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The Social Evolution of Terror and Genocide across Time and Geographic Space: Perspectives from Evolutionary Game Theory 恐怖和种族灭绝的社会进化跨越时间和地理空间:从进化博弈论的视角
IF 0.6 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2015-10-01 DOI: 10.15355/EPSJ.10.2.5
Charles H. Anderton
This article uses evolutionary game theory to reveal the interpersonal and geographic characteristics of a society that make it vulnerable to a conquest from within by terrorist organizations and genocide architects. Under conditions identified in the space-less version of the model, entrepreneurs of violence can create the social metamorphosis of a peaceful people group into one that supports or does not resist violence against an out-group. The model is extended into geographic space by analyzing interactions among peaceful and aggressive phenotypes in Moore and von Neumann neighborhoods. The model also reveals policy interventions in which the social evolution of aggression never gets started or comes to a halt if already underway.
本文运用进化博弈论揭示了一个社会的人际关系和地理特征,这些特征使它容易受到恐怖组织和种族灭绝策划者的内部征服。在模型的无空间版本中确定的条件下,暴力企业家可以创造一个和平的人民群体的社会变形为支持或不抵制针对外部群体的暴力。该模型通过分析摩尔和冯·诺伊曼社区中和平型和攻击性表型之间的相互作用扩展到地理空间。该模型还揭示了政策干预,其中侵略的社会进化从未开始或停止,如果已经在进行中。
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引用次数: 27
Hysteresis of targeting civilians in armed conflicts 武装冲突中针对平民的迟滞性
IF 0.6 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2015-10-01 DOI: 10.15355/EPSJ.10.2.31
Uih Ran Lee
This article explores warring groups’ intentional targeting behavior against civilians, a strictly prohibited war strategy by international norms. Using dynamic panel regressions run on a comprehensive dataset of contemporary warfare which covers 22 years (1989-2010), I find that warring actors, both sovereign states and formally organized armed groups, behave systematically in terms of civilian targeting when they are involved in prolonged armed conflict (15-22 years). Warring actors’ lethal behavior against civilians tends to be intensified if targeting is repeated in prolonged armed conflict although this hysteresis effect persists only for one year. It is hypothesized that the mounting war cost of prolonged conflict inclines warring groups toward the presumably cheaper targeting of noncombatant civilians rather than battling combatant military or other armed personnel.
本文探讨了交战集团故意针对平民的行为,这是国际规范严格禁止的一种战争策略。通过对涵盖22年(1989-2010)的当代战争综合数据集进行动态面板回归分析,我发现交战各方,无论是主权国家还是正式组织的武装团体,在卷入长期武装冲突(15-22年)时,都会系统性地以平民为目标。如果在长期武装冲突中重复以目标为目标,交战行为者对平民的致命行为往往会加剧,尽管这种滞后效应只持续一年。据推测,长期冲突的战争成本不断上升,使交战团体倾向于以非战斗平民为目标,而不是与战斗军人或其他武装人员作战。
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引用次数: 2
Toward mixed-methods impact evaluation: Making stabilization assessments work for development cooperation 走向混合方法影响评价:使稳定评价为发展合作服务
IF 0.6 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2015-10-01 DOI: 10.15355/EPSJ.10.2.61
J. Koehler, Kristóf Gosztonyi, Basir Feda, K. Child
We introduce a mixed-methods approach to assess the impact of a complex development program on stability and present a selection of relevant results on stabilization dynamics and possible program-related impacts. The program is implemented by an international nongovernmental organization and combines capacity building with infrastructure development at the district level in North Afghanistan. We develop a working definition of stability and define context-relevant stabilization indicators. We then analyze how various stabilization indicators relate to each other and observe how they change over time. Finally, we analyze how proxies for program activity relate to the stabilization dynamics observed. At this stage, the data analysis is exploratory, and the results are illustrative rather than definite in regard to the success or failure of the stabilization program.
我们介绍了一种混合方法来评估复杂开发计划对稳定性的影响,并提出了稳定动力学和可能的计划相关影响的相关结果的选择。该项目由一个国际非政府组织实施,将阿富汗北部地区的能力建设与基础设施建设相结合。我们制定了稳定性的工作定义,并定义了与环境相关的稳定性指标。然后,我们分析各种稳定指标如何相互关联,并观察它们如何随时间变化。最后,我们分析了程序活动的代理与观察到的稳定动力学之间的关系。在这个阶段,数据分析是探索性的,结果是说明性的,而不是关于稳定方案的成功或失败的确定。
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引用次数: 0
Honing the proper edge: CERP and the two-sided potential of military-led development in Afghanistan 磨练适当的优势:CERP和阿富汗军事主导发展的双边潜力
IF 0.6 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2015-10-01 DOI: 10.15355/EPSJ.10.2.53
G. Adams
Using a newer and expanded dataset as well as a survey of practitioner perceptions, this article adds to a recent body of literature on reconstruction and violence in Afghanistan. Data are taken from military-led development projects by way of the United States military’s Commander’s Emergency Response Program (CERP) and, to measure violence, from U.S. military Significant Activities (SIGACTs) reports. The results suggest that, at great cost, large-budget CERP efforts (those in excess of USD50,000 per project) may be associated with an increase in violence and thus counter-productive to military stability goals. In contrast, small projects (below USD50,000), which comprise a smaller proportion of total CERP allocations, are associated in statistically significant ways with reductions in violence. To explore why CERP projects may have these effects, the article also examines administrative modalities for CERP spending. The results suggest that timely, flexible expenditure of CERP funds are most effective at reducing violence.
本文使用更新和扩展的数据集以及对从业者看法的调查,为最近关于阿富汗重建和暴力的文献补充了内容。数据通过美国军方指挥官应急计划(CERP)从军方主导的发展项目中获取,为了衡量暴力,数据来自美国军事重大活动(SIGACTs)报告。结果表明,在巨大的成本下,大预算的CERP努力(每个项目超过50,000美元)可能与暴力增加有关,从而对军事稳定目标产生反作用。相比之下,小型项目(低于5万美元)在CERP拨款总额中所占比例较小,但在统计上与暴力减少有显著关系。为了探讨CERP项目可能产生这些影响的原因,本文还研究了CERP支出的管理模式。结果表明,及时、灵活地支出中央应急方案资金对减少暴力最有效。
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引用次数: 11
On the ground: Field research from Afghanistan 实地报道:来自阿富汗的实地调查
IF 0.6 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2015-10-01 DOI: 10.15355/EPSJ.10.2.41
T. Child
This note introduces a four-article symposium on stability and reconstruction across Afghanistan. The contributors are experienced practitioners and/or field researchers drawn from a spectrum of the social sciences. Each of them has established a physical presence in Afghanistan for a significant period of time. Consequently, this symposium elucidates some critical aspects of the conflict and development phenomena which have thus far been overlooked.
本说明介绍了关于阿富汗稳定与重建的四篇专题讨论会。贡献者是来自社会科学领域的经验丰富的从业者和/或实地研究人员。他们每个人都在阿富汗建立了实际存在,并持续了很长一段时间。因此,这次专题讨论会阐明了迄今为止被忽视的冲突和发展现象的一些关键方面。
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引用次数: 0
Online supplement: Nonparasitic warlords and geographic distance 在线补充:非寄生军阀和地理距离
IF 0.6 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2015-04-01 DOI: 10.15355/EPSJ.10.1.5S
Jerry Hionis
This is an online supplement for Jerry Hinois. “Nonparasitic warlords and geographic distance.” Economics of Peace and Security Journal. Vol. 10, No. 1 (2015). doi:10.15355/epsj.10.1.5
这是Jerry Hinois的在线增刊。“非寄生军阀和地理距离。”和平与安全经济学杂志。第10卷第1期(2015)。doi: 10.15355 / epsj.10.1.5
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引用次数: 0
Nonparasitic warlords and geographic distance 非寄生军阀和地理距离
IF 0.6 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2015-04-01 DOI: 10.15355/epsj.10.1.5
Jerry Hionis
The explicit consideration of geography in the conflict theory literature is still relatively rare. In this article, two warlords are modeled as being located at opposing ends of a hypothetical line. The model includes variables denoting distance and difficulty of terrain. Each warlord allocates resources to the extraction of natural resources, to the production of goods and services (hence, nonparasitic), and to conflict with the opposing warlord. Two forms of a contest success function, a primary tool in the literature, are used to show that the warlord closer to the point of conflict will invest less into the hiring of warriors and more into the production of goods and services, yet will win a larger proportion of total goods and services produced within the economy.
冲突理论文献中对地理因素的明确考虑仍然相对较少。在这篇文章中,两个军阀被建模为位于一条假想线的两端。该模型包括表示地形距离和难度的变量。每个军阀都将资源分配给自然资源的开采、商品和服务的生产(因此是非寄生的)以及与敌对军阀的冲突。两种形式的竞赛成功函数(文献中的主要工具)被用来表明,靠近冲突点的军阀将在雇佣战士上投入较少,而在生产商品和服务上投入更多,但将赢得经济中生产的总商品和服务的更大比例。
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引用次数: 0
The Effect of Farmer-Pastoralist Violence on Income: New Survey Evidence from Nigeria’s Middle Belt States 农牧民暴力对收入的影响:来自尼日利亚中部地带各州的新调查证据
IF 0.6 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2015-04-01 DOI: 10.15355/EPSJ.10.1.54
Topher L. McDougal, Talia Hagerty, Lisa Inks, Claire-Lorentz Ugo-Ike, C. Dowd, S. Conroy, Daniel Ogabiela
This study estimates the relationship between violent conflict and household income in four states of Nigeria’s Middle Belt region (Benue, Kaduna, Nasarawa, and Plateau) where farmers and pastoralists routinely clash over access to farmland, grazing areas, stock routes, and water points for animals and households. Although relatively low in intensity, this form of violence is widespread, persistent, and arguably increasing in its incidence. We obtained data on income and household-level violence exposure from an original household survey administered in September 2014. Employing a negative binomial instrumental variables model, we find an inverse relation between violence and household incomes. Incomes could be increased by between 64 to 210 percent of current levels if violence related to farmer-pastoralist conflict in the four study states were reduced to near-zero. Cumulatively, we find that forgone income represents 10.2 percent of the combined official state domestic product in the study area. This is high when compared to the costs of conflict measured in other studies, even as our study takes account only of microeconomic costs. After incorporating an estimate of the size of the informal economy, the microeconomic cost of farmer-pastoralist conflict to the total economy is approximately 2.9 percent.
本研究估计了尼日利亚中部地带四个州(贝努埃、卡杜纳、纳萨拉瓦和高原)的暴力冲突与家庭收入之间的关系,在这些州,农民和牧民经常因进入农田、牧区、牲畜运输路线以及牲畜和家庭的供水点而发生冲突。虽然强度相对较低,但这种形式的暴力是普遍的、持续的,而且可以说其发生率在增加。我们从2014年9月进行的一项原始家庭调查中获得了收入和家庭层面暴力暴露的数据。采用负二项工具变量模型,我们发现暴力与家庭收入之间存在反比关系。如果在四个被研究的州中,与农牧民冲突相关的暴力减少到接近于零,收入可能会比目前水平增加64%到210%。累积起来,我们发现放弃的收入占研究地区官方国内生产总值的10.2%。与其他研究中测量的冲突成本相比,这一比例很高,即使我们的研究只考虑了微观经济成本。在纳入对非正规经济规模的估计后,农牧民冲突的微观经济成本约占整体经济的2.9%。
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引用次数: 9
The political economy of securitization: The case of Boko Haram, Nigeria 证券化的政治经济学:以尼日利亚博科圣地为例
IF 0.6 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2015-04-01 DOI: 10.15355/EPSJ.10.1.32
M. Nwankpa
Since the abduction in 2014 of 276 high school girls in a remote village, Chibok, in Borno state, Nigeria, the activities of the proscribed group Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati Wal-Jihad, popularly known as Boko Haram, has received elevated domestic and international attention, as has the Nigerian government’s strategy to deal with the group. Criticisms of the government’s ineffective handling of the situation have been made by a number of foreign governments, and several of them have offered military, intelligence, diplomatic, and law enforcement assistance to Nigeria. From a political economy perspective, this article presents a critical reading and analysis of the local and international response to Boko Haram. It finds that an interest in the “securitization” of development prevails over a genuine peace and security agenda.
自2014年在尼日利亚博尔诺州偏远村庄奇博克(Chibok)绑架276名高中女生以来,被禁组织“博科圣地”(Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati Wal-Jihad)的活动受到了国内外的高度关注,尼日利亚政府对付该组织的策略也受到了高度关注。许多外国政府批评尼日利亚政府对局势处理不力,其中一些国家向尼日利亚提供了军事、情报、外交和执法援助。本文从政治经济学的角度,对当地和国际社会对博科圣地的反应进行了批判性的解读和分析。它认为,对发展“证券化”的兴趣压倒了真正的和平与安全议程。
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引用次数: 8
Wage differentials and economic restrictions: Evidence from the Occupied Palestinian Territories 工资差别和经济限制:来自巴勒斯坦被占领土的证据
IF 0.6 Q3 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2015-04-01 DOI: 10.15355/EPSJ.10.1.13
Belal N. Fallah, Yousef Daoud
The article examines the wage impact of Israel’s constraints on economic activities and infrastructure development in the West Bank’s Area C. We provide evidence to show that Area C workers suffer a wage penalty of about 8 percent relative to workers in Areas A and B. The results also show that when controlling for worker characteristics, the magnitude of the Area C wage differential drops by about half. We then extend our analysis to compare average wages between Area C workers and other rural workers and show that the wage difference is statistically insignificant. This indicates that the Area C wage differential we observe can be attributed primarily to a rural environment effect rather than to Israeli economic restrictions placed on Area C per se. This result indicates that the effect of Israeli restrictions on Area C wages is neutralized. We show that negative labor supply shocks (commuting) serve as a potential transmission mechanism. Specifically, we show that Area C residents are more likely to commute than their peers in other rural areas. [JEL codes: R11, J30, J61, J01]
本文考察了以色列对西岸C区经济活动和基础设施发展的限制对工资的影响。我们提供的证据表明,相对于a区和b区工人,C区工人的工资损失约为8%。结果还表明,在控制工人特征时,C区工资差异的幅度下降了约一半。然后,我们将分析扩展到比较C区工人和其他农村工人的平均工资,并表明工资差异在统计上不显著。这表明,我们观察到的C区工资差异可以主要归因于农村环境的影响,而不是以色列对C区本身的经济限制。这一结果表明,以色列限制C区工资的影响被抵消了。研究表明,负劳动力供给冲击(通勤)是一种潜在的传导机制。具体来说,我们表明C区居民比其他农村地区的同龄人更有可能通勤。[JEL代码:R11, J30, J61, J01]
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引用次数: 7
期刊
Economics of Peace and Security Journal
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