Pub Date : 2021-12-05DOI: 10.1177/23294965211052545
Maria R. Lowe, Madeline Carrola, Dakota Cortez, Mary E. Jalufka
In many liberal predominantly white neighborhoods, white residents view their communities as inclusive yet they also engage in racialized surveillance to monitor individuals they perceive as outsiders. Some of these efforts center on people of color in neighborhood open spaces. We use a diversity ideology framework to analyze this contradiction, paying particular attention to how residents of color experience racialized surveillance of their neighborhood’s publicly accessible parks and swimming pools. This article draws on data from neighborhood documents, neighborhood digital platforms, and interviews with residents of a liberal, affluent, predominantly white community that was expressly designed with public spaces open to non-residents. We find that resident surveillance of neighborhood public spaces is racialized, occurs regularly, and happens in person and on neighborhood online platforms where diversity as liability rhetoric is conveyed using colorblind discourse. These monitoring efforts, which are at times supported by formal measures, impact residents of color to varying degrees. We expand on diversity ideology by identifying digital and in-person racialized surveillance as a key mechanism by which white residents attempt to enforce racialized boundaries and protect whiteness in multiracial spaces and by highlighting how Black and Latinx residents, in particular, navigate these practices.
{"title":"“I Live Here”: How Residents of Color Experience Racialized Surveillance and Diversity Ideology in a Liberal Predominantly White Neighborhood","authors":"Maria R. Lowe, Madeline Carrola, Dakota Cortez, Mary E. Jalufka","doi":"10.1177/23294965211052545","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965211052545","url":null,"abstract":"In many liberal predominantly white neighborhoods, white residents view their communities as inclusive yet they also engage in racialized surveillance to monitor individuals they perceive as outsiders. Some of these efforts center on people of color in neighborhood open spaces. We use a diversity ideology framework to analyze this contradiction, paying particular attention to how residents of color experience racialized surveillance of their neighborhood’s publicly accessible parks and swimming pools. This article draws on data from neighborhood documents, neighborhood digital platforms, and interviews with residents of a liberal, affluent, predominantly white community that was expressly designed with public spaces open to non-residents. We find that resident surveillance of neighborhood public spaces is racialized, occurs regularly, and happens in person and on neighborhood online platforms where diversity as liability rhetoric is conveyed using colorblind discourse. These monitoring efforts, which are at times supported by formal measures, impact residents of color to varying degrees. We expand on diversity ideology by identifying digital and in-person racialized surveillance as a key mechanism by which white residents attempt to enforce racialized boundaries and protect whiteness in multiracial spaces and by highlighting how Black and Latinx residents, in particular, navigate these practices.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42119327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-03DOI: 10.1177/23294965211053832
M. Denver, Justin T. Pickett
Regardless of why it happens, racial discrimination is damaging and unacceptable. Efforts to reduce discrimination, however, are most successful when we understand the mechanisms that give rise to it. Building on the observation that employers are members of the public, we examine two attitudinal mechanisms that may foster discriminatory employment practices in the context of criminal background checks: stereotypes and threat-based animus. First, we estimate public perceptions of arrest prevalence using two nationwide surveys. Next, we experimentally test the effects of two racially threatening primes—Census projections about a coming majority-minority America, and information about the prison population’s racial composition—on attitudes toward hiring job applicants with criminal records. Consistent with statistical discrimination theory, respondents identify black males as having the highest arrest prevalence. Respondents are less accurate, however, when it comes to gender differences: they underestimate arrest prevalence for black, Hispanic, and white males, and tend to overestimate it for females. On the other hand, our experiments provide little evidence of an effect of threat-based animus: racially threatening primes that are influential in other contexts do not significantly impact attitudes about hiring applicants with criminal records.
{"title":"Race, Criminal Records, and Discrimination Against Job Seekers: Examining Attitudinal Mechanisms","authors":"M. Denver, Justin T. Pickett","doi":"10.1177/23294965211053832","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965211053832","url":null,"abstract":"Regardless of why it happens, racial discrimination is damaging and unacceptable. Efforts to reduce discrimination, however, are most successful when we understand the mechanisms that give rise to it. Building on the observation that employers are members of the public, we examine two attitudinal mechanisms that may foster discriminatory employment practices in the context of criminal background checks: stereotypes and threat-based animus. First, we estimate public perceptions of arrest prevalence using two nationwide surveys. Next, we experimentally test the effects of two racially threatening primes—Census projections about a coming majority-minority America, and information about the prison population’s racial composition—on attitudes toward hiring job applicants with criminal records. Consistent with statistical discrimination theory, respondents identify black males as having the highest arrest prevalence. Respondents are less accurate, however, when it comes to gender differences: they underestimate arrest prevalence for black, Hispanic, and white males, and tend to overestimate it for females. On the other hand, our experiments provide little evidence of an effect of threat-based animus: racially threatening primes that are influential in other contexts do not significantly impact attitudes about hiring applicants with criminal records.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43937289","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-24DOI: 10.1177/23294965211054050
Christian Michael Smith
According to the theory of Effectively Maintained Inequality (EMI), economically advantaged individuals not only enter each level of education at higher rates than do their less advantaged peers, but also enjoy qualitative advantages at each level that position them more favorably to continue to the next level. Governments may play a role in facilitating or limiting EMI because they allocate appropriations to public universities; the more between-university variability in these funds, the more horizontal differences high-income students may exploit. I ask whether Wisconsin’s unequal pattern of appropriations across its institutions of higher education exacerbates income-based disparities in college persistence. I test two hypotheses: (1) Economically advantaged students sort into the universities with greatest appropriations; (2) Appropriations promote first-to-second-year persistence. Evidence in favor of both hypotheses would support the claim that an unequal pattern of appropriations exacerbates college persistence disparities and, accordingly, suggest that unequal allocation facilitates EMI. Results support hypothesis (1) but not hypothesis (2). The results do not present evidence that the Wisconsin state government facilitated or limited EMI based on its allocation of funds across universities.
{"title":"Does State Allocation of University Funding Moderate Effectively Maintained Inequality?","authors":"Christian Michael Smith","doi":"10.1177/23294965211054050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965211054050","url":null,"abstract":"According to the theory of Effectively Maintained Inequality (EMI), economically advantaged individuals not only enter each level of education at higher rates than do their less advantaged peers, but also enjoy qualitative advantages at each level that position them more favorably to continue to the next level. Governments may play a role in facilitating or limiting EMI because they allocate appropriations to public universities; the more between-university variability in these funds, the more horizontal differences high-income students may exploit. I ask whether Wisconsin’s unequal pattern of appropriations across its institutions of higher education exacerbates income-based disparities in college persistence. I test two hypotheses: (1) Economically advantaged students sort into the universities with greatest appropriations; (2) Appropriations promote first-to-second-year persistence. Evidence in favor of both hypotheses would support the claim that an unequal pattern of appropriations exacerbates college persistence disparities and, accordingly, suggest that unequal allocation facilitates EMI. Results support hypothesis (1) but not hypothesis (2). The results do not present evidence that the Wisconsin state government facilitated or limited EMI based on its allocation of funds across universities.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41618578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-20DOI: 10.1177/23294965211050019
Alyssa J. Davis, Heather Hensman Kettrey
The culture wars, or battle between American conservatives and progressives to define national values, appeared to be in abeyance until they were seemingly reignited by Donald Trump’s “Make America Great Again” rally cry. Yet, contemporary culture wars are different from those of previous decades because, instead of being driven by political and intellectual elites, they are often fought by populist voices on social media platforms. Additionally, whereas culture wars have traditionally been understood as reactionary to changes in local communities, social media may redefine community such that threats emerging in one geographic area reverberate across the country. In this study, we analyze 1658 comments posted to four ideologically divergent Reddit communities in response to Drag Queen Story Hour, which entails drag performers reading books to children in libraries. Our analysis demonstrates ways that different communities grapple with cultural threat, with those who have historically influenced American values exhibiting fear over the power they stand to lose. Additionally, in our analysis, members of online communities responded to threats that materialized in geographic communities to which they did not necessarily have a tangible connection. Thus, the diffuse nature of digital age culture wars may render distinctions between abstract and tangible threats obsolete.
文化战争，即美国保守派和进步派之间为定义国家价值观而进行的战争，似乎暂时搁置了下来，直到唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)的“让美国再次伟大”(Make America Great Again)集会口号似乎重新点燃了这场战争。然而，当代文化战争与过去几十年的战争不同，因为它们不是由政治和知识精英推动的，而是经常由社交媒体平台上的民粹主义声音发起的。此外，文化战争传统上被认为是对当地社区变化的反动，而社交媒体可能会重新定义社区，从而使一个地理区域出现的威胁在全国范围内引起反响。在这项研究中，我们分析了1658条评论，这些评论发表在四个意识形态不同的Reddit社区，以回应变装皇后故事时间，这需要变装演员在图书馆为孩子们读书。我们的分析展示了不同社区应对文化威胁的方式，那些在历史上影响过美国价值观的人对自己即将失去的权力表现出恐惧。此外，在我们的分析中，在线社区的成员对地理社区中出现的威胁做出了反应，而这些威胁不一定与他们有切实的联系。因此，数字时代文化战争的扩散性质可能会使抽象威胁和有形威胁之间的区别变得过时。
{"title":"Clear and Omnipresent Danger: Digital Age Culture Wars and Reactions to Drag Queen Story Hour across Diverse Subreddit Communities","authors":"Alyssa J. Davis, Heather Hensman Kettrey","doi":"10.1177/23294965211050019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965211050019","url":null,"abstract":"The culture wars, or battle between American conservatives and progressives to define national values, appeared to be in abeyance until they were seemingly reignited by Donald Trump’s “Make America Great Again” rally cry. Yet, contemporary culture wars are different from those of previous decades because, instead of being driven by political and intellectual elites, they are often fought by populist voices on social media platforms. Additionally, whereas culture wars have traditionally been understood as reactionary to changes in local communities, social media may redefine community such that threats emerging in one geographic area reverberate across the country. In this study, we analyze 1658 comments posted to four ideologically divergent Reddit communities in response to Drag Queen Story Hour, which entails drag performers reading books to children in libraries. Our analysis demonstrates ways that different communities grapple with cultural threat, with those who have historically influenced American values exhibiting fear over the power they stand to lose. Additionally, in our analysis, members of online communities responded to threats that materialized in geographic communities to which they did not necessarily have a tangible connection. Thus, the diffuse nature of digital age culture wars may render distinctions between abstract and tangible threats obsolete.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41727361","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1177/23294965211045081
Dustin S. Stoltz, Aaron Z. Pitluck
Social capital theory offers a compelling explanation as to why people are committed to making resources available to others outside of formal institutions. In this article, we build on social capital theory to explain how actors overcome two practical problems endemic to these resource transfers. We present Viviana Zelizer’s relational work theory as a complimentary framework which accounts for when an individual may act on commitments to offer resources and which commitments to act upon when they are in conflict. Drawing on our empirical work on almsgiving to social outcasts and resource transfers at mourning ceremonies in Azerbaijan, we describe how people identify and ascribe their relationships to others by relying on available cultural conventions to mark economic transactions and other media as appropriate or inappropriate. By conceptualizing social capital in this way, we also obtain a process-tracing methodology useful for social researchers and for community activists to generate ideas on how to expand social capital in their own or others’ communities.
{"title":"Resources in Relational Packages: Social Capital as a Byproduct of Relational Work","authors":"Dustin S. Stoltz, Aaron Z. Pitluck","doi":"10.1177/23294965211045081","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965211045081","url":null,"abstract":"Social capital theory offers a compelling explanation as to why people are committed to making resources available to others outside of formal institutions. In this article, we build on social capital theory to explain how actors overcome two practical problems endemic to these resource transfers. We present Viviana Zelizer’s relational work theory as a complimentary framework which accounts for when an individual may act on commitments to offer resources and which commitments to act upon when they are in conflict. Drawing on our empirical work on almsgiving to social outcasts and resource transfers at mourning ceremonies in Azerbaijan, we describe how people identify and ascribe their relationships to others by relying on available cultural conventions to mark economic transactions and other media as appropriate or inappropriate. By conceptualizing social capital in this way, we also obtain a process-tracing methodology useful for social researchers and for community activists to generate ideas on how to expand social capital in their own or others’ communities.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43425064","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1177/23294965211047886
Paige Kelly, L. Lobao
Sociologists have long studied poverty across localities. Yet, little research focuses on local governments and the social services they directly provide to those in-need. Researchers concerned with the US welfare state note that localized administration of social programs creates geographic variability in provisioning and potential for status-based discrimination, such as racism, to influence policy. This paper addresses two questions: (1) To what extent does local need influence counties’ provision of social services? (2) Does the provision of social services vary according to which social group is most in-need? Conceptually, we break ground by placing spatial inequality research on local disparities into dialogue with sociology’s welfare state tradition. Using novel data for 1,600 county governments across the nation, we find that local need as measured by the poverty rate is related to greater social service provisioning, suggesting governments’ responsiveness. However, provisioning is unequal when the level of need is disaggregated among social groups, race/ethnicity, and gender. Higher poverty among whites is associated with greater provisioning of social services. This study showcases possible means by which unequal patterns of social welfare support emerge and reveals the potential role of local governments in perpetuating inequalities by privileging some groups’ need more than others.
{"title":"Whose Need Matters?: The Local Welfare State, Poverty, and Variation in US Counties’ Social Service Provisioning","authors":"Paige Kelly, L. Lobao","doi":"10.1177/23294965211047886","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965211047886","url":null,"abstract":"Sociologists have long studied poverty across localities. Yet, little research focuses on local governments and the social services they directly provide to those in-need. Researchers concerned with the US welfare state note that localized administration of social programs creates geographic variability in provisioning and potential for status-based discrimination, such as racism, to influence policy. This paper addresses two questions: (1) To what extent does local need influence counties’ provision of social services? (2) Does the provision of social services vary according to which social group is most in-need? Conceptually, we break ground by placing spatial inequality research on local disparities into dialogue with sociology’s welfare state tradition. Using novel data for 1,600 county governments across the nation, we find that local need as measured by the poverty rate is related to greater social service provisioning, suggesting governments’ responsiveness. However, provisioning is unequal when the level of need is disaggregated among social groups, race/ethnicity, and gender. Higher poverty among whites is associated with greater provisioning of social services. This study showcases possible means by which unequal patterns of social welfare support emerge and reveals the potential role of local governments in perpetuating inequalities by privileging some groups’ need more than others.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44472528","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-01DOI: 10.1177/23294965211026692
Elizabeth C Martin, Rachel E Dwyer
As the onus of paying for higher education shifted from the state onto students and their families, student indebtedness grew across a wide range of households in the United States in the 2000s, especially among Black and Hispanic households. Holding student debt is a financial risk that may leave households more vulnerable to economic shocks. We study the relationship between household student loan burden and the likelihood of financial stress during the Great Recession using the unique 2007-2009 panel of the Survey of Consumer Finances. We find a robust positive relationship across four dimensions of student loan burden and holding constant household characteristics and previous financial stress. We find that Black and Hispanic households who held student loans experienced particularly high levels of financial stress relative to White households. Our results demonstrate the importance of considering the household risk incurred in the US system of financed attainment, especially during the inevitable downturns of a capitalist economy.
{"title":"Financial Stress, Race, and Student Debt during the Great Recession.","authors":"Elizabeth C Martin, Rachel E Dwyer","doi":"10.1177/23294965211026692","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965211026692","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>As the onus of paying for higher education shifted from the state onto students and their families, student indebtedness grew across a wide range of households in the United States in the 2000s, especially among Black and Hispanic households. Holding student debt is a financial risk that may leave households more vulnerable to economic shocks. We study the relationship between household student loan burden and the likelihood of financial stress during the Great Recession using the unique 2007-2009 panel of the <i>Survey of Consumer Finances</i>. We find a robust positive relationship across four dimensions of student loan burden and holding constant household characteristics and previous financial stress. We find that Black and Hispanic households who held student loans experienced particularly high levels of financial stress relative to White households. Our results demonstrate the importance of considering the household risk incurred in the US system of financed attainment, especially during the inevitable downturns of a capitalist economy.</p>","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/23294965211026692","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"10278822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-01DOI: 10.1177/23294965211024671
R. Charron-Chénier, Louise Seamster, T. Shapiro, Laura Sullivan
Student debt in the United States has had a disproportionate negative impact on black and Latinx borrowers. We argue that analyses of plans proposing student debt cancellation should therefore foreground their potential impact on racial equity. To do so, we use data from the 2019 Survey of Consumer Finances and model the impact of debt cancellation on four key policy outcomes (reach, impact on the most vulnerable borrowers, borrower wealth gains, and impact on racial wealth gaps). We examine universal policy designs as well as designs that incorporate an income eligibility threshold as a means of targeting benefits toward less affluent borrowers. We find that cancellation amounts ranging from $50,000 to $75,000 yield the most desirable outcomes, especially when paired with a relatively low household income eligibility cutoff at between $100,000 and $150,000. Such policies would cancel roughly half of all outstanding student debt without substantially expanding the racial wealth gap, while still reaching a large majority of borrowers and leading to substantial wealth gains, especially for black households.
{"title":"A Pathway to Racial Equity: Student Debt Cancellation Policy Designs","authors":"R. Charron-Chénier, Louise Seamster, T. Shapiro, Laura Sullivan","doi":"10.1177/23294965211024671","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965211024671","url":null,"abstract":"Student debt in the United States has had a disproportionate negative impact on black and Latinx borrowers. We argue that analyses of plans proposing student debt cancellation should therefore foreground their potential impact on racial equity. To do so, we use data from the 2019 Survey of Consumer Finances and model the impact of debt cancellation on four key policy outcomes (reach, impact on the most vulnerable borrowers, borrower wealth gains, and impact on racial wealth gaps). We examine universal policy designs as well as designs that incorporate an income eligibility threshold as a means of targeting benefits toward less affluent borrowers. We find that cancellation amounts ranging from $50,000 to $75,000 yield the most desirable outcomes, especially when paired with a relatively low household income eligibility cutoff at between $100,000 and $150,000. Such policies would cancel roughly half of all outstanding student debt without substantially expanding the racial wealth gap, while still reaching a large majority of borrowers and leading to substantial wealth gains, especially for black households.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44326688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-27DOI: 10.1177/23294965211045084
A. H. Wingfield
Due to a variety of structural, political, and economic changes, the US is currently in the midst of record levels of economic inequality. At the same time, the country is rapidly becoming more racially diverse (and dealing with the backlash of these demographic changes). In this article, I use Kalleberg’s (2003) framework of “good jobs” and “bad jobs” in conjunction with several sociological theories of race and racism to assess the implications of these changes. I suggest that the United States is at an inflection point that will either result in a shift toward policies that produce more racial and economic parity, or a commitment to forces that will further entrench these inequalities.
{"title":"“Will America Work? Racial and Economic Equity in a Post-COVID World”","authors":"A. H. Wingfield","doi":"10.1177/23294965211045084","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965211045084","url":null,"abstract":"Due to a variety of structural, political, and economic changes, the US is currently in the midst of record levels of economic inequality. At the same time, the country is rapidly becoming more racially diverse (and dealing with the backlash of these demographic changes). In this article, I use Kalleberg’s (2003) framework of “good jobs” and “bad jobs” in conjunction with several sociological theories of race and racism to assess the implications of these changes. I suggest that the United States is at an inflection point that will either result in a shift toward policies that produce more racial and economic parity, or a commitment to forces that will further entrench these inequalities.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49202113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-22DOI: 10.1177/23294965211043548
Timothy P. Clark, Andrew R. Smolski, Jason S. Allen, John Hedlund, Heather Sanchez
A critical divide within environmental sociology concerns the relationship between capitalism and the environment. Risk society and ecological modernization scholars advance a concept of reflexive political economy, arguing that capitalism will transition from a dirty, industrial stage to a green, eco-friendly stage. In contrast, critical political economy scholars suggest that the core imperatives of capitalist accumulation are fundamentally unsustainable. We conduct a content analysis of 136 journal articles to assess how these frameworks have been implemented in empirical studies. Our analysis provides important commentary about the mechanisms, agents, magnitude, scale, temporality, and outcomes these frameworks analyze and employ, and the development of a hybrid perspective that borrows from both these perspectives. In addition, we reflect on how and why reflexive political economy has not answered key challenges leveled in the early 21st century, mainly the disconnect between greening values and the ongoing coupling of economic growth and environmental destruction. We also reflect on the significance of critical political economy, as the only framework we study that provides analysis of the roots of ecological crisis. Finally, we comment on the emergent hybrid perspective as a framework that attempts to reconcile new socioecological configurations in an era of increasing environmental instability.
{"title":"Capitalism and Sustainability: An Exploratory Content Analysis of Frameworks in Environmental Political Economy","authors":"Timothy P. Clark, Andrew R. Smolski, Jason S. Allen, John Hedlund, Heather Sanchez","doi":"10.1177/23294965211043548","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965211043548","url":null,"abstract":"A critical divide within environmental sociology concerns the relationship between capitalism and the environment. Risk society and ecological modernization scholars advance a concept of reflexive political economy, arguing that capitalism will transition from a dirty, industrial stage to a green, eco-friendly stage. In contrast, critical political economy scholars suggest that the core imperatives of capitalist accumulation are fundamentally unsustainable. We conduct a content analysis of 136 journal articles to assess how these frameworks have been implemented in empirical studies. Our analysis provides important commentary about the mechanisms, agents, magnitude, scale, temporality, and outcomes these frameworks analyze and employ, and the development of a hybrid perspective that borrows from both these perspectives. In addition, we reflect on how and why reflexive political economy has not answered key challenges leveled in the early 21st century, mainly the disconnect between greening values and the ongoing coupling of economic growth and environmental destruction. We also reflect on the significance of critical political economy, as the only framework we study that provides analysis of the roots of ecological crisis. Finally, we comment on the emergent hybrid perspective as a framework that attempts to reconcile new socioecological configurations in an era of increasing environmental instability.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2021-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44448887","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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