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XVIII. Yüzyılda Uluslararası Bir Sorun Olarak Garp Ocakları’nın Akdeniz’deki Korsanlık Faaliyetleri xvii。西方垃圾海洋中的企业活动是几个世纪以来的一个国际问题,
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2015-12-17 DOI: 10.19060/GAB.19116
Serhat Kuzucu
Garp Ocaklari, Osmanli Devleti’nin XVI. ve XX. Yuzyil boyunca Cezayir, Tunus ve Trablusgarp eyaletleri icin kullandigi bir terimdir. Osmanlilar ilk defa Turk denizcisi Oruc Reis sayesinde 1516 yilinda Cezayir’e girerken daha sonra 1551 yilinda Trablusgarp’i 1574 yilinda ise Tunus’u topraklarinin bir parcasi haline getirdi. Bu fetihlerden sonra Cezayir 1516-1830, Trablusgarp 1551-1912 ve Tunus ise 1574-1881 yillari arasinda Osmanli hâkimiyetinde kaldi. Garp Ocaklari’nin en onemli askeri gucu donanmalariydi. Denizcilikte Akdeniz havzasinda soz sahibi olan bu Ocaklarin Osmanli Devleti’nin kontrolune gecmesi devletin uzun yillar yeterli duzeye gelemeyen deniz gucune de guc katmis oluyordu. Osmanlilar bu bolgede genel olarak yari bagimsiz bir yapi kurarak bu Garp Ocaklari’ni yonetmisti. Buraya atadigi vali veya beylerbeyi sultana bagli olmakla birlikte bagimsiz da hareket edebiliyordu. Ancak Osmanli sultaninin hukmu diger eyaletlerde oldugu gibi Garp Ocaklarinda da her zaman gecerli idi. Hutbe sultanin adina okunur para da onun nami ile basilirdi. Garp Ocaklari’nin en onemli gecim kaynagi ise korsanlik ve deniz ticaretiydi. Ozellikle Akdeniz havzasinda yapmis olduklari korsanlik faaliyetleri en onemli gelir kaynaklarini olusturmaktaydi. Lakin bu durum zamanla Osmanli Devleti ile Akdeniz’de deniz ticareti yapan diger devletler arasinda sorun olmaya baslamistir. Bu cercevede Akdeniz ticaretinin guvenligi icin yapilan uluslararasi antlasmalara Garp Ocaklari’nin kimi zaman riayet etmemesi ise Osmanli Devleti’ni zamanla zor durumda birakmistir.
加尔普·奥卡拉里,奥斯曼帝国十六世。和XX。阿尔及利亚、突尼斯和特拉布鲁斯加尔普是南非各地使用的一个术语。1516年,土耳其水手Oruc Reis首次进入Cezayir,1551年后,Trablusgarp于1574年成为突尼斯土地的一部分。在这些节日之后,凯撒1516-1830年、特拉布鲁斯加尔普1551-1912年和突尼斯在1574-1881年间仍留在奥斯曼政府。奥卡拉里是世界上最大的军队。在海上,海洋拥有的海洋之湖被海洋淹没,多年来一直控制着奥斯曼帝国。奥斯曼人通常在花园里建一个半安全的植物,并喂养奥卡拉里加尔普。无论是州长还是先生们,他被扔到这里,他都可以毫无同情心地变成一架无人机。Osmanli Sultanini女士是一位名叫Garp Ocaklarinda的老人。为什么是法拉?Garp Ocaklari第十晚的消息来源是海盗和海上贸易。特别是,他们在海洋中进行的腐败活动是最精确的收入来源。但与此同时,奥斯曼国家和其他在海洋中进行贸易的国家正在造成问题。然而,在这个教堂里,当Garp Ocaklari没有时间出售Osmanli State时,很难找到出售Akdeniz的国际协议。
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引用次数: 1
Londra’da Bir Memlûk Beyi: Muhammed Bey Elfî (Ekim-Aralık 1803) 伦敦成员国:穆罕默德·埃尔夫先生(1803年10月)
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2015-12-17 DOI: 10.19060/GAB.99554
Selda Güner
This study aims to explain that after the Napoleonic invasion of Egypt, the decadence of Mamluk Beys the traditional actors in the Egyptian domestic politics, and one of them, Muhammad Bey el-Elfi’s solution seeking in London. Elfi was the last great Mamluk Bey in Egypt. After the invasion of Egypt, his relations with Sublime Porte and England and also other Mamluk factions have not been clarified completely. In addition Elfi’s power was based on his household and economic dignity. For this reason Elfi Bey can be considerd as one of the representatives of the ‘ancien regime’ of Ottoman Egypt. In that case, struggles between Mamluk factions and Egypt become an international issue in the eyes of Britain and France. Elfi Bey, seeking an answer the question of How to survive the Mamluks?, asked for help from Britain. It is very obvious that England supported the Sublime Port against Bonaparte and also mediated between the Sublime Porte and the Mamluks. Even this was the reason for his travel to London. So it will be described his activities in the October-December 1803 in London on behalf of Memluks. The National Archives documents (in Britain), The Ottoman archive and news about Elfi Bey and his activities in London in Brtish press elucidated this issue.
本研究旨在解释拿破仑入侵埃及后,马穆鲁克·贝斯在埃及国内政治中的传统角色的颓废,以及其中之一穆罕默德·贝伊·埃尔菲在伦敦寻求解决方案。埃尔菲是埃及最后一位伟大的马穆鲁克贝。在入侵埃及之后,他与崇高波特和英格兰以及其他马穆鲁克派系的关系并没有完全澄清。此外,埃尔菲的权力是基于他的家庭和经济尊严。因此,Elfi Bey可以被认为是奥斯曼埃及“旧政权”的代表之一。在这种情况下,马穆鲁克派系和埃及之间的斗争成为英国和法国眼中的国际问题。埃尔菲·贝,在寻找如何在马穆鲁克的统治下生存的答案?美国向英国寻求帮助。很明显,英国支持崇高港反对波拿巴,并在崇高港和马穆鲁克之间进行调解。甚至这也是他去伦敦旅行的原因。1803年10月到12月,他代表梅卢卡在伦敦的活动。国家档案馆的文件(在英国),奥斯曼档案和新闻关于Elfi Bey和他在伦敦的活动在英国新闻界阐明了这个问题。
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引用次数: 0
Halk Tıbbı, Halk Hekimliği 公共医疗、公共情报
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2015-12-17 DOI: 10.19060/GAB.60453
M. Sever
Folk medicine and folk healing may be defined codified, regulated, taught openly and practised widely, and benefit from thousands of years of experience. On the other hand, it may be highly secretive, mystical and extremely localized, with knowledge of its practices passed on orally. Folk medicine and traditional medical practices emerged as a result of the reactions of primitive men against natural events and their ways of comparing and exchanging the medical practices of relevant communities with their own practices. Magic played an important role in shaping the practices. Folk medicine is the solutions developed by societies against material and moral disorders starting from the mythic period until today. Folk healer, on the other hand, is the wisest and the most respectable person in the society, in terms of materiality and morale. This person has the power of identifying and curing the diseases, disorders, consequently the origin of these diseases and disorders, and the skill of using various drugs for the treatment of the diseases and disorders or applying the practices with the help of information and practices acquired from the tradition. The Turks having rich and deep rooted culture. The Turkish folk medicine and folk healing that contain rich cultural structure in themselves survive until today by being fed by different sources. Before Islam, the Turks used to believe that there were white and black possessors, ancestors’ spirits (arvaks) and their healthy and peaceful life depended on getting on with these spirits. They also believed that diseases were caused when they could no more keep in with possessors and spirits, or when they offended and annoyed them. In such an environment of belief, the visible diseases caused by material reasons were generally cured with products obtained from plants, mines and animals in the region or drugs that were made out of their combinations. On the other hand, in invisible diseases associated with spirits and possessors, on the other hand, the treatment was undertaken by kams and they removed the disorder with the help of practices called “kamla-“, which involved various magics and bewitcheries. These features of kams occasionally coincide with the features of people known as “ocak” or “ocakli” in many regions of Anatolia. According to the information given by ocak/ocakli people whom we met in various regions, an ocak or ocakli person does not demand a certain fee after or before her/his practices and treatments; thus, there is no bargain between the patient and the ocakli. In this study, folk medicine and folk healing in Turkish culture will be introduced and evoluated.
民间医学和民间治疗可以被定义、编纂、规范、公开传授和广泛实践,并受益于数千年的经验。另一方面,它可能是高度秘密的、神秘的和极端本地化的,其实践的知识是口头传播的。民间医学和传统医学是原始人对自然事件的反应以及他们将相关社区的医疗做法与自己的做法进行比较和交流的方式的结果。魔术在塑造这些实践中发挥了重要作用。民间医学是从神话时期到今天,社会对物质和道德失调的解决方案。而民间医者则是社会上最聪明、最受人尊敬的人,无论在物质上还是精神上都是如此。这个人有识别和治疗疾病、失调的能力,从而了解这些疾病和失调的根源,并有使用各种药物治疗疾病和失调的技能,或在从传统中获得的信息和做法的帮助下应用这些做法。土耳其人有着丰富而深厚的文化。土耳其民间医药和民间治疗本身就包含着丰富的文化结构,通过不同的来源得以生存至今。在伊斯兰教之前,土耳其人曾经相信有白人和黑人的主人,祖先的灵魂(arvaks),他们的健康和平的生活取决于与这些灵魂相处。他们还认为,当他们无法再与附魔者和鬼魂保持联系时,或者当他们冒犯或惹恼了他们时,疾病就会产生。在这样一种信仰的环境中,由物质原因引起的可见疾病通常用从该地区的植物、矿山和动物中获得的产品或由它们组合而成的药物来治疗。另一方面,在与鬼魂和拥有者有关的无形疾病中,另一方面,由kams进行治疗,他们在称为“kamla-”的做法的帮助下消除了这种疾病,这种做法涉及各种魔法和巫术。kams的这些特征偶尔与安纳托利亚许多地区被称为“ocak”或“ocakli”的人的特征相吻合。根据我们在不同地区遇到的ocak/ocakli人提供的信息,ocak或ocakli人在其实践和治疗之后或之前不要求一定的费用;因此,在病人和奥克利之间没有讨价还价。在本研究中,将介绍和发展土耳其文化中的民间医学和民间治疗。
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引用次数: 1
Varlık Vergisi ve Aydın İlinde Uygulaması 财富税和月结
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2015-12-17 DOI: 10.19060/gab.61088
S. Tabak
1942 yilinda II. Dunya Savasi Donemi’ndeki savas kazanclari, asiri fiyat artisi ve enflasyondan yararlanarak buyuk maddi kazanc elde edenler oldu. II. Dunya Savasi nedeniyle 1 milyon erkek askere alindi. Turkiye’de uretim dustu. Devlet butce acigini ortadan kaldirmak icin, buyuk kazanc elde edenlerden, servetlerinin bir bolumunu devlete aktarmak amaciyla ve bir kez uygulanmak sarti ile Varlik Vergisi Kanunu cikarildi. Amac, devletin savas dolayisiyla altina girdigi yukun azaltilmasiydi. Gunumuzde yapilan yayinlarda, Varlik Vergisi’nin sadece gayrimuslim halktan alindigi seklinde aktarim yapilmaktadir. Fakat Aydin ilindeki uygulamanin da gosterdigi gibi, Anadolu kentlerindeki varlikli Musluman Turkler de bu vergiyi odemislerdir. Aydin’da Varlik Vergisi’ni odeyenler arasinda gayrimuslim bulunmadigi gibi, vergisini odemeyip is merkezlerine ve calisma kamplarina surgun edilen vergi mukellefi de bulunmamaktadir. Aydin da Varlik Vergisi odeyen Musluman halk arasin da DP donemi basbakanlarindan Adnan Menderes de bulunmaktadir.
1942年是第二次。世界上的战争赢家Savasi Donemi是赢家,是占主导地位的盈利艺术家和通货膨胀者。二、因为Dunya Savasi,100万人在军队中丧生。土耳其语。为了消除该国的极端贫困,实施了财产税法,目的是为公众带来财富,并在实施后立即实施。阿马克,由于国家的战争,黄金的减少减少了。在我们的枪支广播中,只是因为财富税被土著人民扼杀了。然而,就像在艾丁一样,阿纳多卢的土耳其人也对这种税收非常热情。在Aydin,税务中心和calismus运动没有税务人员,例如该部门成员之间没有歧视。此外,穆斯林人民的财富税办公室是民主党官员Adnan Menderes。
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引用次数: 2
Enver Paşa’nın Naaşının Tacikistan’dan Türkiye’ye Getirilişinin Türk Basınında Yansımaları 土耳其驻塔吉克斯坦土耳其媒体报道Enver Paşa海军对土耳其的介绍
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2015-12-17 DOI: 10.19060/GAB.16628
Fahri Türk
Enver Pasa Turk tarihinin onemli bir donemine damgasini vurmus olan bir devlet adamiydi. Birinci Dunya Savasi’ndan sonra Turkistan’a gecen Enver Pasa 4 Agustos 1922 tarihinde Ruslara karsi carpisirken olmustur. Tacikistan’in Belcivan kasabasi yakinlarinda Cegan Tepesi’nde topraga verilmistir. Turkiye, Suleyman Demirel’in girisimleriyle 1996 yilinda Enver Pasa’ya iade-i itibar ederek naasini Istanbul’a getirmis ve Abide-i Hurriyet Tepesi’nde yeniden defnetmistir. Bu durum seckinler arasinda yeni bir tartisma baslatmistir. Bu baglamda ortaya cikan gorusler iki grupta toplanabilir. Birinci grup, mezarin Turkiye’ye getirilmesine olumlu bakanlarin ve bunun Enver Pasa’ya karsi gosterilmis bir kadirsinaslik ve vefa ornegi oldugunu savunanlarin olusturdugu gruptur. Ikincisi grup ise Enver Pasa’nin Turkiye’ye hicbir faydasinin dokunmadigini ileri surenlerin dolayisiyla mezarin Turkiye’ye naklinin dogru olmadigini dusunenlerin meydana getirdigi topluluktur. Bu arastirmada Enver Pasa’nin naasinin Tacikistan’dan Turkiye’ye getirilisinin ulusal gazetelere (Hurriyet, Milliyet, Cumhuriyet, Aksam, Yeni Yuzyil, Sabah, Turkiye, Yeni Şafak, Zaman, Milli Gazete ve Akit) yansimalari icerik analizi yontemiyle ortaya konulacaktir.
恩维尔·帕萨·图尔克是一名民族男子,在图尔克的历史上,他拍摄了十几个冰淇淋。第一轮多瑙河战争后,恩维尔·帕萨于1922年8月4日晚落入土耳其。在Belcivan附近,塔吉克斯坦位于Cegan山的地面上。1996年,苏莱曼·德米雷尔承认他回到了伊斯坦布尔的恩维尔帕萨,并再次宣布他回到了阿比德·伊·胡里耶。这是一个很好的例子。在这个树干上,裂葡萄可以分成两组收集。第一组是一群为土耳其扫墓的好部长,也是一群反对恩维尔·帕萨的伟大保护者。第二组确定恩维尔·帕萨在土耳其的任何优势,这导致梅扎林到达土耳其的事实是不真实的。与此同时,全国性报纸(Hurriyet、Milliyet、阿萨姆邦共和国、Aksam、New Yuzyl、Morning、Turkey、New Shaphach、Time、national Gazete和Akit)将全面分析从塔吉克斯坦到土耳其的Enver Pasa悲剧报道。
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引用次数: 0
Barış Harekâtı Sonrasında Adana’dan Kıbrıs’a Gerçekleştirilen Nüfus Nakli (1975-1976) 和平运动之后,从阿达纳到埃及的人民运动(1975-1976)
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2015-12-17 DOI: 10.19060/gab.62214
Erdem Çanak
Ottoman Empire ruled Cyprus between the years 1571-1878, in 1878 with Treaty of Lausanne was officially passed to England temporarily. Greeks who want to take advantage of this situation, gave fresh impetus to activities for“Enosis” . This process which led to the struggle for existence of Turks in the island and has resulted Peace Operation in 1974. However, Turks emigrated to different parts of the world, mainly toTurkey due to the pressure that they are exposed in the period leading up to the Peace Operation. Therefore, after the operation, Turkish control of the labor needed to eliminate the deficit for the processing of the soil and the new government in order to ensure the economic development of the population of Turkey was carried transplant candidates. “Agricultural labor” the province’s population transfer carried out of Adana. In this regard all farmers from Adana, 1.480 men in 531 households, 1.287’s including women 2.767 people were resettled on the island. In this study, after the operation settlement the process with the transplant population of immigrants from Adana has been discussed.
奥斯曼帝国在1571年至1878年间统治塞浦路斯,1878年《洛桑条约》正式暂时移交给英国。想要利用这一局面的希腊人,为“伊诺西斯”的活动注入了新的动力。这一进程导致了岛上土耳其人的生存斗争,并导致了1974年的和平行动。然而,土耳其人移民到世界不同的地方,主要是由于他们在和平行动之前的时期所面临的压力而移民到土耳其。因此,手术后,土耳其控制的劳动力需要消除赤字,为处理土壤和新政府,以确保土耳其的经济发展的人口进行移植候选人。“农业劳动力”全省人口转移进行了阿达纳。在这方面,来自阿达纳的所有农民,531个家庭的1480名男子,包括妇女在内的1287人,以及2767人被重新安置在岛上。本研究探讨了阿达纳移民在手术定居后与移植人口的关系。
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引用次数: 0
İran Kültür Devrimi’nden Sonra İran Oksidentalizm Canlanması 伊朗文化大革命后的生活
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2015-12-17 DOI: 10.19060/GAB.25098
Shalaleh Zabardast
Modernity changed the community interests; it idealized individuality and liberal democracy, and based its main aim on pushing religion to the outskirts of human life. Western Christianity adjusted to modernity to justify the developments while Islam accepted it only to the extent of its capacity to authenticate the realities stated by the Qur’an. Orientalism, Occidentalism, and Islamism play impressive role in a variety of contexts today. Occidentalism in its popular variety helps to reinforce the identities. This study considers the power relationship between people and cultures. The roles and the identities are changing throughout history. Nowadays Islamic culture is one of popular subjects to study on. So, the Muslim world and revival of Islamic culture are the beginning of Occidentalism. Occidentalism is developed in the Orient in order to study the West from a non-Western World point of view. It can be referred as revival of identity (for isteghrab) in Arab world by Hasan Hanafi or Talibanian or ISIS Occidentalists movements which stand for empowering Arab culture, Wahhabism or Salafism. All are revivalist movements to rapture Islamism as an ideology. This article tries to focus on the concept of Occidentalism in Iran after Iran Cultural Revolution.
现代性改变了社会利益;它将个性和自由民主理想化,其主要目标是将宗教推向人类生活的边缘。西方基督教适应现代以证明发展的合理性,而伊斯兰教接受现代只是在其能力范围内证实古兰经所述的事实。东方主义、西方主义和伊斯兰主义在今天的各种环境中发挥着令人印象深刻的作用。流行的西方主义有助于加强身份认同。这项研究考虑了人与文化之间的权力关系。角色和身份在历史中不断变化。伊斯兰文化是当今研究的热门课题之一。因此,穆斯林世界和伊斯兰文化的复兴是西方主义的开端。西方主义是为了从非西方世界的角度研究西方而在东方发展起来的。它可以被称为哈桑·哈纳菲或塔利班或ISIS西方主义运动在阿拉伯世界的身份复兴,代表着赋予阿拉伯文化权力,瓦哈比主义或萨拉菲主义。所有这些都是复兴运动,目的是将伊斯兰主义作为一种意识形态加以宣扬。本文试图探讨伊朗文化大革命后的西方主义观念。
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引用次数: 0
Kültürel Bir Mücadele Alanı Olarak Eurovision Şarkı Yarışması 欧洲歌唱大赛作为文化战场
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2015-12-17 DOI: 10.19060/GAB.35553
Zeynep Merve Şivgin
Modern doneme ait bir kavrayis olan kulturun gerek sosyal ve toplumsal bir cozumleme kategorisi olarak, gerekse de bir yasam bicimi olarak oneminin goz ardi edilmesi, gunumuzde gecerligini kaybetmis ve kulture yonelik ilgi yeniden canlanmistir. Kultur, iktidar iliskilerinin bir parcasi ve iktidar mucadelesinin farkli bicimlerde devam ettigi bir alan olarak anlam kazanmistir. Ozellikle populer kulturun iktidar iliskilerinden bagimsiz olmayisi ancak ayni zamanda direnise gecit veren ve resmi soylemlerden baska alternatif soylemlere de olanak saglayan yapisi buyuk onem tasimaktadir. Bu calisma Eurovision Şarki Yarismasi’ni 50 yili askin geleneksellesen gecmisiyle dikkatle incelemeye deger populer kultur urunu bir televizyon programi olarak ele almaktadir. Cogunlukla “kitsch” olarak degerlendirilse de yarisma, katilimci ulkelerin “kulturel kimliklerinin temsiline” dayali formatiyla siradan bir sarki yarismasinin cok otesinde anlamlar icermektedir. Yarismaya katilan sanatcilar bireysel bir yaristan ziyade, ulkelerini temsil ettikleri icin yarismada bireysel kimlikleriyle degil, ulus kimlikleriyle yer almaktadir. Bu yonuyle yarisma milli bilinci dogrudan uyaran bir etkiye sahiptir. Bu etki yarismaya iliskin kamuoyuna yansiyan tartismalarda acik bicimde gorulmektedir. Turkiye’nin yarismayla kurdugu iliskinin, modernlesme sureciyle birlikte Bati’ya karsi gelisen “kulturel mucadele”nin bir gorunumunu sundugu ileri surulen bu calismada oncelikle kimlik ve kultur iliskisi incelenerek, kulturel kimligin insasinda populer kulturun rolu uzerinde durulmustur. Sonrasinda ise ulusal yazili basinda gecmisten bugune yer alan haberler, haberlerde kullanilan dil ve soylem araciligiyla Turk kamuoyunda yarismanin nasil kulturel bir mucadelenin araci haline geldiginin izleri surulmustur.
文化是现代冻结的一个概念,是社会和社会凝聚力的一个类别,如果有必要的话,它在我们的时代已经失去了它的夜晚,并作为一辆合法的自行车复活了。文化是权力关系的一部分,也是权力奇迹在不同自行车中延续的区域。特别是,它是一种保护文化力量不受腐败影响的植物,但它也是一种在夜间和非官方家庭保护抵抗力量的植物。这场灾难是关于将流行文化作为一个电视节目接管,这是50年来的伟大传统。如果他们被称为“媚俗”,那么种族主义意味着在一家大型酒店里,以杀手国家的传统“文化认同”形式存在讽刺性种族主义。Yarismaya katilan sanatcilar bireysel bir yaristan ziyade,ulkelerini temsil ettikleri icin Yarismaya bireysel kimlikleriye degil,ulus kimlikler iyer almaktadir。它对种族主义有着真正的影响。这种影响将在我的自行车中受到辐射场的保护。除了土耳其种族主义的当代形象,当谈到巴蒂时,它还将探讨在这部作品中呈现的“文化奇迹”的前几位人物的身份和文化关系,这将在人民的文化身份中发挥重要作用。后来,夜以继日的新闻报道说明了土耳其的种族主义文化是如何利用新闻中使用的语言和文化工具进行交流的。
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引用次数: 1
SSCB’nin Dağılma Sürecinden BDT’nin Kurulmasına Kadar Geçen Sürede Karabağ Eksenli Olarak, Nahçıvan, Ermenistan ve Azerbaycan Coğrafyasında Yaşanan Gelişmeler ve Türkiye’nin Tutumu (Ekim 1987- Aralık 1991) 土耳其的发展和阻止(1987年10月至1991年12月)SSCB从拆除过程中发展BDT是由土耳其过渡时期的卡达尔由东土耳其、纳赫万、亚美尼亚和阿塞拜疆建立的。
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2015-12-17 DOI: 10.19060/GAB.70850
Erdem Karaca
After dispersing of Soviet Union, Karabakh Armenians first made an effort for their freedom then tried to be connected with Armenia. The situation that supported by Armenia caused a huge conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Turkey has sought to play a constructive interference to solve the emergent hitches which is impossible to avoid from this problem. “The Turkish National Assembly recording journal” and “Hurriyet newspaper” are the main sources in this study. Subject headings are like this: 1. Introduction: Karabakh, 2. Karabakh-Ralated Caos while Soviet Union Separating: Demonstration, Action, Cconflict Process, 3. Karabakh’s Bonding to Moscow and Unavoidable Caos, 4.The New Way of Seeking of Turkey, Azerbaijan and Armenia, 5. The Failure of the Union: Liberation Movements in Caucasians, 6. Abolition of Soviet Union and New Consortium (CIS) while Conflict Running on Between Azerbaijan and Armenia, 7. Conlusion and Evaluation.
苏联解体后,卡拉巴赫的亚美尼亚人首先争取自由,然后试图与亚美尼亚建立联系。亚美尼亚所支持的局势造成了阿塞拜疆和亚美尼亚之间的巨大冲突。土耳其试图发挥建设性的干预作用,以解决这个问题无法避免的新出现的问题。“土耳其国民议会记录日志”和“Hurriyet报”是本研究的主要来源。主题标题是这样的:2.卡拉巴赫苏联解体时的卡拉巴赫事件:论证、行动、冲突过程。卡拉巴赫与莫斯科的结合和不可避免的cao, 4。4 .土耳其、阿塞拜疆和亚美尼亚的新寻求之路。联盟的失败:高加索人的解放运动,6。7.在阿塞拜疆和亚美尼亚之间的冲突中,苏联和新联合体(独联体)的废除。结论与评价。
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引用次数: 0
Almanya Maliye Bakanı Dr. Theodor Karl Helfferich’in Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nın Sebeplerine Dair Değerlendirmeleri 德国财政部长Theodor Karl Helfferich博士评估了第一次世界大战的原因
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2015-12-17 DOI: 10.19060/GAB.93565
Mustafa Çolak, İsmet Türkmen
In history mankind has experienced the most devastating experience during the years of the First World War. This pre-war and war in the later stages of a decision taken individually, even thousands, even millions of lives have been directly or indirectly affected. Experiencing the process and outcome of the war rather than the causes of human history has so much more busy. Therefore, the cause of the war which works popularity continues even today. Concerning the reasons for the war period, written by the German Finance Minister Dr. Helfferich especially in England, including working with its allies in the war of public opinion in the state has led to many discussions concerning the reasons. Dr. Helfferich’s “The Beginning of Great War”; “German’s Case in The Supreme Court of Civilization”; was published under the title of The New York Times by the Fatherland company in 1915. Dr. Karl Helfferich’s study has been translated in different languages in following period.
在历史上,人类在第一次世界大战期间经历了最具破坏性的经历。这是战前和战争后期个别作出的决定,甚至几千人、甚至几百万人的生命都受到了直接或间接的影响。体验战争的过程和结果,而不是人类历史的起因,有如此多的忙碌。因此,这场战争的起因一直持续到今天。关于战争时期的原因,由德国财政部长Helfferich博士撰写,特别是在英国,包括在战争中与其盟友的合作,在国家舆论中导致了许多关于原因的讨论。Helfferich博士的《第一次世界大战的开始》;“德国人在文明最高法院的案例”;于1915年由祖国公司以《纽约时报》的名义出版。Karl Helfferich博士的研究在随后的时期被翻译成不同的语言。
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引用次数: 0
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Gazi Akademik Bakis-Gazi Academic View
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