Although in recent years researchers have intensified focus on the communication of the pre-trial right to silence or police caution to native and non-native speakers of English, most of this research has been concerned with linguistic complexity, comprehension, and comprehensibility issues. Relatively few studies have focused attention on the role played by the deliverer of the caution in the communicative equation (Cotterill 2000), particularly in situations where the caution has to be interpreted or translated by its deliverer. Drawing on a sociolinguistic variation approach, this study investigates the communication of the police caution to creole speakers, who remain nearly invisible in the research to date. It uses the categories of literal and free translation as tools to analyze spontaneous translations of the caution from English to French lexicon Creole (Kwéyòl) produced by (n = 25) police officers in St. Lucia. The results show considerable variability in these translations, which may have negative consequences for the accused. This study seeks to draw attention to these consequences, by underscoring some of the inaccuracies that may occur in translating or interpreting a caution written in English to Kwéyòl, and make a case for policy that would use the language of the accused in situations of language variation. The study argues that such a policy, which standardizes the Kwéyòl version of the caution, would not only obviate the potential for variability, but would also minimize misunderstandings, which could compromise the legal rights of the suspect.
{"title":"‘Ou ni right-la pou remain silans’","authors":"R. Evans","doi":"10.1075/jpcl.00072.eva","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00072.eva","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Although in recent years researchers have intensified focus on the communication of the pre-trial right to silence or\u0000 police caution to native and non-native speakers of English, most of this research has been concerned with linguistic complexity,\u0000 comprehension, and comprehensibility issues. Relatively few studies have focused attention on the role played by the deliverer of the\u0000 caution in the communicative equation (Cotterill 2000), particularly in situations where the\u0000 caution has to be interpreted or translated by its deliverer. Drawing on a sociolinguistic variation approach, this study investigates the\u0000 communication of the police caution to creole speakers, who remain nearly invisible in the research to date. It uses the categories of\u0000 literal and free translation as tools to analyze spontaneous translations of the caution from English to French lexicon Creole (Kwéyòl)\u0000 produced by (n = 25) police officers in St. Lucia. The results show considerable variability in these translations, which\u0000 may have negative consequences for the accused. This study seeks to draw attention to these consequences, by underscoring some of the\u0000 inaccuracies that may occur in translating or interpreting a caution written in English to Kwéyòl, and make a case for policy that would use\u0000 the language of the accused in situations of language variation. The study argues that such a policy, which standardizes the Kwéyòl version\u0000 of the caution, would not only obviate the potential for variability, but would also minimize misunderstandings, which could compromise the\u0000 legal rights of the suspect.","PeriodicalId":43608,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46700181","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The use of the adverb already in Colloquial Singapore English has long been known as one of the most readily recognizable features defining the contact dialect, marking aspectual nuances such as anterior, completive, inchoative and inceptive functions, as noted by Bao (2005, 2015). Recent observations note that the uses of already as an inchoative marker (distinguishing the adverb as an iamitive) are more frequently found than completive uses across a small, synchronic sample of speakers (Teo 2019). It is perhaps less often recognized, though, that the aspectual use of already co-exists with the variable marking for past tense in Singlish (Ho & Platt 1993), and that both the aspectual adverb and the past tense may be seen to co-occur in the same construction. The frequency of already in its various functions is examined across two corpora, and the relative frequency of completive vs. non-completive functions is quantified diachronically. It is hypothesized that, rather than grammaticalizing onwards to become a past tense marker, as is predictable for some Portuguese creole iamitives (ya ‘already’) (Clements 2006), already is becoming increasingly restricted in its functional range in today’s Singlish, and that its perfect and completive functions may be at a stage of selective renovation by the use of the past tense in Standard Singapore English.
{"title":"Changes in the functions of already in Singapore English","authors":"D. Ziegeler","doi":"10.1075/jpcl.00062.zie","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00062.zie","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The use of the adverb already in Colloquial Singapore English has long been known as one of the most readily recognizable features defining the contact dialect, marking aspectual nuances such as anterior, completive, inchoative and inceptive functions, as noted by Bao (2005, 2015). Recent observations note that the uses of already as an inchoative marker (distinguishing the adverb as an iamitive) are more frequently found than completive uses across a small, synchronic sample of speakers (Teo 2019). It is perhaps less often recognized, though, that the aspectual use of already co-exists with the variable marking for past tense in Singlish (Ho & Platt 1993), and that both the aspectual adverb and the past tense may be seen to co-occur in the same construction. The frequency of already in its various functions is examined across two corpora, and the relative frequency of completive vs. non-completive functions is quantified diachronically. It is hypothesized that, rather than grammaticalizing onwards to become a past tense marker, as is predictable for some Portuguese creole iamitives (ya ‘already’) (Clements 2006), already is becoming increasingly restricted in its functional range in today’s Singlish, and that its perfect and completive functions may be at a stage of selective renovation by the use of the past tense in Standard Singapore English.","PeriodicalId":43608,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46482916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Robert Chaudenson, 1937–2020","authors":"S. Mufwene, Georges Daniel Véronique","doi":"10.1075/JPCL.00059.CHA","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/JPCL.00059.CHA","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43608,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41807285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"William J. Samarin","authors":"J. Clements, S. Mufwene","doi":"10.1075/jpcl.00058.sam","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00058.sam","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43608,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45100269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Manila variety of Philippine Hybrid Hokkien (PHH-M) or Lannang-ue is a contact language used by the metropolitan Manila Chinese Filipinos; it is primarily comprised of Hokkien, Tagalog/Filipino, and English elements. Approaching PHH-M as a mixed language, we investigate linguistically and socially conditioned variation in the monophthongs of PHH-M, focusing on the extent to which the vowel systems of the three source languages have converged. This analysis draws on data gathered from 34 native speakers; Pillai scores are calculated to assess the degree of merger. Contrary to certain predictions of prior work on mixed languages, PHH-M is found to have a unified, eight-vowel inventory distinct from any of its sources. Older women use more stable vowels across source languages, suggesting that they have led in the development of PHH-M as a mixed code; however, signs of change among younger women suggest either the endangerment of the code or its evolution in response to the community’s shifting identity. We contextualize our conclusions in relation to the sociohistory and language ecology of metropolitan Manila’s Chinese Filipino community.
{"title":"Vowel system or vowel systems?","authors":"W. D. Gonzales, R. Starr","doi":"10.1075/jpcl.00061.won","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00061.won","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Manila variety of Philippine Hybrid Hokkien (PHH-M) or Lannang-ue is a contact language used by the metropolitan Manila Chinese Filipinos; it is primarily comprised of Hokkien, Tagalog/Filipino, and English elements. Approaching PHH-M as a mixed language, we investigate linguistically and socially conditioned variation in the monophthongs of PHH-M, focusing on the extent to which the vowel systems of the three source languages have converged. This analysis draws on data gathered from 34 native speakers; Pillai scores are calculated to assess the degree of merger. Contrary to certain predictions of prior work on mixed languages, PHH-M is found to have a unified, eight-vowel inventory distinct from any of its sources. Older women use more stable vowels across source languages, suggesting that they have led in the development of PHH-M as a mixed code; however, signs of change among younger women suggest either the endangerment of the code or its evolution in response to the community’s shifting identity. We contextualize our conclusions in relation to the sociohistory and language ecology of metropolitan Manila’s Chinese Filipino community.","PeriodicalId":43608,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45104394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Mediating Creoles","authors":"Bettina Migge","doi":"10.1075/jpcl.00065.mig","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00065.mig","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43608,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46833523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article we present newly found lexical and grammatical data pertaining to Skepi, the Dutch-lexified creole which is now extinct but was once widespread in the Essequibo area of what is today the Republic of Guyana. The source of this new material are the linguistic notes contained in the diary of Reverend Thomas B. Youd, a missionary in service of the Church Missionary Society, who was active in the area from 1833 to 1842.
{"title":"Skepi Dutch Creole","authors":"B. Jacobs, Mikael Parkvall","doi":"10.1075/jpcl.00064.jac","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00064.jac","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In this article we present newly found lexical and grammatical data pertaining to Skepi, the Dutch-lexified creole which\u0000 is now extinct but was once widespread in the Essequibo area of what is today the Republic of Guyana. The source of this new material are\u0000 the linguistic notes contained in the diary of Reverend Thomas B. Youd, a missionary in service of the Church Missionary Society, who was\u0000 active in the area from 1833 to 1842.","PeriodicalId":43608,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45478615","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Northern Songhay languages are known for combining Songhay and Tuareg-Berber features. Nicolai (1979) divided these languages into nomadic and sedentary sub-branches, something which Benitez-Torres and Grant (2017) confirmed, bears out very well from a grammatical standpoint. This paper explores some of the interactions between Songhay and Berber vocabulary by looking at suppletion in Tagdal, a nomadic Northern Songhay language. In Tagdal, suppletion occurs when a verb root of Songhay origin is replaced by one of Berber origin whenever a Berber derivational prefix is present. It will be demonstrated that when Tagdal was in its formative period, the prosodic features that came along with the Songhay and Berber portions of the language made it either easier or necessary to keep the two apart. The paper ends with a brief discussion of how Songhay and Berber vocabulary may have interacted during the period when Tagdal and other Northern Songhay languages were still being formed.
{"title":"Suppletion in Tagdal","authors":"Carlos M. Benítez-Torres","doi":"10.1075/jpcl.00063.ben","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00063.ben","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Northern Songhay languages are known for combining Songhay and Tuareg-Berber features. Nicolai (1979) divided these languages into nomadic and sedentary sub-branches, something which Benitez-Torres and Grant (2017) confirmed, bears out very well from a grammatical standpoint. This paper explores some of the interactions between Songhay and Berber vocabulary by looking at suppletion in Tagdal, a nomadic Northern Songhay language. In Tagdal, suppletion occurs when a verb root of Songhay origin is replaced by one of Berber origin whenever a Berber derivational prefix is present. It will be demonstrated that when Tagdal was in its formative period, the prosodic features that came along with the Songhay and Berber portions of the language made it either easier or necessary to keep the two apart. The paper ends with a brief discussion of how Songhay and Berber vocabulary may have interacted during the period when Tagdal and other Northern Songhay languages were still being formed.","PeriodicalId":43608,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41475909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract When communicating speakers map meaning onto form. It would thus seem obvious for languages to show a one-to-one correspondence between meaning and form, but this is often not the case. This perfect mapping, i.e. transparency, is indeed continuously violated in natural languages, giving rise to zero-to-one, one-to-many, and many-to-one opaque correspondences between meaning and form. However, transparency is a mutating feature, which can be influenced by language contact. In this scenario languages tend to evolve and lose some of their opaque features, becoming more transparent. This study investigates transparency in a very specific contact situation, namely that of a creole, Haitian Creole, and its sub- and superstrate languages, Fongbe and French, within the Functional Discourse Grammar framework. We predict Haitian Creole to be more transparent than French and Fongbe and investigate twenty opacity features, divided into four categories, namely Redundancy (one-to-many), Fusion (many-to-one), Discontinuity (one meaning is split in two or more forms,) and Form-based Form (forms with no semantic counterpart: zero-to-one). The results indeed prove our prediction to be borne out: Haitian Creole only presents five opacity features out of twenty, while French presents nineteen and Fongbe nine. Furthermore, the opacity features of Haitian Creole are also present in the other two languages.
{"title":"Transparency and language contact","authors":"Luisa Seguin","doi":"10.1075/jpcl.00060.seg","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00060.seg","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract When communicating speakers map meaning onto form. It would thus seem obvious for languages to show a one-to-one correspondence between meaning and form, but this is often not the case. This perfect mapping, i.e. transparency, is indeed continuously violated in natural languages, giving rise to zero-to-one, one-to-many, and many-to-one opaque correspondences between meaning and form. However, transparency is a mutating feature, which can be influenced by language contact. In this scenario languages tend to evolve and lose some of their opaque features, becoming more transparent. This study investigates transparency in a very specific contact situation, namely that of a creole, Haitian Creole, and its sub- and superstrate languages, Fongbe and French, within the Functional Discourse Grammar framework. We predict Haitian Creole to be more transparent than French and Fongbe and investigate twenty opacity features, divided into four categories, namely Redundancy (one-to-many), Fusion (many-to-one), Discontinuity (one meaning is split in two or more forms,) and Form-based Form (forms with no semantic counterpart: zero-to-one). The results indeed prove our prediction to be borne out: Haitian Creole only presents five opacity features out of twenty, while French presents nineteen and Fongbe nine. Furthermore, the opacity features of Haitian Creole are also present in the other two languages.","PeriodicalId":43608,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48278624","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Variation, versatility and change in sociolinguistics and creole studies. By John R. Rickford","authors":"Bettina Migge","doi":"10.1075/jpcl.00066.mig","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00066.mig","url":null,"abstract":"This article reviews Variation, versatility and change in sociolinguistics and creole studies Hardback £95/EUR 94.35/US $104.00","PeriodicalId":43608,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44942523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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