The role of Sufi brotherhoods as a force either of resistance or of accommodation has aroused interest in a variety of imperial contexts, and the case of Qing Inner Asia is no exception. Even those with only a passing acquaintance with the history of the region will probably have heard of the “khojas,” and may be familiar with the schism between the “Black Mountain” and “White Mountain” factions in the Tarim Basin, in the south of what is now Xinjiang. These khojas were members of the Naqshbandiyya, a Sufi brotherhood (.tarı̄qat) that spread from Transoxiana throughout Asia and the Middle East in the post-Mongol period. Descended along two different lines from a sixteenth-century saint of Samarqand, Makhdum-i A‘. zam, these khojas can hence be referred to collectively as Makhdumzada, “the sons of Makhdum.” “Black Mountain” is a term commonly applied to the family of Is . haq Vali (d. 1599), also known in the literature as the “Is . haqiyya.” The “White Mountain” khojas descend from Afaq Khoja (d. 1694), and hence also take the name “Afaqiyya.” A longstanding rivalry between these two camps has been thought greatly to outweigh any rupture that took place within either of them. Indeed, this rivalry has acquired the status of a grand narrative of Eastern Turkestan’s history, stretching from the middle of the seventeenth century to the late nineteenth.
{"title":"Confusing Black and White: Naqshbandi Sufi Affiliations and the Transition to Qing Rule in the Tarim Basin","authors":"David Brophy","doi":"10.1353/LATE.2018.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/LATE.2018.0006","url":null,"abstract":"The role of Sufi brotherhoods as a force either of resistance or of accommodation has aroused interest in a variety of imperial contexts, and the case of Qing Inner Asia is no exception. Even those with only a passing acquaintance with the history of the region will probably have heard of the “khojas,” and may be familiar with the schism between the “Black Mountain” and “White Mountain” factions in the Tarim Basin, in the south of what is now Xinjiang. These khojas were members of the Naqshbandiyya, a Sufi brotherhood (.tarı̄qat) that spread from Transoxiana throughout Asia and the Middle East in the post-Mongol period. Descended along two different lines from a sixteenth-century saint of Samarqand, Makhdum-i A‘. zam, these khojas can hence be referred to collectively as Makhdumzada, “the sons of Makhdum.” “Black Mountain” is a term commonly applied to the family of Is . haq Vali (d. 1599), also known in the literature as the “Is . haqiyya.” The “White Mountain” khojas descend from Afaq Khoja (d. 1694), and hence also take the name “Afaqiyya.” A longstanding rivalry between these two camps has been thought greatly to outweigh any rupture that took place within either of them. Indeed, this rivalry has acquired the status of a grand narrative of Eastern Turkestan’s history, stretching from the middle of the seventeenth century to the late nineteenth.","PeriodicalId":43948,"journal":{"name":"LATE IMPERIAL CHINA","volume":"39 1","pages":"29 - 65"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2018-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/LATE.2018.0006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49301457","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
My first encounter with Jin Ping Mei, one of the “four marvelous books” from the Ming dynasty,1 took place in a small, old classroom at Harvard fifteen years ago. As a visiting student, I was trying to sit in on as many graduate-level Chinese literature classes as possible, as my home university did not offer any. Professor Tian Xiaofei’s seminar on Jin Ping Mei was among the courses offered at Harvard that semester.2 When I walked into the small classroom, I thought I was just taking yet another course on a classic work that any student of Ming-Qing literature was obliged to read. Never did I expect that that encounter with Jin Ping Mei would be the beginning of a long engagement with the text: the novel was the subject of my first conference presentation; later, it acquired a crucial presence in my dissertation; I reference it frequently in my work as a teacher of Chinese literature; and, a decade after my first encounter with it, I embarked on the journey of turning it into a Western opera libretto, entitled Golden Lily, in collaboration with composer Fang Man. Consisting of three acts, each of which includes three scenes, our project is well underway. During the process of creating Golden Lily, I have discovered important ways in which writing a libretto differs from writing a scholarly piece. Take, for example, the approach to characters.
{"title":"Bringing the Golden Lily into Blossom: A Libretto in Progress","authors":"Jie Guo","doi":"10.1353/LATE.2018.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/LATE.2018.0003","url":null,"abstract":"My first encounter with Jin Ping Mei, one of the “four marvelous books” from the Ming dynasty,1 took place in a small, old classroom at Harvard fifteen years ago. As a visiting student, I was trying to sit in on as many graduate-level Chinese literature classes as possible, as my home university did not offer any. Professor Tian Xiaofei’s seminar on Jin Ping Mei was among the courses offered at Harvard that semester.2 When I walked into the small classroom, I thought I was just taking yet another course on a classic work that any student of Ming-Qing literature was obliged to read. Never did I expect that that encounter with Jin Ping Mei would be the beginning of a long engagement with the text: the novel was the subject of my first conference presentation; later, it acquired a crucial presence in my dissertation; I reference it frequently in my work as a teacher of Chinese literature; and, a decade after my first encounter with it, I embarked on the journey of turning it into a Western opera libretto, entitled Golden Lily, in collaboration with composer Fang Man. Consisting of three acts, each of which includes three scenes, our project is well underway. During the process of creating Golden Lily, I have discovered important ways in which writing a libretto differs from writing a scholarly piece. Take, for example, the approach to characters.","PeriodicalId":43948,"journal":{"name":"LATE IMPERIAL CHINA","volume":"39 1","pages":"2 - 6"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2018-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/LATE.2018.0003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47432983","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the past several decades, historians of late imperial Chinese law have moved well beyond previous generations’ reliance on Western-derived conceptual categories and normative standards as benchmarks for analysis and comparison. With archival sources increasingly available, new scholarship has undermined previous assumptions as to the universality of Western social and legal theory by holding such theory against the light of new empirical findings.1 The result has been a quantum leap in our understanding of the complexity and sophistication of the late imperial Chinese legal system. A number of these contemporary scholars have revisited several basic features of the late imperial Chinese judiciary: that it functioned not as an independent organ of government but as an element of the bureaucratic administrative system; that judicial affairs were but one of the many administrative duties for which a county magistrate was held accountable; and that despite the fact that the county magistrate’s yamen served as the court of first instance in all legal cases, magistrates themselves had no specialized training in law other than that gained by field experience or the advisement of private legal secretaries and widely available administrative handbooks. These features were, of course, recognized as well by foreign observers even in the nineteenth century. Current
{"title":"Bureaucracy and Judicial Truth in Qing Dynasty Homicide Cases","authors":"B. W. Reed","doi":"10.1353/LATE.2018.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/LATE.2018.0007","url":null,"abstract":"In the past several decades, historians of late imperial Chinese law have moved well beyond previous generations’ reliance on Western-derived conceptual categories and normative standards as benchmarks for analysis and comparison. With archival sources increasingly available, new scholarship has undermined previous assumptions as to the universality of Western social and legal theory by holding such theory against the light of new empirical findings.1 The result has been a quantum leap in our understanding of the complexity and sophistication of the late imperial Chinese legal system. A number of these contemporary scholars have revisited several basic features of the late imperial Chinese judiciary: that it functioned not as an independent organ of government but as an element of the bureaucratic administrative system; that judicial affairs were but one of the many administrative duties for which a county magistrate was held accountable; and that despite the fact that the county magistrate’s yamen served as the court of first instance in all legal cases, magistrates themselves had no specialized training in law other than that gained by field experience or the advisement of private legal secretaries and widely available administrative handbooks. These features were, of course, recognized as well by foreign observers even in the nineteenth century. Current","PeriodicalId":43948,"journal":{"name":"LATE IMPERIAL CHINA","volume":"39 1","pages":"105 - 67"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2018-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/LATE.2018.0007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49198758","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We can imagine them sitting in a room around a table, enjoying a lazy dinner. The translators, the movers of words, the anatomists of language, the architects of broken and breakable structures. The Siamese interpreter, Women La and his colleagues. Wang Zilong, the student of Mongolian language, and Qoninci, the author of his textbook. (They’ve come as a couple, though they lived more than two centuries apart.) The Jesuit missionary and grammarian Ferdinand Verbiest. The Manchu teacher and textbook author Uge, and his colleague Cheng Mingyuan. And the Qing poet and Manchu-Chinese translator, Bujilgen Jakdan, accompanied by his quiet collaborator Hai Yu.
{"title":"Imagining History/Writing Late Imperial China","authors":"Carla Nappi","doi":"10.1353/LATE.2018.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/LATE.2018.0004","url":null,"abstract":"We can imagine them sitting in a room around a table, enjoying a lazy dinner. The translators, the movers of words, the anatomists of language, the architects of broken and breakable structures. The Siamese interpreter, Women La and his colleagues. Wang Zilong, the student of Mongolian language, and Qoninci, the author of his textbook. (They’ve come as a couple, though they lived more than two centuries apart.) The Jesuit missionary and grammarian Ferdinand Verbiest. The Manchu teacher and textbook author Uge, and his colleague Cheng Mingyuan. And the Qing poet and Manchu-Chinese translator, Bujilgen Jakdan, accompanied by his quiet collaborator Hai Yu.","PeriodicalId":43948,"journal":{"name":"LATE IMPERIAL CHINA","volume":"39 1","pages":"15 - 7"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2018-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/LATE.2018.0004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48800065","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Much of my career has been ordinary (with a fairly conventional menu of teaching, research, and administration) but in the last decade or so, it has become rather less ordinary. I constructed a website in conjunction with an opera based on Dream of the Red Chamber, and I began writing scripts and performing them with an early music group called Sacabuche. While I do not regard either project as “public history,” both are public, and both have deep roots in my work as a historian. Both projects have brought me tremendous pleasure. Projects like these (and those described elsewhere in this issue) matter in that they make our work as historians or literary scholars visible to a larger public. This will not of course eliminate the crisis of the humanities, but projects explicitly addressed to public audiences are one way of approaching the problem. I was a full professor long before I embarked on these public and artistic endeavors. If we are serious about encouraging young scholars to experiment with unconventional projects, we need to figure out ways of evaluating and acknowledging them in our hiring and promotion and tenure processes. I have written elsewhere about my work with Sacabuche;1 here I describe my work with the opera. The Dream of the Red Chamber has invited commentary, illustration and adaptation since its first publication in the late eighteenth century. In the fall of 2016, the San Francisco Opera performed a work which participated in this ongoing response to the novel—in an Englishlanguage opera, with the libretto written by David Henry Hwang and
{"title":"Sharing the Dream with New Audiences via New Media","authors":"Ann B Waltner","doi":"10.1353/LATE.2018.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/LATE.2018.0005","url":null,"abstract":"Much of my career has been ordinary (with a fairly conventional menu of teaching, research, and administration) but in the last decade or so, it has become rather less ordinary. I constructed a website in conjunction with an opera based on Dream of the Red Chamber, and I began writing scripts and performing them with an early music group called Sacabuche. While I do not regard either project as “public history,” both are public, and both have deep roots in my work as a historian. Both projects have brought me tremendous pleasure. Projects like these (and those described elsewhere in this issue) matter in that they make our work as historians or literary scholars visible to a larger public. This will not of course eliminate the crisis of the humanities, but projects explicitly addressed to public audiences are one way of approaching the problem. I was a full professor long before I embarked on these public and artistic endeavors. If we are serious about encouraging young scholars to experiment with unconventional projects, we need to figure out ways of evaluating and acknowledging them in our hiring and promotion and tenure processes. I have written elsewhere about my work with Sacabuche;1 here I describe my work with the opera. The Dream of the Red Chamber has invited commentary, illustration and adaptation since its first publication in the late eighteenth century. In the fall of 2016, the San Francisco Opera performed a work which participated in this ongoing response to the novel—in an Englishlanguage opera, with the libretto written by David Henry Hwang and","PeriodicalId":43948,"journal":{"name":"LATE IMPERIAL CHINA","volume":"39 1","pages":"17 - 27"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2018-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/LATE.2018.0005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48359287","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Manifest Loyalty shrine (Zhaozhongci), a large complex holding spirit tablets of all Qing war dead (zhenwang guanbing), was established by the Yongzheng emperor in 1724 on a property north of Chongwen gate in Beijing (Figure 1). With the military campaigns of the Qianlong reign (1736–95), the number of tablets in the shrine grew steadily. By the mid1790s, the shrine held more than fifty thousand tablets. The White Lotus War (1796–1804), a conflict involving tens of thousands of troops in central China, led to a surge in the number of tablets. In the first five years of the war, nearly sixty thousand more tablets crowded the shrine’s already overburdened tables and shelves.1 In 1802, the Jiaqing emperor (r. 1796–1820) responded to the overcrowding with an order to build Manifest Loyalty shrines in all prefectural seats (fucheng) of the empire. The new shrines, he directed, were to hold tablets of the war dead in their native places (yuanji).
{"title":"Loyal Souls Come Home: Manifest Loyalty Shrines and the Decentering of War Commemoration in the Qing Empire (1724–1803)","authors":"James Bonk","doi":"10.1353/LATE.2017.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/LATE.2017.0005","url":null,"abstract":"The Manifest Loyalty shrine (Zhaozhongci), a large complex holding spirit tablets of all Qing war dead (zhenwang guanbing), was established by the Yongzheng emperor in 1724 on a property north of Chongwen gate in Beijing (Figure 1). With the military campaigns of the Qianlong reign (1736–95), the number of tablets in the shrine grew steadily. By the mid1790s, the shrine held more than fifty thousand tablets. The White Lotus War (1796–1804), a conflict involving tens of thousands of troops in central China, led to a surge in the number of tablets. In the first five years of the war, nearly sixty thousand more tablets crowded the shrine’s already overburdened tables and shelves.1 In 1802, the Jiaqing emperor (r. 1796–1820) responded to the overcrowding with an order to build Manifest Loyalty shrines in all prefectural seats (fucheng) of the empire. The new shrines, he directed, were to hold tablets of the war dead in their native places (yuanji).","PeriodicalId":43948,"journal":{"name":"LATE IMPERIAL CHINA","volume":"38 1","pages":"107 - 61"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2017-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/LATE.2017.0005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42521096","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Timber produced in southwest China, especially Guizhou and Hunan provinces, became increasingly important in meeting the bourgeoning demand in the Lower Yangzi Delta beginning in the seventeenth century.1 The process accelerated after the strengthening of civil administration in areas dominated by the Miao ethnic group in the early eighteenth century. The development of the timber industry in western Hunan and southeastern Guizhou was facilitated by improved water transportation, which connected this region directly to the Yangzi River system and promoted economic exchange between the natural resources of the southwest and the handicraft production centers in the east. The Chen Guan Customs Station, sitting on the Yuan River in Chenzhou prefecture, Hunan, levied transit taxes on the timber exported from this
{"title":"Financing Market-Oriented Reforestation: Securitization of Timberlands and Shareholding Practices in Southwest China, 1750–1900","authors":"Meng Zhang","doi":"10.1353/LATE.2017.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/LATE.2017.0006","url":null,"abstract":"Timber produced in southwest China, especially Guizhou and Hunan provinces, became increasingly important in meeting the bourgeoning demand in the Lower Yangzi Delta beginning in the seventeenth century.1 The process accelerated after the strengthening of civil administration in areas dominated by the Miao ethnic group in the early eighteenth century. The development of the timber industry in western Hunan and southeastern Guizhou was facilitated by improved water transportation, which connected this region directly to the Yangzi River system and promoted economic exchange between the natural resources of the southwest and the handicraft production centers in the east. The Chen Guan Customs Station, sitting on the Yuan River in Chenzhou prefecture, Hunan, levied transit taxes on the timber exported from this","PeriodicalId":43948,"journal":{"name":"LATE IMPERIAL CHINA","volume":"38 1","pages":"109 - 151"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2017-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/LATE.2017.0006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44995441","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Conference Note: Anxieties of Abundance: Sources and Methods for Qing Studies in the Digital Age","authors":"Emily Mokros","doi":"10.1353/LATE.2017.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/LATE.2017.0007","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43948,"journal":{"name":"LATE IMPERIAL CHINA","volume":"38 1","pages":"153 - 156"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2017-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/LATE.2017.0007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45820691","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 1864, the Zongli Yamen (Board of Foreign Affairs) distributed 300 copies of a new book of “western learning” to provincial magistrates across the Qing Empire. The book, Wanguo gongfa (The Public Law of All States), was the first comprehensive introduction to Euro-American international law translated into Chinese. Its principal translator, W.A.P. Martin, was an American missionary who by the end of the nineteenth century would serve as professor of international law at the Imperial College (Tongwen guan) in Beijing, an institution attached to the Zongli Yamen.2 With the establishment of the Zongli Yamen in
{"title":"Indigenizing International Law in Early Twentieth-Century China: Territorial Sovereignty in the Sino-Tibetan Borderland","authors":"Scott Relyea","doi":"10.1353/LATE.2017.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/LATE.2017.0004","url":null,"abstract":"In 1864, the Zongli Yamen (Board of Foreign Affairs) distributed 300 copies of a new book of “western learning” to provincial magistrates across the Qing Empire. The book, Wanguo gongfa (The Public Law of All States), was the first comprehensive introduction to Euro-American international law translated into Chinese. Its principal translator, W.A.P. Martin, was an American missionary who by the end of the nineteenth century would serve as professor of international law at the Imperial College (Tongwen guan) in Beijing, an institution attached to the Zongli Yamen.2 With the establishment of the Zongli Yamen in","PeriodicalId":43948,"journal":{"name":"LATE IMPERIAL CHINA","volume":"38 1","pages":"1 - 107 - 109 - 151 - 153 - 156 - 60 - 61"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2017-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/LATE.2017.0004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42610674","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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