Résumé:Les États-Unis sont soumis au printemps 2019 à deux urgences, l'une apparente (la crise migratoire), l'autre bien réelle (la crise climatique). Cet article détaille ces deux crises et envisage les rapports qu'elles entretiennent entre elles pour proposer de repenser les protections collectives contre le changement climatique à la lumière de l'exemple américain.
{"title":"Des murs ou des digues ?","authors":"Éloi Laurent","doi":"10.3138/TTR.40.1.119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/TTR.40.1.119","url":null,"abstract":"Résumé:Les États-Unis sont soumis au printemps 2019 à deux urgences, l'une apparente (la crise migratoire), l'autre bien réelle (la crise climatique). Cet article détaille ces deux crises et envisage les rapports qu'elles entretiennent entre elles pour proposer de repenser les protections collectives contre le changement climatique à la lumière de l'exemple américain.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"40 1","pages":"119 - 128"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45162913","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The existing literature on the Tirailleurs Sénégalais focuses mainly on the participation of African colonial soldiers in the two world wars, on the discrimination they suffered in the army, and on French ingratitude towards them after independence. While all of these issues are important, my aim in this article is to examine the tirailleurs' struggles for rights in the aftermath of WWII, with a particular focus on their agency and ability to shape their own destiny. I begin by discussing the tirailleurs' spontaneous revolts and protests that erupted at demobilization. I then examine the much more calculated struggle of the main veterans' journal in French West Africa, La Voix des combattants, to advance the veterans' aims in the post-war decades. Lastly, I explore a particular case of struggle for equality waged by African veterans: the district guards' fight for better conditions in Ivory Coast and Senegal in the mid-1950s. With these three examples, I demonstrate that the tirailleurs were not just helpless victims of an exploitative colonial system, but also managed to win equality within the army by invoking the sacrifices they had made for France during the two world wars.
摘要：现有关于Sénégalais的文献主要集中在非洲殖民地士兵参与两次世界大战、他们在军队中遭受的歧视以及法国独立后对他们的忘恩负义。虽然所有这些问题都很重要，但我在这篇文章中的目的是研究二战后提拉勒人的权利斗争，特别关注他们塑造自己命运的机构和能力。我首先讨论提拉勒人在复员时爆发的自发起义和抗议活动。然后，我研究了法属西非的主要退伍军人杂志《战斗之声》（La Voix des fightants）为推动退伍军人在战后几十年的目标而进行的更为深思熟虑的斗争。最后，我探讨了非洲退伍军人为争取平等而进行的一个特殊案例：20世纪50年代中期，地区警卫在科特迪瓦和塞内加尔为改善条件而进行的斗争。通过这三个例子，我证明了蒂赖勒人不仅是剥削性殖民制度的无助受害者，而且还通过援引他们在两次世界大战期间为法国做出的牺牲，在军队中赢得了平等。
{"title":"Blood for Equality: African Soldiers' Struggles for Rights after World War II","authors":"Ruth Ginio","doi":"10.3138/TTR.40.1.81","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/TTR.40.1.81","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The existing literature on the Tirailleurs Sénégalais focuses mainly on the participation of African colonial soldiers in the two world wars, on the discrimination they suffered in the army, and on French ingratitude towards them after independence. While all of these issues are important, my aim in this article is to examine the tirailleurs' struggles for rights in the aftermath of WWII, with a particular focus on their agency and ability to shape their own destiny. I begin by discussing the tirailleurs' spontaneous revolts and protests that erupted at demobilization. I then examine the much more calculated struggle of the main veterans' journal in French West Africa, La Voix des combattants, to advance the veterans' aims in the post-war decades. Lastly, I explore a particular case of struggle for equality waged by African veterans: the district guards' fight for better conditions in Ivory Coast and Senegal in the mid-1950s. With these three examples, I demonstrate that the tirailleurs were not just helpless victims of an exploitative colonial system, but also managed to win equality within the army by invoking the sacrifices they had made for France during the two world wars.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"40 1","pages":"101 - 81"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49420688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:From the moment the US Congress adopted the draft in September 1940, the Army refused to give in to demands of racial integration expressed by Black activist organizations and the African-American press. The General Staff kept repeating that the war was not an appropriate time to try an « experiment » in racial integration, and that the country was not ready for it. In order to respect the 10% quota for African-Americans that President Roosevelt had agreed on, the Army extended the Southern regime of race relations to all its posts, and created all-black units, including two all-black divisions that were trained in the Arizona desert at Fort Huachuca. Paradoxically, this all-black post (one of only two in the country) was the site of an experiment in integration. It took place in what was designed to be a deluxe all-black hospital, under the leadership of medical officers coming from civilian practice and the North Eastern part of the country. A few other experiments in racial integration happened in the army during the war, but mostly abroad and at the end of the conflict. Fort Huachuca's racial regime was therefore unique. This article examines the conditions that made this experiment possible in the medical sphere, thus connecting the fields of race and medicine, and attempts to evaluate the effect it had on the post-war army and medical practice.
{"title":"\"No Experiment… at This Critical Time\"? Racial Integration at Fort Huachuca's All-Black Hospital During World War II","authors":"P. Peretz","doi":"10.3138/TTR.40.1.39","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/TTR.40.1.39","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:From the moment the US Congress adopted the draft in September 1940, the Army refused to give in to demands of racial integration expressed by Black activist organizations and the African-American press. The General Staff kept repeating that the war was not an appropriate time to try an « experiment » in racial integration, and that the country was not ready for it. In order to respect the 10% quota for African-Americans that President Roosevelt had agreed on, the Army extended the Southern regime of race relations to all its posts, and created all-black units, including two all-black divisions that were trained in the Arizona desert at Fort Huachuca. Paradoxically, this all-black post (one of only two in the country) was the site of an experiment in integration. It took place in what was designed to be a deluxe all-black hospital, under the leadership of medical officers coming from civilian practice and the North Eastern part of the country. A few other experiments in racial integration happened in the army during the war, but mostly abroad and at the end of the conflict. Fort Huachuca's racial regime was therefore unique. This article examines the conditions that made this experiment possible in the medical sphere, thus connecting the fields of race and medicine, and attempts to evaluate the effect it had on the post-war army and medical practice.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"40 1","pages":"39 - 58"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44366805","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Comment penser la figure de l'entrepreneur privé en Chine contemporaine, et plus particulièrement la place de la philanthropie et de la responsabilité sociale dans la construction de cette figure par l'État-parti ? Comment les entrepreneurs se saisissent-ils de ces représentations pour légitimer leurs positions sociales, et quelles réappropriations peut-on observer chez les travailleurs et citoyens chinois aujourd'hui ? Les données mobilisées sont tirées d'un travail de thèse en anthropologie sociale qui interroge les logiques globalisées d'un actuel capitalisme philanthrope. Sont ici présentés des exemples de déploiement d'un capitalisme philanthropique et de responsabilité sociale d'entreprise en Chine contemporaine, dans le but de nourrir une analyse des effets que les représentations du capitalisme, du capitaliste et de la philanthropie ont sur les personnalités et la pensée sociale chinoises.
{"title":"Le capitaliste philanthrope et l'entrepreneur socialement responsable : les nouveaux « héros socialistes » de la chine contemporaine *","authors":"Aurélia Desplain","doi":"10.3138/TTR.40.2.295","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/TTR.40.2.295","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Comment penser la figure de l'entrepreneur privé en Chine contemporaine, et plus particulièrement la place de la philanthropie et de la responsabilité sociale dans la construction de cette figure par l'État-parti ? Comment les entrepreneurs se saisissent-ils de ces représentations pour légitimer leurs positions sociales, et quelles réappropriations peut-on observer chez les travailleurs et citoyens chinois aujourd'hui ? Les données mobilisées sont tirées d'un travail de thèse en anthropologie sociale qui interroge les logiques globalisées d'un actuel capitalisme philanthrope. Sont ici présentés des exemples de déploiement d'un capitalisme philanthropique et de responsabilité sociale d'entreprise en Chine contemporaine, dans le but de nourrir une analyse des effets que les représentations du capitalisme, du capitaliste et de la philanthropie ont sur les personnalités et la pensée sociale chinoises.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"40 1","pages":"295 - 311"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-04-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45263947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Résumé:En s'appuyant sur les résultats d'enquêtes récentes conduites dans une optique d'économie politique, cet article argumente tout d'abord que les institutions qui encadrent l'activité économique sont beaucoup plus que des règles formelles et des normes informelles. Ces institutions sont également, et surtout, des conventions sociales qui imposent constamment des paramètres forts sur comment les enjeux socio-économiques sont pensés et sur la manière dont on peut agir sur eux. En effet, c'est parce qu'elles façonnent les attentes des acteurs et des populations concernées qu'il est heuristique, voire essentiel, d'analyser les « cultures » capitalistiques, c'est-àdire les hiérarchies de valeurs qui, dans tel ou tel espace social, impactent lourdement le changement ou la reproduction institutionnelle. Cette thèse centrale est ensuite étayée à travers des exemples empiriques développés d'une part à l'échelle d'une industrie spécifique (l'agro-alimentaire) et, d'autre part, à celle d'une politique économique transversale (la politique de la concurrence européenne).
{"title":"La compètitivitè au centre de luttes entre cultures capitalistes","authors":"Andy Smith","doi":"10.3138/ttr.40.2.109","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.40.2.109","url":null,"abstract":"Résumé:En s'appuyant sur les résultats d'enquêtes récentes conduites dans une optique d'économie politique, cet article argumente tout d'abord que les institutions qui encadrent l'activité économique sont beaucoup plus que des règles formelles et des normes informelles. Ces institutions sont également, et surtout, des conventions sociales qui imposent constamment des paramètres forts sur comment les enjeux socio-économiques sont pensés et sur la manière dont on peut agir sur eux. En effet, c'est parce qu'elles façonnent les attentes des acteurs et des populations concernées qu'il est heuristique, voire essentiel, d'analyser les « cultures » capitalistiques, c'est-àdire les hiérarchies de valeurs qui, dans tel ou tel espace social, impactent lourdement le changement ou la reproduction institutionnelle. Cette thèse centrale est ensuite étayée à travers des exemples empiriques développés d'une part à l'échelle d'une industrie spécifique (l'agro-alimentaire) et, d'autre part, à celle d'une politique économique transversale (la politique de la concurrence européenne).","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"40 1","pages":"109 - 124"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46982806","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This essay reflects on Stanley Hoffmann’s contributions as a scholar and public intellectual. We focus on Stanley Hoffmann’s scholarly, intellectual and ethical legacy by highlighting two sets of contributions, where his work challenged much international relations scholarship in the second half of the 20th century. First, we identify the ways in which his research speaks to important policy concerns, whilst maintaining a certain detachment from the corridors of power. This is a distinctive approach to policy relevance that allowed Hoffmann to contribute to public debate and raise important challenges to prevailing policies at crucial moments. Second, we stress the importance of Hoffmann’s arguments for a humanistic approach to the social sciences and international relations, a plea that remains relevant in an age of heightened scientific ambitions.
{"title":"Moderation as Courage: The Legacy of Stanley Hoffmann as a Scholar and Public Intellectual","authors":"Magnus Feldmann, Benoît Pelopidas","doi":"10.3138/TTR.39.2.77","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/TTR.39.2.77","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This essay reflects on Stanley Hoffmann’s contributions as a scholar and public intellectual. We focus on Stanley Hoffmann’s scholarly, intellectual and ethical legacy by highlighting two sets of contributions, where his work challenged much international relations scholarship in the second half of the 20th century. First, we identify the ways in which his research speaks to important policy concerns, whilst maintaining a certain detachment from the corridors of power. This is a distinctive approach to policy relevance that allowed Hoffmann to contribute to public debate and raise important challenges to prevailing policies at crucial moments. Second, we stress the importance of Hoffmann’s arguments for a humanistic approach to the social sciences and international relations, a plea that remains relevant in an age of heightened scientific ambitions.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"77 - 91"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.3138/TTR.39.2.77","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48249259","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Unusually for a scholar of international affairs working within the confines of academic social science, Stanley Hoffmann resisted tendencies to divorce descriptive and analytical work from ethical considerations, to study politics in isolation from culture and personal experience, and to focus on institutions and systems rather than individuals. All of these elements of intellectual non-conformity found expression in—and also reflected the influence of—his hero, Albert Camus. Hoffmann’s engagement with Camus—reconstructed here from his scattered writings on that figure, and his accounts of his own life—in turn reveal crucial features of Hoffmann’s own sensibility and experience, which shaped the scholar that he was and the work he produced. Camus served as an ethical exemplar, whose model and inspiration, set in balance with that of Hoffmann’s mentor Raymond Aron, helped to define and sustain Hoffmann’s distinctive balance between realism and idealism.
{"title":"Heroes, Critics, and Teachers: Thinking with Stanley Hoffmann and Albert Camus","authors":"J. Cherniss","doi":"10.3138/TTR.39.2.113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/TTR.39.2.113","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Unusually for a scholar of international affairs working within the confines of academic social science, Stanley Hoffmann resisted tendencies to divorce descriptive and analytical work from ethical considerations, to study politics in isolation from culture and personal experience, and to focus on institutions and systems rather than individuals. All of these elements of intellectual non-conformity found expression in—and also reflected the influence of—his hero, Albert Camus. Hoffmann’s engagement with Camus—reconstructed here from his scattered writings on that figure, and his accounts of his own life—in turn reveal crucial features of Hoffmann’s own sensibility and experience, which shaped the scholar that he was and the work he produced. Camus served as an ethical exemplar, whose model and inspiration, set in balance with that of Hoffmann’s mentor Raymond Aron, helped to define and sustain Hoffmann’s distinctive balance between realism and idealism.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"113 - 131"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42913346","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article begins by arguing that Raymond Aron’s interest in the burgeoning field of international relations theory was fundamentally motivated by the attempt to provide an alternative to Hans Morgenthau’s Politics Among Nations. Throughout his book Paix et guerre Aron expressed a consistent worry that Morgenthau’s political realism was too influenced by a dangerous strain of German power politics which he identified with the thought of Carl Schmitt. The article, then, suggests that Morgenthau, frustrated by Aron’s accusations, perhaps played a key role in preventing Paix et guerre from having the type of American reception that Aron had anticipated. It concludes by suggesting that Stanley Hoffmann’s early forays of the 1950s and 1960s into international relations realism theory were fundamentally inspired by Aron’s thinking on the matter, which best explains why he proved so critical of Morgenthau’s theory of international relations.
{"title":"Stanley Hoffmann’s Critique of Hans Morgenthau’s Political Realism","authors":"Daniel Steinmetz-Jenkins","doi":"10.3138/TTR.39.2.63","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/TTR.39.2.63","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article begins by arguing that Raymond Aron’s interest in the burgeoning field of international relations theory was fundamentally motivated by the attempt to provide an alternative to Hans Morgenthau’s Politics Among Nations. Throughout his book Paix et guerre Aron expressed a consistent worry that Morgenthau’s political realism was too influenced by a dangerous strain of German power politics which he identified with the thought of Carl Schmitt. The article, then, suggests that Morgenthau, frustrated by Aron’s accusations, perhaps played a key role in preventing Paix et guerre from having the type of American reception that Aron had anticipated. It concludes by suggesting that Stanley Hoffmann’s early forays of the 1950s and 1960s into international relations realism theory were fundamentally inspired by Aron’s thinking on the matter, which best explains why he proved so critical of Morgenthau’s theory of international relations.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"63 - 76"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46491346","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:As a committed liberal, Stanley Hoffmann devoted his life’s work to the protection of vulnerable individuals in the stormy context of world affairs. This article explores Hoffmann’s international liberalism in relation to the international liberalism of John Rawls, whose work Hoffmann described as learned and fascinating, but of little relevance to reality for international relations. This is surprising in light of their shared emphases on reforming state institutions and reconciling citizenship with cosmopolitan duty. I suggest that Hoffmann’s skepticism is rooted in his unease with Rawls’s re-deployment of the social contract to describe a “realistic utopia” for international relations, which Hoffmann considered to be both overly utopian and overly realistic, as becomes particularly vivid in relation to the place of nonliberal peoples in a liberal international society. Despite these disagreements, I suggest that Hoffmann shared many of Rawls’s key positions and aspirations, and that the two must be seen as fellow travelers in the global project of political liberalism.
{"title":"Stanley Hoffmann’s International Liberalism and the Quest for a Realistic Utopia","authors":"Nancy Bertoldi","doi":"10.3138/TTR.39.2.93","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/TTR.39.2.93","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:As a committed liberal, Stanley Hoffmann devoted his life’s work to the protection of vulnerable individuals in the stormy context of world affairs. This article explores Hoffmann’s international liberalism in relation to the international liberalism of John Rawls, whose work Hoffmann described as learned and fascinating, but of little relevance to reality for international relations. This is surprising in light of their shared emphases on reforming state institutions and reconciling citizenship with cosmopolitan duty. I suggest that Hoffmann’s skepticism is rooted in his unease with Rawls’s re-deployment of the social contract to describe a “realistic utopia” for international relations, which Hoffmann considered to be both overly utopian and overly realistic, as becomes particularly vivid in relation to the place of nonliberal peoples in a liberal international society. Despite these disagreements, I suggest that Hoffmann shared many of Rawls’s key positions and aspirations, and that the two must be seen as fellow travelers in the global project of political liberalism.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"112 - 93"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44381655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article re-examines the origins and implications of Raymond Aron’s brand of political realism. Its starting point is the private correspondence between Aron and Henry Kissinger in the wake of the Chilean coup of 1973 and the demise of the Greek military dictatorship the following year. At issue in this exchange was the idea that an authentic political realism must take values seriously. The article traces the origins of this vision of political realism to Aron’s peripheral involvement in neo-radical and neo-socialist political movements in the late 1920s, thereby challenging the view that Aron’s arrival at intellectual ‘maturity’ required a radical break with his early politics. It then returns to the Greek and Chilean crises so as to illustrate and problematize Aron’s theory of international relations as applied to real world politics before finally considering how Aron’s response to these crises was informed by his views on earlier crises of French democracy in 1934–7 and 1958.
{"title":"From Pétain to Pinochet: Raymond Aron, Henry Kissinger, and the Problem of Political Realism","authors":"Iain Stewart","doi":"10.3138/TTR.39.2.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/TTR.39.2.15","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article re-examines the origins and implications of Raymond Aron’s brand of political realism. Its starting point is the private correspondence between Aron and Henry Kissinger in the wake of the Chilean coup of 1973 and the demise of the Greek military dictatorship the following year. At issue in this exchange was the idea that an authentic political realism must take values seriously. The article traces the origins of this vision of political realism to Aron’s peripheral involvement in neo-radical and neo-socialist political movements in the late 1920s, thereby challenging the view that Aron’s arrival at intellectual ‘maturity’ required a radical break with his early politics. It then returns to the Greek and Chilean crises so as to illustrate and problematize Aron’s theory of international relations as applied to real world politics before finally considering how Aron’s response to these crises was informed by his views on earlier crises of French democracy in 1934–7 and 1958.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"15 - 33"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49233890","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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