Juan Carlos Tordera Yllescas, María José García Folgado
Abstract The objective of this paper is to determine the existing differences in the number and typology of conversational interruptions that have been found in two legislative debates from 1902 and 2020. To this end, a theoretical proposal will be used which assumes that the type of interruption is linked to the sociocultural context of the time (reflected, for example, in the historical press) and that the intent of the interruption is inseparable from that context. Under this theoretical perspective, two parliamentary debates are analysed which discuss the Decreto de Romanones (1902) and the Ley Celaá (2020), two educational legislative texts. Our findings show that there are more cases of interruptions in the 1902 debate than in the 2020 debate. However, the interruptions tend to be less disruptive and are usually addressed by the interlocutor (compared to the 2020 texts). Therefore, we understand that there is a greater “dialoguing” character in the 1902 debates, because “the other” is listened to.
{"title":"La interrupción desde el eje diacrónico: análisis de dos debates legislativos sobre educación (el Decreto de Romanones de 1902 y la Ley Celaá de 2020)","authors":"Juan Carlos Tordera Yllescas, María José García Folgado","doi":"10.1515/zrp-2023-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2023-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The objective of this paper is to determine the existing differences in the number and typology of conversational interruptions that have been found in two legislative debates from 1902 and 2020. To this end, a theoretical proposal will be used which assumes that the type of interruption is linked to the sociocultural context of the time (reflected, for example, in the historical press) and that the intent of the interruption is inseparable from that context. Under this theoretical perspective, two parliamentary debates are analysed which discuss the Decreto de Romanones (1902) and the Ley Celaá (2020), two educational legislative texts. Our findings show that there are more cases of interruptions in the 1902 debate than in the 2020 debate. However, the interruptions tend to be less disruptive and are usually addressed by the interlocutor (compared to the 2020 texts). Therefore, we understand that there is a greater “dialoguing” character in the 1902 debates, because “the other” is listened to.","PeriodicalId":44119,"journal":{"name":"ZEITSCHRIFT FUR ROMANISCHE PHILOLOGIE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44187555","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This work offers an in-depth description of the main morphosyntactic (and lexical) features found in present Guatemalan Spanish, a lesser-known Central American variety. Text corpora and sociolinguistic surveys help us to provide an updated grammatical overview, which takes into account most categories: nouns and adjectives, pronouns, verbs, adverbs, prepositions and locutions, and it is illustrated with examples taken both from formal and informal settings. By comparing these features with previous grammatical descriptions, this study helps in identifying some common American features —such as the use of hasta and una mi amiga— as well as some specific patterns —such as the prominence of several suffixes and pronouns— in present-day Guatemalan Spanish, some of which remain to be incorporated in the Academy grammar.
摘要本文深入描述了目前危地马拉西班牙语（一种鲜为人知的中美洲变体）的主要形态句法（和词汇）特征。文本语料库和社会语言学调查有助于我们提供最新的语法概述，其中考虑了大多数类别：名词和形容词、代词、动词、副词、介词和代词，并通过正式和非正式环境中的例子进行了说明。通过将这些特征与以前的语法描述进行比较，这项研究有助于识别一些常见的美国特征，如hasta和una mi amiga的使用，以及一些特定的模式，如几个后缀和代词在当今危地马拉西班牙语中的突出，其中一些仍有待纳入学院语法。
{"title":"Principales rasgos gramaticales del español de Guatemala","authors":"Enrique Pato","doi":"10.1515/zrp-2023-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2023-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This work offers an in-depth description of the main morphosyntactic (and lexical) features found in present Guatemalan Spanish, a lesser-known Central American variety. Text corpora and sociolinguistic surveys help us to provide an updated grammatical overview, which takes into account most categories: nouns and adjectives, pronouns, verbs, adverbs, prepositions and locutions, and it is illustrated with examples taken both from formal and informal settings. By comparing these features with previous grammatical descriptions, this study helps in identifying some common American features —such as the use of hasta and una mi amiga— as well as some specific patterns —such as the prominence of several suffixes and pronouns— in present-day Guatemalan Spanish, some of which remain to be incorporated in the Academy grammar.","PeriodicalId":44119,"journal":{"name":"ZEITSCHRIFT FUR ROMANISCHE PHILOLOGIE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46027918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This study attributes the enigmatic diphthong -ie- in Old Spanish dieron ‘they gave’ to a second (and later) phase in the development of this form from Latin dĕdērŭnt ‘they gave’. The earlier phase, I propose, involved regular sound change, namely, lenition and vocalic fusion. Thus, dĕdērŭnt> *de[ð]erunt > *de[Ø]eron > *deeron > *deron. I argue that one of the most (if not the single most) productive types of levelling in the history of the Spanish preterite endings, horizontal paradigmatic levelling, was at the root of the second (and final) phase of the development referred to above. The long-upheld belief that extraparadigmatic levelling and subsequent loss of internal -dē- (i.e., haplology) were the causes of the diphthong -ie- in Old Spanish dieron (i.e., Classical Latin dĕdḗrŭnt > Late/Vulgar Latin *dĕ́-dē-rŭnt > Old Spanish dieron) is challenged by the attestation of three non-haplological forms related to Latin dĕdērŭnt: deestes ‘you gave’ (< dĕdĭstĭs), deistis ‘you gave’ (< dĕdĭstĭs), and deerit ‘should s/he give’ (< dĕdĕrĭt). As these forms, which surface in the extant records of the Spanish and Portuguese High Middle Ages, retained the vowel of the second syllable, they could not have derived from haplology. Rather, given their internal vowel-to-vowel contact, i.e., -eØe- and -eØi-, respectively, they must have appeared due to lenition, i.e., loss of internal -d-: dĕdĭstĭs > deØestes, dĕdĭstĭs > deØistis, dĕdĕrĭt > deØerit. In contrast to the traditional view, then, this study proposes that, once regular sound change produced *deron in Old Spanish, stressed -ie- in dieron must have modeled itself after the diphthong of this form’s third-person singular counterpart, Old Spanish dio. In sum, the ultimate cause of the enigmatic diphthong -ie- in Old Spanish dieron is horizontal levelling in the direction third person singular (Old Spanish dio) → third person plural (Old Spanish *deron > dieron), all within the paradigm of the preterite of dar ‘to give’.
{"title":"Más sobre el enigmático origen de dieron","authors":"Omar Velázquez-Mendoza","doi":"10.1515/zrp-2023-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2023-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study attributes the enigmatic diphthong -ie- in Old Spanish dieron ‘they gave’ to a second (and later) phase in the development of this form from Latin dĕdērŭnt ‘they gave’. The earlier phase, I propose, involved regular sound change, namely, lenition and vocalic fusion. Thus, dĕdērŭnt> *de[ð]erunt > *de[Ø]eron > *deeron > *deron. I argue that one of the most (if not the single most) productive types of levelling in the history of the Spanish preterite endings, horizontal paradigmatic levelling, was at the root of the second (and final) phase of the development referred to above. The long-upheld belief that extraparadigmatic levelling and subsequent loss of internal -dē- (i.e., haplology) were the causes of the diphthong -ie- in Old Spanish dieron (i.e., Classical Latin dĕdḗrŭnt > Late/Vulgar Latin *dĕ́-dē-rŭnt > Old Spanish dieron) is challenged by the attestation of three non-haplological forms related to Latin dĕdērŭnt: deestes ‘you gave’ (< dĕdĭstĭs), deistis ‘you gave’ (< dĕdĭstĭs), and deerit ‘should s/he give’ (< dĕdĕrĭt). As these forms, which surface in the extant records of the Spanish and Portuguese High Middle Ages, retained the vowel of the second syllable, they could not have derived from haplology. Rather, given their internal vowel-to-vowel contact, i.e., -eØe- and -eØi-, respectively, they must have appeared due to lenition, i.e., loss of internal -d-: dĕdĭstĭs > deØestes, dĕdĭstĭs > deØistis, dĕdĕrĭt > deØerit. In contrast to the traditional view, then, this study proposes that, once regular sound change produced *deron in Old Spanish, stressed -ie- in dieron must have modeled itself after the diphthong of this form’s third-person singular counterpart, Old Spanish dio. In sum, the ultimate cause of the enigmatic diphthong -ie- in Old Spanish dieron is horizontal levelling in the direction third person singular (Old Spanish dio) → third person plural (Old Spanish *deron > dieron), all within the paradigm of the preterite of dar ‘to give’.","PeriodicalId":44119,"journal":{"name":"ZEITSCHRIFT FUR ROMANISCHE PHILOLOGIE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44153988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The D’Ovidio-Schuchardt correspondence (1875–1921) contains a wealth of information and evidence that goes far beyond the anecdotal dimension, shedding light not only on the scientific dialogue between the two scholars but also on trends and crucial issues in European linguistics between the 19th and 20th centuries. Starting with the cues offered by this epistolary source and through the examination of published writings (with a special focus on a relevant essay by D’Ovidio on the relics of ancient Italic dialects in Romance idioms), the present paper reconstructs the position of the two linguists on the so-called ethnic reactions. The analysis reveals the role played by Schuchardt in D’Ovidio’s gradual detachment from the theses of his former mentor, i. e. G. I. Ascoli: a sign, among the many, of the turning point that was taking shape, even in Italian Romanistics, from the one-dimensional linearity of the historical-comparative paradigm to a new conception of linguistic dynamics, more attentive to the influences and crossings of cultural currents.
D 'Ovidio-Schuchardt通信(1875-1921)包含了丰富的信息和证据，这些信息和证据远远超出了轶事的层面，不仅揭示了两位学者之间的科学对话，而且揭示了19世纪至20世纪欧洲语言学的趋势和关键问题。从这封书信来源提供的线索开始，通过对已发表作品的考察(特别关注D 'Ovidio关于古罗马习语中古意大利方言遗迹的相关文章)，本文重建了这两位语言学家在所谓的民族反应上的立场。分析揭示了Schuchardt在D ' vidio逐渐脱离他的前导师G. i. Ascoli的论文中所起的作用:在许多转折点中，甚至在意大利浪漫主义中，从历史比较范式的一维线性到语言动态的新概念，更关注文化潮流的影响和交叉，这是一个转折点的标志。
{"title":"Francesco D’Ovidio tra Ascoli e Schuchardt: dalle reazioni etniche alla Sprachmischung","authors":"S. Covino","doi":"10.1515/zrp-2023-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2023-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The D’Ovidio-Schuchardt correspondence (1875–1921) contains a wealth of information and evidence that goes far beyond the anecdotal dimension, shedding light not only on the scientific dialogue between the two scholars but also on trends and crucial issues in European linguistics between the 19th and 20th centuries. Starting with the cues offered by this epistolary source and through the examination of published writings (with a special focus on a relevant essay by D’Ovidio on the relics of ancient Italic dialects in Romance idioms), the present paper reconstructs the position of the two linguists on the so-called ethnic reactions. The analysis reveals the role played by Schuchardt in D’Ovidio’s gradual detachment from the theses of his former mentor, i. e. G. I. Ascoli: a sign, among the many, of the turning point that was taking shape, even in Italian Romanistics, from the one-dimensional linearity of the historical-comparative paradigm to a new conception of linguistic dynamics, more attentive to the influences and crossings of cultural currents.","PeriodicalId":44119,"journal":{"name":"ZEITSCHRIFT FUR ROMANISCHE PHILOLOGIE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48497762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract During the second half of the eighteenth century, the consolidation of the periodical press and the circulation of the Enlightenment ideas in Spain led to the creation of a new type of informative discourse that began to deal specifically with economic matters. The Spanish financial press combines at least two types of textual traditions. If, on the one hand, the economic issues evoke the memoirs published by arbitristas and proyectistas in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, their textual organization follows the model of the eighteenth-century periodical press. These diaries constitute a channel for the development of linguistic elaboration processes that took place in the sphere of communicative distance during the formation of early modern Spanish. We have selected two newspapers on this subject, the Semanario Económico and the Correo Mercantil de España y sus Indias, to provide new data about the morphosyntax of Spanish throughout the second half of the eighteenth century. The phenomena analyzed are: §2 the distribution of subjunctive and conditional verbal forms; §3 the pronominal enclysis; §4 the use of the passive and constructions with se; §5 the syntactic structure en + gerund and §6 the relative clauses.
18世纪下半叶，西班牙期刊出版业的巩固和启蒙思想的传播导致了一种新型信息话语的产生，这种话语开始专门处理经济问题。西班牙财经媒体至少结合了两种文本传统。一方面，如果经济问题唤起了17世纪和18世纪仲裁者和保护主义者出版的回忆录，那么它们的文本组织遵循了18世纪期刊出版社的模式。这些日记构成了早期现代西班牙语形成过程中在交际距离范围内发生的语言阐述过程发展的一个渠道。我们选择了两份关于这一主题的报纸，《Semanario Económico》和《Correo Mercantil de España y sus Indias》，以提供关于整个十八世纪下半叶西班牙语词法的新数据。分析的现象有:§2虚拟语气和条件动词的分布;§3代词包涵;§4被动语态和带se的结构的使用;§5是动词的句法结构，§6是关系从句。
{"title":"Tradicionalidad discursiva y variación morfosintáctica en la prensa económica de la Ilustración española","authors":"María Méndez Orense, Elena Carmona Yanes","doi":"10.1515/zrp-2023-0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2023-0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract During the second half of the eighteenth century, the consolidation of the periodical press and the circulation of the Enlightenment ideas in Spain led to the creation of a new type of informative discourse that began to deal specifically with economic matters. The Spanish financial press combines at least two types of textual traditions. If, on the one hand, the economic issues evoke the memoirs published by arbitristas and proyectistas in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, their textual organization follows the model of the eighteenth-century periodical press. These diaries constitute a channel for the development of linguistic elaboration processes that took place in the sphere of communicative distance during the formation of early modern Spanish. We have selected two newspapers on this subject, the Semanario Económico and the Correo Mercantil de España y sus Indias, to provide new data about the morphosyntax of Spanish throughout the second half of the eighteenth century. The phenomena analyzed are: §2 the distribution of subjunctive and conditional verbal forms; §3 the pronominal enclysis; §4 the use of the passive and constructions with se; §5 the syntactic structure en + gerund and §6 the relative clauses.","PeriodicalId":44119,"journal":{"name":"ZEITSCHRIFT FUR ROMANISCHE PHILOLOGIE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45905077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract It is well known that the Spanish third person plural of -er and -ir verbs has two different preterite endings: primary -ieron, and the variant -eron, which appears after stem-final -j, e.g., dijeron, trajeron, tradujeron, etc., and that -eron arose from -ieron through absorption of the semiconsonant [j] into the Old Spanish stem-final palatal -x [ʃ], e.g., dixieron > dixeron. What is not so well known is that OSp. dixiemos, dixiestes, like dixieron > dixeron, likewise reduced to dixemos, dixestes, but unlike dixeron, did not survive. It is also to date unknown that the reduction of -ieron > -eron occurred in other grammatical categories, e.g., OSp. cogieron > cogeron, before reverting to -ieron. The present study will show when -eron first arose and became the predominant variant of the two after -x, the extent to which it arose in other grammatical categories, and will explain why vertical vocalic symmetry between OSp. dixiemos, dixiestes, dixieron, later dixemos, dixestes, dixeron, was ulimately broken, and how the loss of dixiemos/dixemos, dixiestes/dixestes on the one hand, and the triumph of dixeron on the other, are completely interconnected, ironically tied to the same historical linguistic phenomenon, and actually two sides of the same coin.
{"title":"When nothing does something: The proliferation and triumph of the third person plural preterite variant ending -eron in Old and Early Modern Spanish","authors":"J. Rini","doi":"10.1515/zrp-2023-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2023-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract It is well known that the Spanish third person plural of -er and -ir verbs has two different preterite endings: primary -ieron, and the variant -eron, which appears after stem-final -j, e.g., dijeron, trajeron, tradujeron, etc., and that -eron arose from -ieron through absorption of the semiconsonant [j] into the Old Spanish stem-final palatal -x [ʃ], e.g., dixieron > dixeron. What is not so well known is that OSp. dixiemos, dixiestes, like dixieron > dixeron, likewise reduced to dixemos, dixestes, but unlike dixeron, did not survive. It is also to date unknown that the reduction of -ieron > -eron occurred in other grammatical categories, e.g., OSp. cogieron > cogeron, before reverting to -ieron. The present study will show when -eron first arose and became the predominant variant of the two after -x, the extent to which it arose in other grammatical categories, and will explain why vertical vocalic symmetry between OSp. dixiemos, dixiestes, dixieron, later dixemos, dixestes, dixeron, was ulimately broken, and how the loss of dixiemos/dixemos, dixiestes/dixestes on the one hand, and the triumph of dixeron on the other, are completely interconnected, ironically tied to the same historical linguistic phenomenon, and actually two sides of the same coin.","PeriodicalId":44119,"journal":{"name":"ZEITSCHRIFT FUR ROMANISCHE PHILOLOGIE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46182410","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Our perception of the vernacular works of Bonvesin da la Riva is still largely shaped by the editions of Gianfranco Contini (1941 and 1960). A reassessment of Bonvesin in terms of language and literary history can only start from a reflection on the textual basis of his works. The high quality of the Berlin manuscript (ca. 1300), which contains about half of Bonvesin’s oeuvre, is undisputed. However, the “retranslation” of the texts contained exclusively in later manuscripts which converts them into the form of the codex optimus, as still practised by Gökçen (2001), seems unacceptable today. Rather, the aim should be to identify different linguistic, stylistic and textual tendencies of the individual works by making recourse to the entire textual tradition. In this context, the assumption of an absolutely regular metrical form of the alexandrine, which has been advocated since Salvioni and Contini, is becoming increasingly questionable. It is suggested that Bonvesin’s poetry should be considered in the light of the tradition of anisosyllabism, which was well attested in the 13th century. The hypothesis of a “dialectal authenticity” of Bonvesin’s language is also problematic. Rather, an edition must preserve the constitutive polymorphism of the medieval scripta. Overall, the aim must be to recognise the distinctive personality of the medieval poet in the heterogeneity and variability of the surviving texts, beyond anachronistic expectations of a “classic”.
摘要我们对Bonvesin da la Riva白话作品的看法在很大程度上仍然受到Gianfranco Contini（1941年和1960年）版本的影响。从语言和文学史的角度重新评价邦维辛，只能从对其作品文本基础的反思入手。柏林手稿（约1300年）的高质量是无可争议的，其中包含了邦维辛大约一半的作品。然而，像Gökçen（2001）仍然实行的那样，对后来手稿中所载的文本进行“重新翻译”，将其转化为最佳法典的形式，这在今天看来是不可接受的。相反，其目的应该是通过求助于整个文本传统来识别单个作品的不同语言、风格和文本倾向。在这种情况下，自萨尔维奥尼和孔蒂尼以来一直提倡的亚历山大的绝对规则韵律形式的假设越来越令人怀疑。本文认为，邦维辛的诗歌应该从13世纪就已得到充分证明的异音传统的角度来考虑。邦维辛语言的“方言真实性”假说也存在问题。相反，一个版本必须保留中世纪圣经的构成多态性。总的来说，我们的目标必须是在现存文本的异质性和可变性中认识到中世纪诗人的独特个性，超越对“经典”不合时宜的期望。
{"title":"Prolegomena a una nuova edizione critica delle opere volgari di Bonvesin da la Riva","authors":"Raymund Wilhelm","doi":"10.1515/zrp-2023-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2023-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Our perception of the vernacular works of Bonvesin da la Riva is still largely shaped by the editions of Gianfranco Contini (1941 and 1960). A reassessment of Bonvesin in terms of language and literary history can only start from a reflection on the textual basis of his works. The high quality of the Berlin manuscript (ca. 1300), which contains about half of Bonvesin’s oeuvre, is undisputed. However, the “retranslation” of the texts contained exclusively in later manuscripts which converts them into the form of the codex optimus, as still practised by Gökçen (2001), seems unacceptable today. Rather, the aim should be to identify different linguistic, stylistic and textual tendencies of the individual works by making recourse to the entire textual tradition. In this context, the assumption of an absolutely regular metrical form of the alexandrine, which has been advocated since Salvioni and Contini, is becoming increasingly questionable. It is suggested that Bonvesin’s poetry should be considered in the light of the tradition of anisosyllabism, which was well attested in the 13th century. The hypothesis of a “dialectal authenticity” of Bonvesin’s language is also problematic. Rather, an edition must preserve the constitutive polymorphism of the medieval scripta. Overall, the aim must be to recognise the distinctive personality of the medieval poet in the heterogeneity and variability of the surviving texts, beyond anachronistic expectations of a “classic”.","PeriodicalId":44119,"journal":{"name":"ZEITSCHRIFT FUR ROMANISCHE PHILOLOGIE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46532384","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The ophthalmic treatise Practica oculorum by Benvenuto Grassus has always attracted considerable attention, as it is shown by the numerous studies on the text and by the various editions that have appeared until recent times. The present paper aims to advance some reflections on the editorial history of the treatise and on its Romance translations. Specifically, a comparison of the four Latin incunabula and the four Romance versions of the text will highlight its role in both professional and non-professional environments during the 14th and 15th centuries.
{"title":"Per l’edizione dei volgarizzamenti romanzi della Practica oculorum di Benvenuto Grafeo","authors":"M. Lacanale","doi":"10.1515/zrp-2023-0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2023-0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The ophthalmic treatise Practica oculorum by Benvenuto Grassus has always attracted considerable attention, as it is shown by the numerous studies on the text and by the various editions that have appeared until recent times. The present paper aims to advance some reflections on the editorial history of the treatise and on its Romance translations. Specifically, a comparison of the four Latin incunabula and the four Romance versions of the text will highlight its role in both professional and non-professional environments during the 14th and 15th centuries.","PeriodicalId":44119,"journal":{"name":"ZEITSCHRIFT FUR ROMANISCHE PHILOLOGIE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48802222","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract According to the current state of research, the traditional etymology (i.e. lasanum ‘chamber potʼ) of It. lasagna ‘type of pastaʼ is obsolete. The actual basis is Ar. lawzīnaǧ ‘almond confectionʼ, which satisfies all etymological requirements. Furthermore, the hypothesis of an etymological connection between It. lasagna and Fr. losange cannot be confirmed. By reason of the early productivity of the family of Fr. losange, the late and marginal appearance of the culinary meaning, and the fact that the entire textual tradition of losange does not present any affinity to the oriental world, it is evident that an Arabic origin must be ruled out. Instead, the traditional derivation from pre-Rom. *lausa ‘flat stoneʼ, ‘roofing or paving stoneʼ is to be revalidated.
{"title":"It. lasagna ‘sfoglia di pastaʼ e fr. losange ‘romboʼ","authors":"Wolfgang Schweickard","doi":"10.1515/zrp-2023-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2023-0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract According to the current state of research, the traditional etymology (i.e. lasanum ‘chamber potʼ) of It. lasagna ‘type of pastaʼ is obsolete. The actual basis is Ar. lawzīnaǧ ‘almond confectionʼ, which satisfies all etymological requirements. Furthermore, the hypothesis of an etymological connection between It. lasagna and Fr. losange cannot be confirmed. By reason of the early productivity of the family of Fr. losange, the late and marginal appearance of the culinary meaning, and the fact that the entire textual tradition of losange does not present any affinity to the oriental world, it is evident that an Arabic origin must be ruled out. Instead, the traditional derivation from pre-Rom. *lausa ‘flat stoneʼ, ‘roofing or paving stoneʼ is to be revalidated.","PeriodicalId":44119,"journal":{"name":"ZEITSCHRIFT FUR ROMANISCHE PHILOLOGIE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49594471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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