In early March of 1839, a Chinese opium broker known to his British suppliers as Shik Po was on the lam. The Qing authorities in the region were on high alert, as the entire southeast coast was experiencing the height of the world’s first war on drugs. Shik sought out protection from his British partners, hiding on the Jardine-Matheson opium ship the Lady Hayes while it was anchored in Shenhu Bay, just offshore from his hometown of Yakou village in Jinjiang county, Fujian.1 As Captain John Rees and Shik Po watched from the deck of the Lady Hayes, Qing troops once again descended on the secluded bay, setting fire to boats and houses in the village. Yakou was home to some of the most active and aggressive opium brokers on the coast, and local authorities had repeatedly attacked the village during the late 1830s, burning the infrastructure of the opium trade to the ground, only to see it rebuilt in the morning.
{"title":"Opium and the Origins of Treason in Modern China: The View from Fujian","authors":"Peter Thilly","doi":"10.1353/LATE.2017.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/LATE.2017.0003","url":null,"abstract":"In early March of 1839, a Chinese opium broker known to his British suppliers as Shik Po was on the lam. The Qing authorities in the region were on high alert, as the entire southeast coast was experiencing the height of the world’s first war on drugs. Shik sought out protection from his British partners, hiding on the Jardine-Matheson opium ship the Lady Hayes while it was anchored in Shenhu Bay, just offshore from his hometown of Yakou village in Jinjiang county, Fujian.1 As Captain John Rees and Shik Po watched from the deck of the Lady Hayes, Qing troops once again descended on the secluded bay, setting fire to boats and houses in the village. Yakou was home to some of the most active and aggressive opium brokers on the coast, and local authorities had repeatedly attacked the village during the late 1830s, burning the infrastructure of the opium trade to the ground, only to see it rebuilt in the morning.","PeriodicalId":43948,"journal":{"name":"LATE IMPERIAL CHINA","volume":"38 1","pages":"155 - 197"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2017-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/LATE.2017.0003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42051155","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
H. Ying, S. Kile, Kristina Kleutghen, Yuanchong Wang, Peter Thilly
In the early days of the 1911 revolution, even as one southern province after another seceded from the empire, the Qing was not yet vanquished. It was buttressed by the fierce loyalty of the Imperial Guards and the substantial military might of Yuan Shikai (1859–1916), recently called back from retirement by the court. To many at the time, a protracted stalemate between the north and the south seemed likely. But then, on January 26, 1912, a bomb-thrower assaulted Liangbi, head of the Imperial Guards, in front of his Beijing residence.1 The assassin died instantly and Liangbi died an agonizing death three days later. Historians generally agree that this assassination, coming at it did on the heels of several similar high profile strikes, “took the wind out of the Manchu resistance.”2 Within days, the Empress Dowager Longyu agreed to the child-emperor Puyi’s abdication and on February 12, the Qing Empire formally ended. Liangbi (zi Laichen) was known as one of the up-and-coming young Manchus of his time. A collateral descendant of the ruling Aisin Gioro family, he acquired modern military training at the Imperial Japanese Army Academy (Rikugun shikan gakkō) and played a significant role in modernizing the Qing military. In history books, he is chiefly
{"title":"Enemy, Friend, Martyr: Commemorating Liangbi (1877–1912), Contesting History","authors":"H. Ying, S. Kile, Kristina Kleutghen, Yuanchong Wang, Peter Thilly","doi":"10.1353/LATE.2017.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/LATE.2017.0000","url":null,"abstract":"In the early days of the 1911 revolution, even as one southern province after another seceded from the empire, the Qing was not yet vanquished. It was buttressed by the fierce loyalty of the Imperial Guards and the substantial military might of Yuan Shikai (1859–1916), recently called back from retirement by the court. To many at the time, a protracted stalemate between the north and the south seemed likely. But then, on January 26, 1912, a bomb-thrower assaulted Liangbi, head of the Imperial Guards, in front of his Beijing residence.1 The assassin died instantly and Liangbi died an agonizing death three days later. Historians generally agree that this assassination, coming at it did on the heels of several similar high profile strikes, “took the wind out of the Manchu resistance.”2 Within days, the Empress Dowager Longyu agreed to the child-emperor Puyi’s abdication and on February 12, the Qing Empire formally ended. Liangbi (zi Laichen) was known as one of the up-and-coming young Manchus of his time. A collateral descendant of the ruling Aisin Gioro family, he acquired modern military training at the Imperial Japanese Army Academy (Rikugun shikan gakkō) and played a significant role in modernizing the Qing military. In history books, he is chiefly","PeriodicalId":43948,"journal":{"name":"LATE IMPERIAL CHINA","volume":"38 1","pages":"1 - 112 - 113 - 154 - 155 - 197 - 45 - 47"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2017-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/LATE.2017.0000","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44620600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On June 6, 1644, forty days after the suicide of the last emperor of the Ming Dynasty, the Manchu forces of the Great Qing occupied Beijing without a fight. They were able to do so with the support of the Ming general Wu Sangui, who allowed the Manchu troops to enter inner China from their Manchurian homeland by way of the Shanhai Pass. In the Forbidden City, the Manchu commander, Prince Dorgon, accepted the capitulation of the Chinese officials of the Ming, all of whom had shaved their foreheads in the Manchu style. The Manchus, whom the Ming Chinese regarded as yi (“barbarians”), became the new rulers of the civilized center — China, the Middle Kingdom or Zhongguo in Chinese.1
{"title":"Civilizing the Great Qing: Manchu-Korean Relations and the Reconstruction of the Chinese Empire, 1644–1761","authors":"Yuanchong Wang","doi":"10.1353/LATE.2017.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/LATE.2017.0002","url":null,"abstract":"On June 6, 1644, forty days after the suicide of the last emperor of the Ming Dynasty, the Manchu forces of the Great Qing occupied Beijing without a fight. They were able to do so with the support of the Ming general Wu Sangui, who allowed the Manchu troops to enter inner China from their Manchurian homeland by way of the Shanhai Pass. In the Forbidden City, the Manchu commander, Prince Dorgon, accepted the capitulation of the Chinese officials of the Ming, all of whom had shaved their foreheads in the Manchu style. The Manchus, whom the Ming Chinese regarded as yi (“barbarians”), became the new rulers of the civilized center — China, the Middle Kingdom or Zhongguo in Chinese.1","PeriodicalId":43948,"journal":{"name":"LATE IMPERIAL CHINA","volume":"38 1","pages":"113 - 154"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2017-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/LATE.2017.0002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46492623","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
With the words, “appended below are the specifications for all of these types of lenses” (82), the early Qing author Li Yu (1611–80) rather awkwardly interrupts the second chapter of his vernacular short story (huaben) “A Tower for the Summer Heat” (Xiayi lou) with a long descriptive list of optical devices.1 After developing the story for a full chapter, Li Yu reveals to the reader and the female protagonist that her suitor has been using a telescope to spy into her courtyard. This list of lenses that start fires, magnify insects, burn incense, and provide women with a portable mirror, are described as “of a type” with that telescope, the optical device on which the plot hinges. The list concludes with a clue to why the meticulous (and even obsessive) Li Yu assumes that this list will enhance the story: he encourages his readers to visit the shop
{"title":"Seeing through Pictures and Poetry: A History of Lenses (1681)","authors":"S. Kile, Kristina Kleutghen","doi":"10.1353/LATE.2017.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/LATE.2017.0001","url":null,"abstract":"With the words, “appended below are the specifications for all of these types of lenses” (82), the early Qing author Li Yu (1611–80) rather awkwardly interrupts the second chapter of his vernacular short story (huaben) “A Tower for the Summer Heat” (Xiayi lou) with a long descriptive list of optical devices.1 After developing the story for a full chapter, Li Yu reveals to the reader and the female protagonist that her suitor has been using a telescope to spy into her courtyard. This list of lenses that start fires, magnify insects, burn incense, and provide women with a portable mirror, are described as “of a type” with that telescope, the optical device on which the plot hinges. The list concludes with a clue to why the meticulous (and even obsessive) Li Yu assumes that this list will enhance the story: he encourages his readers to visit the shop","PeriodicalId":43948,"journal":{"name":"LATE IMPERIAL CHINA","volume":"38 1","pages":"112 - 47"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2017-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/LATE.2017.0001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44961974","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The twenty-third year of the Kangxi reign (1684) marked a turning point in the Ming-Qing transition.2 By this year, the Qing government had quelled the rebellion of the Three Feudatories (1673–1681), and opposing forces in Taiwan had submitted to the central government (1683). As political and military conflicts gradually settled down, the Manchu government embarked upon a series of cultural projects to consolidate its rule, a campaign some historians call the “second wave” of the Qing conquest.3 As part of this cultural campaign, the Kangxi emperor (hereafter Kangxi) embarked on an inspection tour of east and south China in the ninth month of this year, a ritual event symbolizing the beginning of an era of peace and prosperity.4 During his tour, Kangxi
{"title":"The Inconvenient Imperial Visit: Writing Clothing and Ethnicity in 1684 Qufu","authors":"Guojun Wang","doi":"10.1353/LATE.2016.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/LATE.2016.0013","url":null,"abstract":"The twenty-third year of the Kangxi reign (1684) marked a turning point in the Ming-Qing transition.2 By this year, the Qing government had quelled the rebellion of the Three Feudatories (1673–1681), and opposing forces in Taiwan had submitted to the central government (1683). As political and military conflicts gradually settled down, the Manchu government embarked upon a series of cultural projects to consolidate its rule, a campaign some historians call the “second wave” of the Qing conquest.3 As part of this cultural campaign, the Kangxi emperor (hereafter Kangxi) embarked on an inspection tour of east and south China in the ninth month of this year, a ritual event symbolizing the beginning of an era of peace and prosperity.4 During his tour, Kangxi","PeriodicalId":43948,"journal":{"name":"LATE IMPERIAL CHINA","volume":"37 1","pages":"137 - 170"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2017-01-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/LATE.2016.0013","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43674261","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The rule of the Qing Empire (1644–1911) over its “outer territories” in East and Inner Asia (Mongolia, Manchuria, Xinjiang, and Tibet) has received considerable scholarly attention since the 1990s. Historians have suggested that in Mongolia, as well as in Xinjiang and Tibet, the Qing managed to establish and maintain an efficient administration that played a more crucial role than military power, at least since the second half of the eighteenth century. The Qing eventually transformed the jimi, or “loose reign” system, an indirect form of central control over “barbarian” client states along the imperial borders in the traditional Chinese tributary system, to a more direct administrative structure accompanied by military occupation.1 With regard to legal order in Mongolia under Qing rule, previous scholarship has proposed that, unlike their counterparts in colonies controlled by European powers, Mongolian local banner princes (jasags) held a recognized position in the official hierarchy of Qing judicial-administration in Mongolia. They served as judicial authorities on a local level, but they were incorporated into the Qing imperial judicial-administrative system rather than
{"title":"Legal Justice in Eighteenth-Century Mongolia: Gender, Ethnicity, and Politics in the Manchu-Mongol Marriage Alliance","authors":"Yue Du","doi":"10.1353/LATE.2016.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/LATE.2016.0010","url":null,"abstract":"The rule of the Qing Empire (1644–1911) over its “outer territories” in East and Inner Asia (Mongolia, Manchuria, Xinjiang, and Tibet) has received considerable scholarly attention since the 1990s. Historians have suggested that in Mongolia, as well as in Xinjiang and Tibet, the Qing managed to establish and maintain an efficient administration that played a more crucial role than military power, at least since the second half of the eighteenth century. The Qing eventually transformed the jimi, or “loose reign” system, an indirect form of central control over “barbarian” client states along the imperial borders in the traditional Chinese tributary system, to a more direct administrative structure accompanied by military occupation.1 With regard to legal order in Mongolia under Qing rule, previous scholarship has proposed that, unlike their counterparts in colonies controlled by European powers, Mongolian local banner princes (jasags) held a recognized position in the official hierarchy of Qing judicial-administration in Mongolia. They served as judicial authorities on a local level, but they were incorporated into the Qing imperial judicial-administrative system rather than","PeriodicalId":43948,"journal":{"name":"LATE IMPERIAL CHINA","volume":"37 1","pages":"1 - 40"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2017-01-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/LATE.2016.0010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47431025","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the early 1820s, two men possessed of substantial administrative experience produced treatises on the governance of Kökenuur (Ma. Kūke noor, Ch. Qinghai), a strategic yet troubled region at the crossroads of China, Tibet, and Mongolia.1 The first author was the Geluk hierarch and reborn lama Belmang Pandita Könchok Gyeltsen (Dbal mang 02 Dkon mchog rgyal mtshan, 1764–1863), who served as the twenty–fourth abbot of Labrang monastery from 1804–09. Between 1819 and 1821, Belmang Pandita completed The Ladder for Guiding the Youth, Lessons Summarizing the History of India, Tibet, Eastern and Western Mongolia (hereinafter “History”), a kind of “mirror for princes” addressed simultaneously to the lay Mongol nobility of Kökenuur and the rulers of monastic domains.2 The second author was the Qing official Nayanceng
{"title":"Overlapping Empires: Religion, Politics, and Ethnicity in Nineteenth-Century Qinghai","authors":"Max Oidtmann","doi":"10.1353/LATE.2016.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/LATE.2016.0011","url":null,"abstract":"In the early 1820s, two men possessed of substantial administrative experience produced treatises on the governance of Kökenuur (Ma. Kūke noor, Ch. Qinghai), a strategic yet troubled region at the crossroads of China, Tibet, and Mongolia.1 The first author was the Geluk hierarch and reborn lama Belmang Pandita Könchok Gyeltsen (Dbal mang 02 Dkon mchog rgyal mtshan, 1764–1863), who served as the twenty–fourth abbot of Labrang monastery from 1804–09. Between 1819 and 1821, Belmang Pandita completed The Ladder for Guiding the Youth, Lessons Summarizing the History of India, Tibet, Eastern and Western Mongolia (hereinafter “History”), a kind of “mirror for princes” addressed simultaneously to the lay Mongol nobility of Kökenuur and the rulers of monastic domains.2 The second author was the Qing official Nayanceng","PeriodicalId":43948,"journal":{"name":"LATE IMPERIAL CHINA","volume":"37 1","pages":"41 - 91"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2017-01-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/LATE.2016.0011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47771154","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article surveys a Chinese coastal map (haitu), similar to the sea charts used in the west. The map was produced in the late eighteenth century under the official supervision of the Qing court. Titled Qisheng yanhai tu (A coastal map of the seven provinces), this was one of very few maps made before the First Opium War that charted the contours of coastal regions and the immediate sea space under the control of the Qing Empire. It is also notable for the detailed paratextual information printed on the map touching upon various issues, such as the importance of coastal defense, the significance of the Bohai Sea, the dividing logic between inner and outer sea spaces, as well as the topographies of strategic islands off the China coast. In line with cartographic depictions, these paratextual materials indicate the way that the Manchu Empire conceptualized the maritime frontier in a deliberate and preventive manner. Through careful analysis of this coastal map, we can reexamine the overriding, conventional conception of the Qing Empire as strictly a land-based, continental power that cared little about the ocean before the arrival of western gunboats in the mid-nineteenth century
{"title":"Mapping Maritime Power and Control: A Study of the Late Eighteenth Century Qisheng Yanhai Tu (A Coastal Map of the Seven Provinces)","authors":"R. Po","doi":"10.1353/LATE.2016.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/LATE.2016.0012","url":null,"abstract":"This article surveys a Chinese coastal map (haitu), similar to the sea charts used in the west. The map was produced in the late eighteenth century under the official supervision of the Qing court. Titled Qisheng yanhai tu (A coastal map of the seven provinces), this was one of very few maps made before the First Opium War that charted the contours of coastal regions and the immediate sea space under the control of the Qing Empire. It is also notable for the detailed paratextual information printed on the map touching upon various issues, such as the importance of coastal defense, the significance of the Bohai Sea, the dividing logic between inner and outer sea spaces, as well as the topographies of strategic islands off the China coast. In line with cartographic depictions, these paratextual materials indicate the way that the Manchu Empire conceptualized the maritime frontier in a deliberate and preventive manner. Through careful analysis of this coastal map, we can reexamine the overriding, conventional conception of the Qing Empire as strictly a land-based, continental power that cared little about the ocean before the arrival of western gunboats in the mid-nineteenth century","PeriodicalId":43948,"journal":{"name":"LATE IMPERIAL CHINA","volume":"37 1","pages":"136 - 93"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/LATE.2016.0012","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67084096","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Evelyn S. Rawski, Robert E. Hegel, Paul Cohen, R. Guy, Nancy Park, Macabe Keliher, M. Hasegawa, Peter C. Perdue
This article compares unofficial perspectives on torture during the Ming (1368–1644) and Qing (1644–1911) Dynasties, as expressed in ledgers of merit and demerit, operas, ballads, proverbs, and popular customs. Because of the diversity of these unofficial sources — both in terms of their form and content and in terms of their audience and distribution — the perspectives they reveal are more varied and less reflective of state orthodoxies than are the views typically expressed in the codified law, administrative writings, and other official sources. Unlike official writings, which focused on administrative and legal “best practice” concerning how torture was supposed to be applied, unofficial sources focused greater attention on how torture was actually applied, highlighting the potential for abuse and the deleterious effects of torture on its victims.
{"title":"Editor’s Note","authors":"Evelyn S. Rawski, Robert E. Hegel, Paul Cohen, R. Guy, Nancy Park, Macabe Keliher, M. Hasegawa, Peter C. Perdue","doi":"10.1353/late.2016.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/late.2016.0008","url":null,"abstract":"This article compares unofficial perspectives on torture during the Ming (1368–1644) and Qing (1644–1911) Dynasties, as expressed in ledgers of merit and demerit, operas, ballads, proverbs, and popular customs. Because of the diversity of these unofficial sources — both in terms of their form and content and in terms of their audience and distribution — the perspectives they reveal are more varied and less reflective of state orthodoxies than are the views typically expressed in the codified law, administrative writings, and other official sources. Unlike official writings, which focused on administrative and legal “best practice” concerning how torture was supposed to be applied, unofficial sources focused greater attention on how torture was actually applied, highlighting the potential for abuse and the deleterious effects of torture on its victims.","PeriodicalId":43948,"journal":{"name":"LATE IMPERIAL CHINA","volume":"43 1","pages":"1 - 1 - 1 - 10 - 107 - 109 - 13 - 14 - 152 - 153 - 16 - 169 - 17 - 4 - 5 - 54 - 55 - 9 - v - v"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/late.2016.0008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67084461","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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