir kirilma noktasini olusturmustur. Bu baglamda bu calismada kaleme alinan Canet Sorunu da Fransizlarin genislemeci politikalarinin bir sonucu olarak Sahra’da Turk-Fransiz cekismesini gostermektedir. Fransizlarin Kuzey Afrika ile Orta Afrika somurgelerini birbirine baglamak ve ticaret yollarini kendi lehine Cezayir topraklarina cevirmek amaciyla Sahra’ya nufuz etme cabasi buyuk bir merkez olmadigi hâlde jeopolitik oneminden dolayi Canet’i 20. yuzyilin baslarinda tarih sahnesine cikarmistir. Taraf devletlerin Canet’i kendi nufuz bolgelerinden kabul etmeleri ve zaman zaman sert guce basvurmalari meselenin onemini artiran etkenlerden olmustur. Ancak yinede taraflarin diplomatik yollarla meselenin cozumune egilmis olmalari ozellikle bu soruna dikkate deger farkli bir bakis kazandirmistir. Bu arada Sahra’nin vazgecilmez aktoru Tevarikler de Turk-Fransiz iliskilerinde belirleyici rol oynamistir. 1906’dan itibaren belirgin bir sekilde su yuzune cikan Canet Sorunu, 1912 tarihinde Osmanli Devleti’nin Afrika kitasini terk etmesiyle Fransizlar lehine sona ermistir.
19岁的萨纳伊·德夫里米耶（Sanayi devrimiyle yeni bir dunya duzeninin kurulmaya baslandigi）。西方国家侵占了世界上许多黄金土地。一些紧急活动已经被一些西方国家征税，包括非洲、英国和法国的首都。在土耳其，Fransiz nufuz Bolgelerinki Bolgellere catismasi Osmanli idaresiye taraf devletlerin iliskilerini beliereyen en onemli etkenlerden biri olmusturn。苏丹的英格利泽勒、弗朗西斯拉林·塞扎伊尔、突尼斯的奥尔塔·阿非利卡·达基·法阿利耶特勒和奥斯曼利·塔里辛和德吉勒·阿伊姆达·非洲塔里辛都是一个非常紧迫的塔里辛，他们都是一名非裔美国人。在这种背景下，卡内是法国在撒哈拉扩大政策的结果，即留在卡利西姆的问题。卡内的20个地缘政治景观并不是鼓励北非法国人连接地中海景观并将贸易路线变成凯撒国的中心。在太阳系中。相反的州从自己的核心接受Canet的事实是，当硬压力发生时，这是导致数万人死亡的影响之一。然而，外交方式的问题在于，这是一个非常不同的视角。顺便说一句，萨赫拉的杰出演员特瓦里克斯也是土法关系中的关键人物。从1906年到1906年，法国的法律以1912年奥斯曼帝国的书被放弃而告终。
{"title":"Osmanlı Arşiv Belgelerine Göre Afrika’da Türk- Fransız Mücadelesi: Canet Sorunu (1906-1912)","authors":"Abdullah Özdağ","doi":"10.19060/gav.437814","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19060/gav.437814","url":null,"abstract":"Sanayi devrimiyle yeni bir dunya duzeninin kurulmaya baslandigi 19. yuzyilda batili devletler dunyanin bircok bolgesini somurgeleri altina almislardir. Somurgecilik faaliyetleri kara kita Afrika’nin da kapisini calmis, Ingiltere ve Fransa’nin onculugunde kitanin bircok bolgesi batili devletler tarafindan taksim edilmistir. Ingiliz ve Fransiz nufuz bolgelerinin Turk idaresindeki bolgelerle catismasi Osmanli idaresiyle taraf devletlerin iliskilerini belirleyen en onemli etkenlerden biri olmustur. Ingilizlerin Sudan ve Misir, Fransizlarin Cezayir, Tunus ve Orta Afrika’daki faaliyetleri sadece Osmanli tarihi acisindan degil ayni zamanda Afrika tarihi hatta somurgecilik tarihi acisindan da onemli bir kirilma noktasini olusturmustur. Bu baglamda bu calismada kaleme alinan Canet Sorunu da Fransizlarin genislemeci politikalarinin bir sonucu olarak Sahra’da Turk-Fransiz cekismesini gostermektedir. Fransizlarin Kuzey Afrika ile Orta Afrika somurgelerini birbirine baglamak ve ticaret yollarini kendi lehine Cezayir topraklarina cevirmek amaciyla Sahra’ya nufuz etme cabasi buyuk bir merkez olmadigi hâlde jeopolitik oneminden dolayi Canet’i 20. yuzyilin baslarinda tarih sahnesine cikarmistir. Taraf devletlerin Canet’i kendi nufuz bolgelerinden kabul etmeleri ve zaman zaman sert guce basvurmalari meselenin onemini artiran etkenlerden olmustur. Ancak yinede taraflarin diplomatik yollarla meselenin cozumune egilmis olmalari ozellikle bu soruna dikkate deger farkli bir bakis kazandirmistir. Bu arada Sahra’nin vazgecilmez aktoru Tevarikler de Turk-Fransiz iliskilerinde belirleyici rol oynamistir. 1906’dan itibaren belirgin bir sekilde su yuzune cikan Canet Sorunu, 1912 tarihinde Osmanli Devleti’nin Afrika kitasini terk etmesiyle Fransizlar lehine sona ermistir.","PeriodicalId":41235,"journal":{"name":"Gazi Akademik Bakis-Gazi Academic View","volume":"39 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68332991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Osmanli diplomasisine Bec ya da Nemce olarak gecen Avusturya ile olan fiili iliskiler 1526 Mohac Meydan Savasi ile baslamis ve 1791 Zistovi Antlasmasi ile sona ermisti. Bu antlasma iki ulke arasindaki catismali iliskileri onemli oranda sonlandirmis ve daha uzun vadeye yayilan dostluk iliskilerinin bir anlamda baslangicini olusturmustur. Bu calismada 1787-1792 Osmanli Rus ve Avusturya savasinin nedenleri ile bu savas sonucunda Avusturya’yla imzalanan Zistovi Antlasmasi ele alinmistir. Calismanin ana kaynaklarini Basbakanlik Osmanli Arsivi’nde bulunan belgeler ile Londra Parlamento Arsivi’nde bu antlasmaya dair tutulan kayitlar olusturmaktadir. Her iki arsivde bulunan kayitlar karsilastirilarak durumun farklilasip farklilasmadigindan hareketle Osmanli-Avusturya tarihsel iliskilerinin bir kesiti degerlendirilmeye calisilmistir.
1526年，莫哈克·梅丹·萨瓦西（Mohac Meydan Savasi）和1791年，齐斯托维·安特拉马（Zistovi Antlasma）结束了与奥斯曼外交的政治关系。这项条约中两国的政治关系在十年内就已经完成，它已经成为更长山谷和更长山谷之间关系的一个因素。1787-1792年，Osmanli Rus ve Avusturya savasin nedenleri le Bu savas sonucunda Avusturya'yla imzalanan Zistovi Antlasmasi ele alinmistir。Calisman的主要来源是在Basbakanlik Osmanli档案馆发现的文件和伦敦议会档案馆保存的记录。由于情况不同，在这两个档案中发现的记录都被简化为奥地利奥斯曼利的一些历史关系。
{"title":"Son Osmanlı-Avusturya Mücadelesinde Değişen Dengeler ve Ziştovi Antlaşması","authors":"Zülfiye Koçak","doi":"10.19060/GAV.437817","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19060/GAV.437817","url":null,"abstract":"Osmanli diplomasisine Bec ya da Nemce olarak gecen Avusturya ile olan fiili iliskiler 1526 Mohac Meydan Savasi ile baslamis ve 1791 Zistovi Antlasmasi ile sona ermisti. Bu antlasma iki ulke arasindaki catismali iliskileri onemli oranda sonlandirmis ve daha uzun vadeye yayilan dostluk iliskilerinin bir anlamda baslangicini olusturmustur. Bu calismada 1787-1792 Osmanli Rus ve Avusturya savasinin nedenleri ile bu savas sonucunda Avusturya’yla imzalanan Zistovi Antlasmasi ele alinmistir. Calismanin ana kaynaklarini Basbakanlik Osmanli Arsivi’nde bulunan belgeler ile Londra Parlamento Arsivi’nde bu antlasmaya dair tutulan kayitlar olusturmaktadir. Her iki arsivde bulunan kayitlar karsilastirilarak durumun farklilasip farklilasmadigindan hareketle Osmanli-Avusturya tarihsel iliskilerinin bir kesiti degerlendirilmeye calisilmistir.","PeriodicalId":41235,"journal":{"name":"Gazi Akademik Bakis-Gazi Academic View","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68333100","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bu calismanin amaci, sosyal bilimlerdeki en onemli yapilardan biri olan devlete ve onun islevlerine isik tutmaktir. Uzerine yapilan tartismalarin son bulmadigi ve her sosyal bilim acisindan ayri ayri tanimi yapilan bu buyuk yapinin toplumsal islevleri kesinlesmemistir. Bu amacla calismada devlet hakkindaki genel bakis acilarinin yani sira devleti ozellikle ekonomik alandaki fonksiyonlari acisindan ele alip inceleyen Adam Smith’in fikirleri on plana alinmistir. Cunku Adam Smith’in devlet anlayisi, doneminde one cikan diger ana akim iktisadi dusunurlerden farkli bir icerik sunmaktadir. Calismada Smith’in dusunce sistemini ve yonetsel bakimdan devlete bakisini anlamak icin oncelikle iki temel yapitindaki – Ahlaki Duygular Teorisi ve Uluslarin Zenginligi – goruslerine ve bu goruslerle ilgili yazindaki diger tartismalara yer verilmistir.
{"title":"Adam Smith’in Devlet Anlayışı Üzerine Kuramsal Bir İnceleme","authors":"K. Zorlu, Hale Kırmızıoğlu","doi":"10.19060/gav.437768","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19060/gav.437768","url":null,"abstract":"Bu calismanin amaci, sosyal bilimlerdeki en onemli yapilardan biri olan devlete ve onun islevlerine isik tutmaktir. Uzerine yapilan tartismalarin son bulmadigi ve her sosyal bilim acisindan ayri ayri tanimi yapilan bu buyuk yapinin toplumsal islevleri kesinlesmemistir. Bu amacla calismada devlet hakkindaki genel bakis acilarinin yani sira devleti ozellikle ekonomik alandaki fonksiyonlari acisindan ele alip inceleyen Adam Smith’in fikirleri on plana alinmistir. Cunku Adam Smith’in devlet anlayisi, doneminde one cikan diger ana akim iktisadi dusunurlerden farkli bir icerik sunmaktadir. Calismada Smith’in dusunce sistemini ve yonetsel bakimdan devlete bakisini anlamak icin oncelikle iki temel yapitindaki – Ahlaki Duygular Teorisi ve Uluslarin Zenginligi – goruslerine ve bu goruslerle ilgili yazindaki diger tartismalara yer verilmistir.","PeriodicalId":41235,"journal":{"name":"Gazi Akademik Bakis-Gazi Academic View","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47914650","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bu calismada, son 15 yilda, Avrupa’nin Amerika Birlesik Devletleri’yle iliskisinin nasil sekillendigi tarihsel perspektiften hareketle agirlikli olarak siyasi acidan incelenmektedir. Bu baglamda, 11 Eylul saldirisi, Irak ve Afganistan mudahaleleri, tek kutuplulugun zayiflamasinin ardindan olusan yeni konjonkturde ABD’de baslayan ve dunya capinda etkileri gorulen kuresel finansal kriz, kuresel capta terorle mucadele gibi konularin Avrupa ve ABD arasindaki transatlantik iliskilerin seyrini bu acilardan nasil etkiledigi analiz edilmektedir. Kasim 2016’da yapilan secimlerde Donald Trump’in Baskan secilmesinin ardindan yeni donemde Avrupa ve ABD arasindaki iliskilerin izleyecegi muhtemel yolla da ilgili degerlendirmelerde bulunulmaktadir. Iliskide, Soguk Savas bitiminden sonra oldugu gibi yine bir uzaklasma donemine girilmistir. Baskan Trump’in Avrupa Birligine, Avrupalilarin NATO’ya yaptiklari katkinin azligina, ticari acidan yapilanlara yonelik ciddi elestirileri vardir. Diger yandan Rusya’dan gittikce rahatsizlik duyan bir Avrupa, kendi aleyhine bir ABD-Rusya yakinlasmasindan endise etmektedir. Bu durumda iliskilerdeki kritik noktalara vurgu yapilarak iliskilerin kopmamasi icin her iki tarafin mevcut sartlarda nasil davranabileceklerine iliskin ongorulerde de bulunulmustur.
在这项分析中，在过去的15年里，人们从政治焦虑的历史角度对与欧洲合众国的关系进行了调查。在这方面，9月11日的袭击，伊拉克和阿富汗的袭击者，以及国会的一个弱点，将分析欧洲和美国之间跨大西洋关系对全球危机的影响，如全球危机，以及欧洲和美国间跨大西洋关系的影响。2016年11月，唐纳德·特朗普离开巴斯克后，欧洲和美国之间的关系可能会在一个新的边界受到监控。在伊利斯基德，冷战结束后，它被重新引入潜艇。Baskan Trump的欧盟，北约的低收入，是商业紧急情况的一个主要因素。Diger和Rusya’dan gittique rahatsizlik duyan bir Avrupa，kendi aleyhine bir ABD Rusya yakinlsmassin and endise etmektedir。在这种情况下，必须从双方的角度出发，通过拍摄关系中的关键点，在现有的弹壳中如何表现。
{"title":"Avrupa ve Amerika Birleşik Devletleri Arasındaki İlişkide Dönüşümler (2001-2017)","authors":"Cengiz Di̇nç, N. Esentürk","doi":"10.19060/GAV.437764","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19060/GAV.437764","url":null,"abstract":"Bu calismada, son 15 yilda, Avrupa’nin Amerika Birlesik Devletleri’yle iliskisinin nasil sekillendigi tarihsel perspektiften hareketle agirlikli olarak siyasi acidan incelenmektedir. Bu baglamda, 11 Eylul saldirisi, Irak ve Afganistan mudahaleleri, tek kutuplulugun zayiflamasinin ardindan olusan yeni konjonkturde ABD’de baslayan ve dunya capinda etkileri gorulen kuresel finansal kriz, kuresel capta terorle mucadele gibi konularin Avrupa ve ABD arasindaki transatlantik iliskilerin seyrini bu acilardan nasil etkiledigi analiz edilmektedir. Kasim 2016’da yapilan secimlerde Donald Trump’in Baskan secilmesinin ardindan yeni donemde Avrupa ve ABD arasindaki iliskilerin izleyecegi muhtemel yolla da ilgili degerlendirmelerde bulunulmaktadir. Iliskide, Soguk Savas bitiminden sonra oldugu gibi yine bir uzaklasma donemine girilmistir. Baskan Trump’in Avrupa Birligine, Avrupalilarin NATO’ya yaptiklari katkinin azligina, ticari acidan yapilanlara yonelik ciddi elestirileri vardir. Diger yandan Rusya’dan gittikce rahatsizlik duyan bir Avrupa, kendi aleyhine bir ABD-Rusya yakinlasmasindan endise etmektedir. Bu durumda iliskilerdeki kritik noktalara vurgu yapilarak iliskilerin kopmamasi icin her iki tarafin mevcut sartlarda nasil davranabileceklerine iliskin ongorulerde de bulunulmustur.","PeriodicalId":41235,"journal":{"name":"Gazi Akademik Bakis-Gazi Academic View","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68332744","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
16. yuzyilin son ceyregi Akdeniz icin yeni bir doneme isaret etmektedir. Bu, bircok tarihcinin hemfikir oldugu uzere, ‘korsan savaslarinin’ buyuk deniz savaslarinin yerini aldigi yeni bir donemdi. Korsan savaslari cesitli sekillere burunmus olsa da en onemli yonunu Musluman- Hristiyan cekismeleri olusturmaktaydi. Malta, Ispanya ve Santo Stefano Şovalyeleri’nin basini cektigi farkli korsan gruplarinin Osmanlilara yonelik yogun saldirilari Akdeniz’in hemen her kosesini etkisi altina almisti. Medici Grandukalarina bagli Tarikat Şovalyeleri’nin akinlari da Guney Akdeniz kiyilarina kadar ulasmaktaydi. Bu calismada Hristiyan korsanlarin Guney Anadolu kiyilarina ve ozelikle Santo Stefano Şovalyelerinin 1606 yilinda Ayas, Anamur, Finike ve Alanya’ya yonelik yagma akinlari uzerinde durulacaktir.
7月16日的最后一个上限是推出一款新的海洋冰淇淋。这是一只新青蛙，一些历史学家同意，我们说过，《古兰经》战争发生在海上战争中。尽管《古兰经》的战争注定要灭亡，但他们会制造出第十件穆斯林基督徒夹克。马耳他、西班牙和圣斯特凡诺·斯科瓦利斯对阿克德尼兹的每一套服装都有立竿见影的影响，而阿克德尼兹则被各种海盗团体所覆盖。Grandukalarina bagli TarikatŞovalyleri’nin akinlari da Guney Akdeniz kiyilarina kadar ulasmaktaydi医生。在这场灾难中，基督教海盗将被埋葬在古尼阿纳多卢的森林中，并在1606年夏天被月亮的圣斯蒂法诺·沙瓦勒、阿纳穆尔、菲尼克和阿兰亚埋葬。
{"title":"Güney Anadolu Kıyılarında Hristiyan Korsanlar (1604-1608)","authors":"Mikail Acıpınar","doi":"10.19060/gav.379609","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19060/gav.379609","url":null,"abstract":"16. yuzyilin son ceyregi Akdeniz icin yeni bir doneme isaret etmektedir. Bu, bircok tarihcinin hemfikir oldugu uzere, ‘korsan savaslarinin’ buyuk deniz savaslarinin yerini aldigi yeni bir donemdi. Korsan savaslari cesitli sekillere burunmus olsa da en onemli yonunu Musluman- Hristiyan cekismeleri olusturmaktaydi. Malta, Ispanya ve Santo Stefano Şovalyeleri’nin basini cektigi farkli korsan gruplarinin Osmanlilara yonelik yogun saldirilari Akdeniz’in hemen her kosesini etkisi altina almisti. Medici Grandukalarina bagli Tarikat Şovalyeleri’nin akinlari da Guney Akdeniz kiyilarina kadar ulasmaktaydi. Bu calismada Hristiyan korsanlarin Guney Anadolu kiyilarina ve ozelikle Santo Stefano Şovalyelerinin 1606 yilinda Ayas, Anamur, Finike ve Alanya’ya yonelik yagma akinlari uzerinde durulacaktir.","PeriodicalId":41235,"journal":{"name":"Gazi Akademik Bakis-Gazi Academic View","volume":"11 1","pages":"183-208"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48393745","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study examines the “regional sub-system” analysis that aims to emphasize regional dynamics in the field of International Relations with a theoretical and applied approach. It has been aimed to prove that the South and East Asia region, which was subject to the examination within the scopes of the fundamental hypotheses of regional sub-system analysis, have a unique structure that differs from the global system, while having important contact points with the global system. According to the findings of the study, the South and East Asia subsystem exhibits a view where the “balance of power” is emphasized more than other regions, and where China emerges as the dominant economic and political power.
{"title":"The Analysis of the Regional Sub-Systems” in International Relations: South and East Asia as a Regional Sub-System","authors":"R. Karaca, Müge Yüce","doi":"10.19060/gav.379605","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19060/gav.379605","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the “regional sub-system” analysis that aims to emphasize regional dynamics in the field of International Relations with a theoretical and applied approach. It has been aimed to prove that the South and East Asia region, which was subject to the examination within the scopes of the fundamental hypotheses of regional sub-system analysis, have a unique structure that differs from the global system, while having important contact points with the global system. According to the findings of the study, the South and East Asia subsystem exhibits a view where the “balance of power” is emphasized more than other regions, and where China emerges as the dominant economic and political power.","PeriodicalId":41235,"journal":{"name":"Gazi Akademik Bakis-Gazi Academic View","volume":"11 1","pages":"157-182"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48985521","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study examines the Iran-Saudi rivalry within the context of the changing balance of power in the Middle East. The main research questions were determined to be what the dynamics of the Iran-Saudi rivalry are and what type of role Turkey may play within the rivalry between the two countries. Three essential arguments were developed within this context. The first argument is that the regional balances were broken by the US occupation of Iraq in 2003 and by the ‘Arab Spring’ process resulting in the regional hegemony rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia. The second one is that Iran desired to utilize the Arab Spring process as an opportunity to become a regional hegemonic power. On the other hand, the policy of the US to withdraw from and leave the Middle East to its allies Israel and Saudi Arabia caused King Salman bin Abdul-Aziz Al Saud to adopt a regional leadership policy. Within this framework, the study argued that the rivalry to become the new regional hegemon of the Middle East resurged between Iran and Saudi Arabia, the two historic rival powers of the Middle East. The third argument is that the rivalry between the two countries was mainly in the form of a proxy war but resulted in the fact that the balance of power struggle in the region reached to the proxy war balance as no country managed to outcompete the other.
{"title":"Regional Hegemony Quests in the Middle East from the Balance of Power System to the Balance of Proxy Wars: Turkey as Balancing Power for the Iran - Saudi Rivalry","authors":"Muharrem Ekşi","doi":"10.19060/GAV.379597","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19060/GAV.379597","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the Iran-Saudi rivalry within the context of the changing balance of power in the Middle East. The main research questions were determined to be what the dynamics of the Iran-Saudi rivalry are and what type of role Turkey may play within the rivalry between the two countries. Three essential arguments were developed within this context. The first argument is that the regional balances were broken by the US occupation of Iraq in 2003 and by the ‘Arab Spring’ process resulting in the regional hegemony rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia. The second one is that Iran desired to utilize the Arab Spring process as an opportunity to become a regional hegemonic power. On the other hand, the policy of the US to withdraw from and leave the Middle East to its allies Israel and Saudi Arabia caused King Salman bin Abdul-Aziz Al Saud to adopt a regional leadership policy. Within this framework, the study argued that the rivalry to become the new regional hegemon of the Middle East resurged between Iran and Saudi Arabia, the two historic rival powers of the Middle East. The third argument is that the rivalry between the two countries was mainly in the form of a proxy war but resulted in the fact that the balance of power struggle in the region reached to the proxy war balance as no country managed to outcompete the other.","PeriodicalId":41235,"journal":{"name":"Gazi Akademik Bakis-Gazi Academic View","volume":"11 1","pages":"133-156"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68332175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Turkey’s Middle Eastern policy was inaugurated by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk whose policy reached its zenith with the establishment of the Pact of Sadabad in 1937. Thereafter this political activism in the Middle East was abandoned by forthcoming Turkish leader, President Inonu. Inonu adopted a rather passive policy in the regional affairs in order to follow a balanced policy between Arabs and Jews for geopolitical reasons. When Democrat party came to power in 1950 they re-embarked Turkey’s engagement in the Middle Eastern politics. Their idea was to set up a kind of Arab-NATO under Turkey’s leadership. Their idea was first to revive and develop the Sadabad Pact with which their efforts convert this pact into the Baghdad Pact in 1955. Then their second aim was to secure Western especially American security and economic aid. Apart from security imperatives, they believed that their political activism against to the spread of communism in the Middle East could result western involvement in the regional affairs and hence could result for more economic aid. Though Turkey to a greater extend obtained their economic and political objectives vis a vis the West their policies with the Arab states resulted in a failure. This was because there were fundamental differences in the interests of Turkey and the Arab states. This article is based on abundant archival documents available in Turkey and abroad. It also consulted the available existing literature.
{"title":"Turkey’s Foreign Policy towards the Middle East in the 1950’s and Its Impact On Turco-Arab Relations","authors":"Mustafa Bilgin","doi":"10.19060/GAV.379629","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19060/GAV.379629","url":null,"abstract":"Turkey’s Middle Eastern policy was inaugurated by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk whose policy reached its zenith with the establishment of the Pact of Sadabad in 1937. Thereafter this political activism in the Middle East was abandoned by forthcoming Turkish leader, President Inonu. Inonu adopted a rather passive policy in the regional affairs in order to follow a balanced policy between Arabs and Jews for geopolitical reasons. When Democrat party came to power in 1950 they re-embarked Turkey’s engagement in the Middle Eastern politics. Their idea was to set up a kind of Arab-NATO under Turkey’s leadership. Their idea was first to revive and develop the Sadabad Pact with which their efforts convert this pact into the Baghdad Pact in 1955. Then their second aim was to secure Western especially American security and economic aid. Apart from security imperatives, they believed that their political activism against to the spread of communism in the Middle East could result western involvement in the regional affairs and hence could result for more economic aid. Though Turkey to a greater extend obtained their economic and political objectives vis a vis the West their policies with the Arab states resulted in a failure. This was because there were fundamental differences in the interests of Turkey and the Arab states. This article is based on abundant archival documents available in Turkey and abroad. It also consulted the available existing literature.","PeriodicalId":41235,"journal":{"name":"Gazi Akademik Bakis-Gazi Academic View","volume":"11 1","pages":"245-259"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68332312","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Erdal Bay, A. Alimbekov, Mustafa Mete, Eyüp Cücük, Erhan Yokuş
Bu arastirmanin amaci, bagimsiz Turk devletleri, azinlik olarak yasayan Turk toplumlari ve ozerk olarak yasayan Turk toplumlarinda yasayan Turklerin, Turk Dunyasi ve Turk Dunyasi Birligine iliskin algilari ortaya koyabilmektir. Bu amacla arastirma, betimsel tarama modeli ile desenlenmistir. Arastirmanin calisma grubu, amacli ornekleme yontemlerinden olan olcut ornekleme ve kolay ulasilabilir durum orneklemesi yontemiyle secilen 415 akademisyenden olusmaktadir. Katilimcilarin Turk Dunyasina iliskin algilarini olcmek icin veri toplama araci olarak, arastirmacilar tarafindan gelistirilen acik ve kapali uclu sorulardan olusan 20 maddelik bir “Turk Dunyasi Algi Anketi” kullanilmistir. ‘Google Formlar’da cevrim ici form olarak hazirlanan anket formu, katilimcilara e-posta yoluyla gonderilmistir. Elde edilen veriler, SPSS 20 paket programi araciligiyla betimleyici istatistiksel analiz yontemleriyle analiz edilerek frekans ve yuzde hesaplamalari yapilmistir. Arastirma sonucunda katilimcilarin Turk Dunyasi kavramini “ortak Turk medeniyet kokeni” olarak; Turk Dunyasi Vatandasligi kavramini ise “Turk Dunyasi fertlerinin ayniliklari ve benzerliklerinden yola cikarak ortak paydada hareket edebilme bilinci” olarak algiladiklari ortaya cikmistir. Ayrica kendilerini yakin hissettikleri bu iki kavramin uygulamaya donuk gerceklestirilmesi gerektigini dusunmektedirler. Katilimcilarin cogunlugu Turk Dunyasi ile gurur duymakla birlikte, bu gururun kaynagi olarak tarihi ve kulturel unsurlari kaynak gostermektedirler. Sonuc olarak, Turk Dunyasinda insanlarin benzer algilara sahip olduklari ve Turk Birliginin kurulmasinin gerekli, onemli ve yararli olacagi algisi oldugu sonucuna ulasilmistir.
{"title":"“Türk Dünyası Birliği” Algısı","authors":"Erdal Bay, A. Alimbekov, Mustafa Mete, Eyüp Cücük, Erhan Yokuş","doi":"10.19060/gav.379576","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19060/gav.379576","url":null,"abstract":"Bu arastirmanin amaci, bagimsiz Turk devletleri, azinlik olarak yasayan Turk toplumlari ve ozerk olarak yasayan Turk toplumlarinda yasayan Turklerin, Turk Dunyasi ve Turk Dunyasi Birligine iliskin algilari ortaya koyabilmektir. Bu amacla arastirma, betimsel tarama modeli ile desenlenmistir. Arastirmanin calisma grubu, amacli ornekleme yontemlerinden olan olcut ornekleme ve kolay ulasilabilir durum orneklemesi yontemiyle secilen 415 akademisyenden olusmaktadir. Katilimcilarin Turk Dunyasina iliskin algilarini olcmek icin veri toplama araci olarak, arastirmacilar tarafindan gelistirilen acik ve kapali uclu sorulardan olusan 20 maddelik bir “Turk Dunyasi Algi Anketi” kullanilmistir. ‘Google Formlar’da cevrim ici form olarak hazirlanan anket formu, katilimcilara e-posta yoluyla gonderilmistir. Elde edilen veriler, SPSS 20 paket programi araciligiyla betimleyici istatistiksel analiz yontemleriyle analiz edilerek frekans ve yuzde hesaplamalari yapilmistir. Arastirma sonucunda katilimcilarin Turk Dunyasi kavramini “ortak Turk medeniyet kokeni” olarak; Turk Dunyasi Vatandasligi kavramini ise “Turk Dunyasi fertlerinin ayniliklari ve benzerliklerinden yola cikarak ortak paydada hareket edebilme bilinci” olarak algiladiklari ortaya cikmistir. Ayrica kendilerini yakin hissettikleri bu iki kavramin uygulamaya donuk gerceklestirilmesi gerektigini dusunmektedirler. Katilimcilarin cogunlugu Turk Dunyasi ile gurur duymakla birlikte, bu gururun kaynagi olarak tarihi ve kulturel unsurlari kaynak gostermektedirler. Sonuc olarak, Turk Dunyasinda insanlarin benzer algilara sahip olduklari ve Turk Birliginin kurulmasinin gerekli, onemli ve yararli olacagi algisi oldugu sonucuna ulasilmistir.","PeriodicalId":41235,"journal":{"name":"Gazi Akademik Bakis-Gazi Academic View","volume":"11 1","pages":"55-85"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68332493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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