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From Hard Slavic Endings to Making Things Possible: The Political in Saša Stanišić's Prose 从艰难的斯拉夫结局到使事情成为可能:Saša Stanišić散文中的政治
4区 文学 0 LITERARY REVIEWS Pub Date : 2023-09-24 DOI: 10.1111/criq.12744
Lilla Balint, Djordje Popović
The opening scene in Saša Stanišić's latest work, Where You Come From, places the reader back in Višegrad, a storied town in today's Bosnia and Herzegovina and the site where his first semi-autobiographical novel, How the Soldier Repairs the Gramophone, ended. We see the narrator's grandmother Kristina as an elderly lady, shouting from the balcony down to her younger self on the street: ‘I'll come get you. Don’t move!’1 Living up to her promise, Kristina drags herself down three flights of stairs, without shoes, her feet covered by thin black stockings only. Cars hit the brakes. Traffic comes to an abrupt halt. In her effort to rescue her adolescent self, Kristina succeeds at stopping the steady flow of the world for a moment. The evocative opening places Kristina front and centre in the text while introducing a split in time: we are simultaneously in the years 2018 and 1943, as well as in some Yugoslav moment in-between, when the street on which the impossible encounter was to play out still bore the name of Josip Broz Tito.2 The formidable storyteller Stanišić tempts his audience in this vignette-like opening with a reassurance of sorts: where you come from – Herkunft (‘origin’) – can, indeed, be found at some mythic confluence of time and place. Origins are not only localisable; they can also be projected back in time, with kinship serving as a well-established narrative and ideological ploy for staking out historical claims to belonging. The very first scene thus appears to preempt the text that follows by giving a rather firm answer to the question that the book's title vividly raises. The answer – the Romantic idea of origins – seems to be reinforced when Stanišić takes his readers from Višegrad to the village of Oskoruša, and with that, deeper into the past. At Oskoruša's cemetery, many of the tombstones bear the narrator's last name: Stanišić. What could possibly be more affirming in a tale of origins than a mountain village, where even the ground is inscribed with proof of one's ancestry?3 Stanišić proves to be a formidable storyteller because he involves his readership in something like a theatre of origins, presenting us with the essential trappings of a ‘filiative’ form of belonging – a term we borrow from Edward Said and Timothy Brennan to designate communities predicated on inheritance, descent, and circumstances of birth – only to then reject the premise and ontological primacy ascribed to these ‘natural’ social bonds.4 Expressed in the well-known terms of National Socialist ideology, Blut (‘blood’) and Boden (‘soil’) not only merge here but become inseparable, with their union counteracting – that is, stabilising – the purportedly modern volatility of origins.5 From the perspective that this special issue of Critical Quarterly adopts, a striking moment comes to the fore: Stanišić's spectacle of origins plays out in what is commonly considered part of Europe's periphery, a tiny village ‘in the Bosnian mountains, in the farthest eas
在Saša Stanišić最新作品《你从哪里来》的开头,把读者带回到Višegrad,一个位于今天波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的传奇小镇,也是他的第一部半自传体小说《士兵如何修理留声机》结束的地方。我们看到叙述者的祖母克里斯蒂娜(Kristina)是一位上了年纪的女士,她在阳台上对着街上年轻时的自己大喊:“我来接你。”不要动!1克里斯汀娜实现了她的诺言,她拖着自己下了三层楼,没有穿鞋,脚上只盖着薄薄的黑色长袜。汽车踩刹车。交通突然停止。在努力拯救青春期的自己的过程中,克里斯蒂娜成功地让世界的稳定流动停止了一会儿。令人回味的开篇将克里斯汀娜放在文本的前面和中心,同时介绍了时间的分裂:我们同时处于2018年和1943年,以及其间的南斯拉夫时刻,当不可能的相遇发生的街道仍然以约瑟普·布罗兹·蒂托的名字命名。这位令人敬畏的讲故事的人Stanišić在这个小插曲般的开头用各种安慰来诱惑他的观众:你从哪里来——Herkunft(“起源”)——确实可以在时间和地点的某种神话般的汇合中找到。起源不仅可以本地化;它们也可以投射到过去,亲属关系是一种成熟的叙事和意识形态策略,用来表明历史上对归属感的主张。因此,第一个场景似乎先发制人,对书的标题生动地提出的问题给出了相当坚定的回答。当Stanišić带着读者从Višegrad来到Oskoruša村庄,进而深入到过去时,答案——关于起源的浪漫主义观点——似乎得到了强化。在Oskoruša的墓地,许多墓碑上都刻有叙述者的姓氏:Stanišić。在一个关于起源的故事中,还有什么比一个山村更能肯定的呢?在那里,连地面上都刻着一个人祖先的证据。3 Stanišić被证明是一个令人敬畏的讲故事的人,因为他把他的读者卷入了一个类似于起源剧场的东西中,向我们展示了归属的“亲缘”形式的基本特征——我们从爱德华·萨义德和蒂莫西·布伦南那里借用了一个术语,用来指定基于继承、血统和出生环境的社区——然后才拒绝了这些“自然”社会纽带的前提和本体论的首要地位用著名的国家社会主义意识形态来表达,Blut(“血液”)和Boden(“土壤”)不仅在这里融合,而且变得不可分割,它们的结合抵消了——也就是说,稳定了——所谓的现代起源的波动从这期《批判季刊》特刊所采用的视角来看,一个引人注目的时刻出现了:Stanišić的起源奇观发生在通常被认为是欧洲外围的一部分,一个小村庄“在波斯尼亚山区,在这片永远悲惨的土地的最东部地区”(Where 27;31)。当然,开篇是一个巧妙设置的意识形态陷阱,让读者沉迷于浪漫主义的无媒介归属感,却无法认识到这种观念与巴尔干部落好战的古老刻板印象之间的亲缘关系。因为无论是对原始起源的向往,还是对外围空间不可调和的争斗的归因,都是对亲缘关系和落后的假设——一种被困在历史时间之外的存在模式,因此似乎超出了历史主体的范围。但是,Stanišić对起源的论证究竟是谁的听众呢?这种论证深受西欧人的影响,而且似乎强化了西欧人对巴尔干地区作为欧洲落后边缘地区的刻板印象。实际上,这种奇观是为谁而发生的?同样重要的是,在叙述的过程中,起源的概念发生了什么变化?我们从这些问题开始,因为在德国-波斯尼亚作家Saša Stanišić的作品中,我们发现了核心-外围映射的特别动态表达。我们以Stanišić的作品作为作家的典范,他的批判和政治亲和产生了一种超越(核心和外围等类别)去神秘化工作的审美干预,同时召唤了一个能够改变历史规律的活跃的历史主体,这些规律经常被误认为是第二天性。更具体地说,通过考察Stanišić的最新小说《你从哪里来》,我们认为Stanišić的干预在于颠覆中心和边缘作为稳定实体的地位,并揭示这些类别是如何以书面形式产生、使用和利用的。他的早期作品《士兵如何修理留声机》将这一批判性作品扩展到看似不可改变的历史规律上,重新引入了一种力量,这种力量可以阻止边缘化的进程和危机的无休止扩散。 第一个关键步骤指向一个我们被告知没有选择的世界。第二个例子展示了怎样才能真正改变世界。因此,虽然第一种干预针对的是话语约定,但第二种干预所处的领域并不是话语约定。Stanišić出生于Višegrad,十几岁时在波斯尼亚战争期间逃到德国。他的第一部小说《士兵如何修理留声机》(2008)使他一夜之间成为德国最著名的作家之一。虽然这部半自传体小说讲述的是饱受战争蹂躏的南斯拉夫移民的故事,并没有进入2006年德国图书奖的候选名单,但它为Stanišić在德国文学市场的成功铺平了道路,这让鲍里斯Previšić想知道,“南斯拉夫转向”是否已经出现在德语文学的视野中,以及它对巴尔干半岛的大部分东方化描绘。6在他的第二部小说《盛宴之前》(2016)(Vor dem Fest, 2014)中。Stanišić转向了德国的一个外围地区。他对德国海曼小说的独特诠释——通常被翻译为“地域小说”——以想象中的<s:1>勒斯滕费尔德村为背景,这个村庄位于前东德的乌克尔马克省。7 Stanišić讲述了在<s:1>勒斯滕费尔德的一个夜晚的故事,但真正栩栩如生的是这个村庄的历史,它汇集了传说、家庭故事和故事。这本书继续受到Stanišić的好评,获得了2013年阿尔弗雷德Döblin奖和2014年莱比锡书展奖。在《你从哪里来》(2021)(Herkunft, 2019)中,Stanišić通过起源、记忆和消失的主题,重新审视了巴尔干半岛这个欧洲人想象的神话之地。《你从哪里来》借鉴了西欧“发明”、“想象”或“构建”东欧和巴尔干半岛的悠久传统。8在她现在已成为经典的专著《想象巴尔干》(1997)中,玛丽亚·托多诺娃追溯了“巴尔干”和“巴尔干化”在20世纪之交作为贬义术语的出现,然后在前南斯拉夫国家解体时,将人们的注意力吸引到它们以这种贬义的能力重新出现。托多洛娃写道:“在南斯拉夫战争中持续使用“巴尔干”一词,现在已经重新点燃了旧的刻板印象,并允许对该地区进行不分青红皂白的概括。即使是粗略地看一眼托多罗娃所展现的陈词滥调,也会发现与《你从哪里来》中的就职时刻有着有趣的相似之处。山区,扩大的氏族和部落,对土地的长期争斗——这些都是解释南斯拉夫衰落的常见的非历史的主要因素。如果相似之处没有立即显现出来,这可能是由于Stanišić修改了战争场景,似乎一开始就提供了对既定价值的逆转。虽然地点没有改变,但在波斯尼亚山脉的背景下发生的不是暴力,而是所谓的寻回起源。没有你能坚持的音节,没有节奏,一串奇怪的声音。从最开始:Osko——那应该是什么?谁会这么说?-然后直线下降到嘶嘶的一端,-拉什。巴尔干半岛的结局是残酷和斯拉夫式的。我可以把它留在那里,人们可能会接受我说的话,因为我自己来自巴尔干半岛。斯拉夫语结尾?(26;30;起初,他似乎对自己对语音特殊性的负面评价描述的挪用(用斜体标出)感到惊讶,只是为了从糟糕的语言学到更糟糕的政治创造一条捷径:“对,当然,那些尤戈斯人,他们的战争和他们的方式”(Where 26;30)。我们究竟是如何如此迅速地从语音学过渡到历史的呢?是语言解释民族性,民族性解释语言吗?话语、生命和政治形式是否决定以同样的方式结束?在这里,还原推理在语言这一确切的媒介中开启了它自己,而在这种媒介中,
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引用次数: 0
Neither Centre nor Periphery: Rethinking Postcoloniality through the Perspective of Eastern Europe 既非中心也非边缘:从东欧的视角重新思考后殖民主义
4区 文学 0 LITERARY REVIEWS Pub Date : 2023-09-24 DOI: 10.1111/criq.12746
Daniella Gáti
In an early scene of the second season of the HBO TV series The Wire, the Baltimore police are confronted with the dead bodies of thirteen women who were found suffocated inside a shipping container. As they attempt to identify the Jane Does, the police interpret every object found on the women, and, by a seeming stroke of luck, recover a passport that reveals at least one of the women as a citizen of Magyarország. Yet this discovery does not even begin to unravel the mystery of the women's origin: indeed, in the shot where we briefly glimpse the name of the country, we also see the police officer in a continued state of disorientation, none the wiser about who the women are. Magyarország, Hungary, remains unreadable – a cipher signalling merely the absence of an identity, even in the act of naming that very identity. I take this figure as a guiding metaphor for the positionality of Eastern Europe in the contemporary imagination as neither properly East nor properly West, an in-between space that ultimately slips out of signification. More specifically, I argue that Eastern Europe as a region and as a conceptual entity reveals the East-West binary to be so strongly operative in contemporary popular and academic geopolitical imaginaries that any liminal position risks wholesale discursive erasure. This is how Eastern Europe falls between the cracks: while popular discourse avowedly admits the region into the community of Europe, at the same time it is also seen as somehow not really European. In academic geopolitical imaginaries, too, postcolonial theory leaves the region no space for representation: while it is certainly excluded from conceptualisations of the colonised ‘East’, its inclusion in general notions of the colonising ‘West’ is never more than implicit, since the referents to terms such as ‘the West’, ‘coloniser’, ‘metropole’, or ‘colonial centre’ are rarely, if ever, Eastern European. Indeed, Eastern Europe's colonial history, which involves both colonising enterprises and colonisation by various empires, is far more complicated than the binary admits, but this has seldom brought about sustained efforts to re-examine the binary itself. Instead, being neither clearly coloniser or colonised, Eastern Europe simply drops out of consideration altogether. This article looks into the binary thinking that leads to the ultimate erasure of Eastern Europe both from popular discourse and from academic, specifically postcolonial, imaginations. I argue that Eastern European histories and contemporary identifications disallow the binarisms of West and East, centre and periphery, metropole and province, Global North and Global South. Therefore, Eastern Europe presents us with a powerful opportunity to rethink these binaries and challenge the effects they have on constructing our social world. Of course, in saying that, it is important to recognise that there is no such thing as ‘the’ – singular – imagination. Yet, there are trends both within academia
在HBO电视剧《火线》(the Wire)第二季开头的一个场景中,巴尔的摩警方在一个集装箱里发现了13具窒息而死的女性尸体。当他们试图辨认这些无名女尸的身份时,警方解释了在这些女性身上发现的每一件物品,似乎是幸运的,他们找到了一本护照,上面显示至少有一名女性是Magyarország的公民。然而,这一发现甚至还没有开始解开这些女人的起源之谜:事实上,在我们短暂瞥见国家名称的镜头中,我们还看到警察一直处于迷失方向的状态,不知道这些女人是谁。匈牙利的Magyarország仍然是不可读的——一个密码仅仅表明没有一个身份,即使是在命名这个身份的行为中。我把这个形象作为一个指标性的隐喻,来说明东欧在当代想象中的位置,既不是真正的东方,也不是真正的西方,是一个最终失去意义的中间空间。更具体地说,我认为东欧作为一个地区和一个概念实体,揭示了东西方二元在当代流行和学术地缘政治想象中如此强大的作用,以至于任何有限的立场都有可能被大规模的话语抹去。东欧就是这样被夹在夹缝之间的:虽然大众话语公开承认该地区加入欧洲共同体,但与此同时,它也被视为某种程度上不是真正的欧洲。在学术地缘政治的想象中,后殖民理论也没有给该地区留下任何表现的空间:虽然它肯定被排除在被殖民的“东方”的概念之外,但它在殖民的“西方”的一般概念中的包含从来都不是含蓄的,因为“西方”、“殖民者”、“大都市”或“殖民中心”等术语的所指很少是东欧的,如果有的话。事实上,东欧的殖民历史,既包括殖民企业,也包括各种帝国的殖民,远比二元论所承认的要复杂得多,但这很少带来持续的努力来重新审视二元论本身。相反,东欧既不是明确的殖民者,也不是被殖民者,因此完全被排除在考虑之外。本文从大众话语和学术(特别是后殖民时期)的想象两方面探讨了导致东欧最终被抹去的二元思维。我认为,东欧的历史和当代认同不允许西方和东方、中心和外围、大都市和省份、全球北方和全球南方的二元对立。因此,东欧为我们提供了一个强大的机会来重新思考这些二元对立,并挑战它们对构建我们的社会世界的影响。当然,在这样说的时候,重要的是要认识到没有“单一的”想象力这种东西。然而,更广泛地说,在学术界和话语中都有一些趋势,在这些趋势中,也有一些人在塑造特定话语的样子方面拥有更多的权重,而另一些人则拥有较少的权重。描述这种趋势是可能的,也是必要的;尽管,不可否认,描述它们的行为不可避免地存在过度简化的风险。在说“当代想象”时,我的目的是描述我所认为的当代世界概念化中的一种趋势,一种我们可以理解为由西方话语中心和实践主导的趋势,但它并不是西方作为一个空间区域所独有的。东欧并不总是被理解为与本期特刊所称的“核心欧洲”不同的一个地区;事实上,甚至“东欧”这个名称也是近代历史的产物,它在本体论意义上将该地区命名为一个实体和身份。从历史上看,东欧的土地和人民在欧洲集体的想象中占据着与其他欧洲人相似的地位。我们可以在政治著作和文学作品中找到这样的观点。后者的典型例子包括塞缪尔·理查森(Samuel Richardson)的《克拉丽莎》(Clarissa),书中的人物离开英国,前往(现在的)意大利和(现在的)斯洛伐克等地旅行;或者詹姆斯·乔伊斯(James Joyce)的《尤利西斯》(Ulysses),书中的主角之一利奥波德·布鲁姆(Leopold Bloom)是匈牙利犹太人。进一步研究匈牙利的例子,即使在以美国为背景的美国文学的标志中,我们也可以看到美国文化对匈牙利性的理解并不是固有的他者:在哈里特·比彻·斯托的《汤姆叔叔的小屋》和亨利·詹姆斯的《波士顿人》中,匈牙利人努力从哈布斯堡王朝的统治中解放出来,对美国人来说,这代表了欧洲人对他们自己被奴役的非裔美国人的类比。 我并不是说1848- 1889年的匈牙利革命类似于反对美国奴隶制的斗争,但事实是,对美国废奴主义者来说,这种方式似乎说明了西方人的想象,甚至远在美国——在这种想象中,东欧人的革命努力,如匈牙利的拉霍斯·科苏斯和波兰的塔德乌什Kościuszko,只是当时解放斗争的重要组成部分。今天占主导地位的文化观念反映了一种不同的观点,在这种观点中,东欧并不是欧洲或西方集体的一部分,或者根本不是。更确切地说,尽管东欧内部有着不同的历史,但该地区被视为某种程度上一致的不同:“东欧”已经成为一种标签和身份,被理解为将捷克共和国、阿尔巴尼亚和乌克兰等国家与欧洲其他地区区分开来。这种文化主导观点一方面是通过流行文化产生的,其中1989-90年之后的一段时间里,以美国为中心的社会、社区、个人和美好生活的概念日益规范化。另一方面,对于以西方为中心的史学和对全球社会秩序的理解来说,后殖民理论是一种有前途的、富有成效的替代方案,但它并没有充分地将一个历史和当代经验与西方殖民者或东方被殖民者都不一致的地区纳入其地缘政治视野。本文阐明了东欧的局限性,并认为对这种局限性的影响的认真考虑使我们能够,实际上迫使我们,通过多极镜头来重新思考当代地缘政治的想象,挑战后殖民话语的二元要素。我首先简要地考虑一下,西方去中心化的理论事业是如何忽视了非东方-非西方的局限性的。然后,我转向匈牙利的两个例子,作为东欧对东西方界限认同表达的案例研究:首先是广受赞誉的作家p192.168.Nádas的小说《平行故事》(Párhuzamos történetek),然后是匈牙利极右翼总理维克多Orbán于2022年7月在bilile tu<e:1> nad的演讲。这些例子表明,话语抹除的模式已经将匈牙利人是否属于欧洲的紧张关系集中在匈牙利人的身份上,在政治光谱的左右两端,这种方式惊人地相似,尽管后果截然不同。换句话说,东欧的消失不仅仅是一个理论问题;它产生了强大的政治影响——一方面是异化,另一方面是民族沙文主义暴力。在某种意义上,对于西方来说,东欧并不存在。它不仅没有成为核心欧洲对欧洲想象的一部分,而且这种抹除本身也没有得到承认。我们可以认为,这种双重抹除在第一层面上是一种殖民主义的抹除,在这种抹除中,某个地区及其人民的特征低于“我们”,而在第二层面上,这种抹除取决于对这些关系的模糊。László k<s:1> rti描述了第一个层面,他认为20世纪90年代的欧洲统一计划从根本上依赖于将东方描述为落后的,以便统一的条件由西方决定。学者们已经认识到,这种“落后计划”使东欧人陷入“投射或假设的文化自卑图式”,正如玛尔塔·菲格莱罗维茨在这个问题上对波兰所指出的那样;Agnes Gagyi对匈牙利人的自我认知也有类似的看法然而,项目本身很少被理解为k<s:1> rti解读它的术语,即“类似于东方化项目”他的框架有助于理解东欧人(包括前德意志民主共和国的居民)的话语动力,通过这些话语动力,东欧人比西方同行更不发达——在民主上更不成熟,在经济上更不独立。就像东方主义的计划一样,落后计划不是一个集中的或有计划的指令:它是一种分散的、潜意识的和话语性的努力,但是——像东方主义一样——它的最终目标是统治,无论是通过将某些人排除在完全主体性的地位之外,还是像20世纪90年代东欧的情况那样,通过西方商业利益的入侵,以假定该地区缺乏经济专业知识为理由。但是,k<s:1> rti的分析是一个罕见的
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引用次数: 0
The Ecstasy of Messaging: Coleridge's Natural Telegraphy 信息的狂喜:柯勒律治的自然电报
IF 0.2 4区 文学 0 LITERARY REVIEWS Pub Date : 2023-08-26 DOI: 10.1111/criq.12740
David Trotter
<p>My topic is a hitherto unexamined aspect of the poetics and politics of a famous collaboration between Samuel Taylor Coleridge, William Wordsworth, and Dorothy Wordsworth, by no means the only outcome of which was the publication in 1798 of the era-defining <i>Lyrical Ballads</i>.<sup>1</sup> One of the reasons why that collaboration has possessed an especial and enduring resonance within and beyond British literary culture is that it's so hard to tell poetics and politics apart in some of the work it made possible. Wordsworth's Muse is a ‘levelling one’, William Hazlitt declared in 1825. ‘His style is vernacular; he delivers household truths.’<sup>2</sup> A century later, T. S. Eliot was left wondering what all the fuss was about. Poets had been delivering household truths long before Wordsworth and Coleridge began to read their poems aloud to each other in the mid-1790s. Like Hazlitt, however, Eliot was prepared fully to acknowledge the levelling effect of attempts at a vernacular style. Political allegiance might not in itself have made for the poetic ‘revolution’ culminating in <i>Lyrical Ballads</i>. But it could not easily be ‘disentangled’ from the ‘motives’ of many of the poems we have come to regard as integral to that revolution.<sup>3</sup> This entanglement has attracted a very substantial scholarship.<sup>4</sup> My aim here is to identify, contextualise, and celebrate a motive unique, as far as I'm aware, to Coleridge. I will argue that Coleridge was radical not only in his capacity in think in terms of what we would now call ‘media’, but also in his conviction that such thinking might make it possible to articulate and sustain political dissent during a period of severe and widespread repression. Romantic poets (and not only those writing in English) are generally thought to have specialised in ecstasies of one kind or another: sensuous, perceptual, meditative, moral, political, spiritual. I'm going to add a further item to that list. Coleridge, I want to suggest, knew a little – as we now have no choice but to do – about the ecstasy of messaging.</p><p>My approach to a familiar topic will at once be narrower than is customary and more wide-ranging. I will concentrate primarily not just on a particular text, Coleridge's ‘This Lime-Tree Bower My Prison’, but on the actual circumstances (the time and place) of that text's composition; while at the same time summoning up a context – the history of modern telecommunications technologies – absent from the vast majority of discussions of the poetry of the period. In combining deliberate narrowness with deliberate width, I mean to emulate the critical approach once adopted by J. H. Prynne, the <i>éminence grise</i> of post-war British avant-garde poetry, who a long time ago first taught me how to read Romantic lyrics, starting with another famous poem by Coleridge, ‘Frost at Midnight’. <i>Field Notes</i>, Prynne's pamphlet-length critique of Wordsworth's ‘The Solitary Reaper’, incorpor
我的主题是塞缪尔·泰勒·柯勒律治、威廉·华兹华斯和多萝西·华兹华斯之间的一次著名合作的诗学和政治的一个迄今未被研究的方面,这种合作的唯一结果绝不是1798年出版的划时代的《抒情歌谣》。这种合作之所以在英国文学文化内外引起特别持久的共鸣,原因之一是,在一些它促成的作品中,很难将诗学和政治区分开来。1825年,威廉·黑兹利特宣称,华兹华斯笔下的缪斯是一位“平起平坐的女神”。他的风格是白话;他讲的是家常事。一个世纪之后,t·s·艾略特(T. S. Eliot)对所有这些大惊小怪的事情感到困惑。早在华兹华斯和柯勒律治在18世纪90年代中期开始互相大声朗读他们的诗歌之前,诗人就已经在传递家喻户晓的真理了。然而,和黑兹利特一样,艾略特也完全准备好了承认尝试白话风格的平衡效应。政治忠诚本身可能并不能促成以抒情歌谣为高潮的诗歌“革命”。但是,要把它从我们认为是这场革命的组成部分的许多诗歌的“动机”中“解脱出来”是不容易的这种纠缠吸引了大量的学者我在这里的目的是要识别,背景化,并颂扬一个独特的动机,据我所知,柯勒律治。我想说的是,柯勒律治的激进之处不仅在于他对我们现在所说的“媒体”的思考能力,还在于他相信,在一个严重而广泛的镇压时期,这种思维可能使表达和维持政治异见成为可能。浪漫主义诗人(不仅仅是那些用英语写作的诗人)通常被认为擅长于一种或另一种狂喜:感官的,知觉的,沉思的,道德的,政治的,精神的。我要在清单上再加一项。我想说的是,柯勒律治(Coleridge)对短信带来的狂喜略知一二——我们现在别无选择,只能这么做。对于一个熟悉的话题,我的处理方法会比通常的更狭窄,更广泛。我将主要关注的不是某一篇文章,比如柯勒律治的《这酸橙树的凉亭我的监狱》,而是这篇文章写作的实际环境(时间和地点);与此同时,它唤起了一种背景——现代电信技术的历史——这是绝大多数关于这一时期诗歌的讨论所缺乏的。把有意的窄和有意的宽结合起来,我是想模仿j·h·普林(J. H.白兰)曾经采用的批评方法,他是战后英国前卫诗歌的先驱,很久以前,他第一次教我如何阅读浪漫主义歌词,从柯勒律治的另一首著名诗歌《午夜霜》(Frost at Midnight)开始。《田野笔记》是白兰对华兹华斯《孤独的收割者》的小册子式评论,除了对这首诗的逐行解读外,还收录了当代和近期作品的选集,这些选集与表面上的场合截然不同,比如《19世纪奴隶贸易的血腥商业调查》和Rainer Maria Rilke的文章Über den Dichter,《孤独的收割者》写于1912年2月的杜伊诺,创作灵感来自1803年夏末华兹华斯和妹妹在苏格兰旅行时看到或想象的一个场景。柯勒律治本来也参加了这次聚会,但他病倒了,很可能是因为他吸食鸦片上瘾,于是独自回家了。他在白兰的小册子中一直存在,作为一个像其他人一样理解华兹华斯所尝试的范围和意义的人,但却无法在自己的诗歌中找到与之匹敌的东西。华兹华斯更大的名气继续掩盖了他在18世纪90年代中期发现的诗歌的激进主义。本文的另一个目的是探讨柯勒律治未能成为华兹华斯所带来的机遇。1797年1月,柯勒律治把他年轻的家庭安顿在一间寒冷、潮湿、老鼠出没的农舍里,那是在quantockk山脚下的Nether Stowey的萨默塞特村。6 7月,威廉和多萝西·华兹华斯被这一地区的美景和柯勒律治公司的前景所吸引,在几英里外的阿克斯登一个古老的公园里租了一栋豪宅,住得更舒适一些。于是开始了决定性的合作,创作一首新诗。《古水手咏》是柯勒律治对抒情歌谣最著名的贡献,是一首关于超自然主题的长篇叙事诗。但他已经开始尝试一种非常不同形式的短无韵诗冥想产生于对当下环境的强烈吸收演讲者很容易被识别为诗人。根据其中一首《致夜莺》的副标题,这些实验后来被称为“对话”诗。 当他从山顶俯视斯托威时,原先在那里休息时所经历的一切又一次涌上心头。在这一点上,他似乎接受了他在给华兹华斯的信中谴责的一种"近乎享乐主义的"自私,伪装成"家庭依恋"的心态。但他知道自己在做什么。这首诗早先跨越了感叹号和撇号,诗歌和演讲的界限,现在不能撤消,然而缓和了它最后对“自然的宁静”的感激之情,因为它软化了一颗激动的心。229 - 31)。它毅然决然地面对外界,将自己重新定位为一种狭隘的媒介:电报,尽管不是一种自然的媒介。本杰明·弗劳尔和亚历山大·克鲁梅尔当然是这样理解的。《孤独中的恐惧》与《这棵酸橙树的凉亭——我的监狱》有着不同的来生。但可以说,它是由其不那么直言不讳、但同样富有远见的先驱产生的。比如,黑兹利特就明白,在这首早期诗歌的最后乐章中,发生了一些不同寻常的事情。在评价柯勒律治智慧的广泛性时,他引用了一个比喻,这个比喻奇妙地激发了他的思想运动:“我们可以补充一句(与其说是夸大其词,不如说是表面上的夸大其辞),几乎没有一个思想能从人的头脑中掠过,但它的声音曾在某个时候像沙沙作响的羽翼一样掠过他的头顶。《这酸橙树的凉亭我的监狱》的成就在于想象了通过电报或其他新方法发送的文字的能力,将爱与美的福音源源不断地传到遥远的地方;甚至,在某种程度上的加密,自由的福音。值得一提的是,在一个夏天的傍晚,那只白头鸦从匡托克山顶笔直地飞到椴树凉亭的极乐世界,直接飞过汤姆·普尔的制铁场,用翅膀的吱吱声把塔塔罗斯擦得干干净。 《This Lime-Tree Bower My Prison》是新兴子类型的一个早期且复杂的例子。1797年7月,华兹华斯一家在阿福克斯登定居后不久,柯勒律治在伦敦基督医院的校友查尔斯·兰姆作为他的客人在斯托威呆了一个星期。一天晚上,华兹华斯夫妇带兰姆散步,其中包括从霍福德峡谷爬上匡托克的陡坡,很可能是在丹斯伯勒山上的铁器时代的堡垒;而柯勒律治因家庭事故而无法行动,被留在了酸橙凉亭里(图1)。这首诗的第一个简短的乐章是用一种令人愉快的偶然的悲伤来定位诗人:“好了,他们走了,我必须留在这里,/这酸橙凉亭是我的监狱。”正如黑兹利特可能会说的那样,这的确是家常便饭。它的第二个更精致的动作在情绪和语气上与步行者一起上升,就像“可怜的黄叶”和“细长的杂草”的略带哥特式的细节一样。(13-20)他们觉得有义务到没有太阳的霍福德格伦去视察,从昆托克山顶俯瞰沿海平原的全景引起了狂喜。这首诗的第三乐章将我们带回到暮色中的椴树凉亭,以及柯勒律治独特的困境。在想象中进行的旅行已经把一个愁眉苦脸的病人变成了一个观察者,能够对眼前的事物进行温和的欢欣鼓舞的描述:古老的常春藤上的“深邃的光辉”(第52章),在豆花中歌唱的“孤独的谦卑的蜜蜂”(第11章)。58-9)。应该是这样。在对话诗中——或“更浪漫的抒情诗”,正如它们有时被称为——说话者以对当前环境的准确描述开始,但随后无论出于何种原因,都会唤起人们对另一个时间或地点的热情回忆或期待。因此,这首诗被提升到狂喜之中,“在它开始的地方,在外部的场景中,以一种改变的情绪和更深的理解结束,这是介入冥想的结果”两首最伟大的对话诗,柯勒律治的《午夜霜》和华兹华斯的《丁丁寺》,都是对另一首的回应,都是在开头的地方结束的;但不是“这棵菩提树的凉亭”,它超越了描述和记忆或期待的辩证法,在它的三个冥想结构之外增加了第四乐章,也是最后乐章。它本身的超越——亚类需求——将构成我分析的重点。我的目的是展
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引用次数: 0
Politics, Letters and the Novel of Ideas: Doris Lessing's Archive 政治、文学和思想小说:多丽丝·莱辛的档案
IF 0.2 4区 文学 0 LITERARY REVIEWS Pub Date : 2023-08-24 DOI: 10.1111/criq.12741
Matthew Taunton
<p>Lessing was right. British literary culture, and above all the influential taste-making apparatus of our discipline which had become institutionalised in the universities, has been hostile to the novel of ideas. Jeanne Marie-Jackson's <i>The African Novel of Ideas</i> (2021) follows Lessing in seeking to defend the form (a key one in African writing) against what she calls ‘Eurocentric literary standards, often limitedly rooted in psychological depth to demonstrate character development’.<sup>2</sup> In this article, I will briefly anatomise the academic hostility to the novel of ideas, then look at what Lessing's work, and her archive, can contribute to our understanding of the form. These are rich resources that prompt a rethinking of the tradition of the novel of ideas and may help us to overcome some of the parochialism of which Lessing accuses us.</p><p>Novels of ideas give a central position to staged debates between characters about political, social, religious or philosophical ideas. Such debates were a normal feature of Victorian novels by the likes of George Eliot, Samuel Butler and George Meredith, but the modernist generation (and perhaps above all Henry James) rejected it. James accused George Eliot's novels of being ‘too clever by half’ and set out to write ‘some little exemplary works of art’ that would have ‘less “brain” than <i>Middlemarch</i>’ but ‘more <i>form</i>’.<sup>3</sup> Novelists of ideas like H.G. Wells, G.K. Chesterton and Rose Macaulay were cast aside, as were the great Russian novelists of ideas, Tolstoy and Dostoyevsky (James called their books ‘fluid puddings’). Henry James, abetted by F.R. Leavis and others, established an agenda for the novel that prioritised psychological realism, rich characterisation, and the romantic and financial doings of the upper-middle class.</p><p>What is remarkable is the extent to which the animosity towards the novel of ideas persists in the contemporary academy, even while the marketplace proves more forgiving: writers including Zadie Smith, Kamila Shamsie and Ian McEwan have found popular success this century with novels of ideas. Sianne Ngai's recent <i>Theory of the Gimmick</i> (2020) takes on the form, arguing that novels of ideas are gimmicky because of the awkward way in which they incorporate ‘readymade’ ideas into the text, which operate as a ‘“transportable intellectual unit,” a <i>deja là</i> or self-standing proposition’.<sup>4</sup> For Ngai, many of the characteristic formal devices of the novel of ideas – she lists ‘Allegory, direct speech by narrators, and direct speech by characters’ – are in fact ‘ancient didactic devices’ that work to ‘distance the novel from its métier – narration – and systematically push its form closer to those of the essay, lecture, or play’.<sup>5</sup></p><p>The generic hybridity that Ngai finds gimmicky raises important questions about the relationship between a writer's archive and their fictional work. As readers of novels of ideas, w
正如莱辛在几封信中所写的那样,在上世纪中叶,南部非洲的工会运动试图保护白人工人的工资,并将非洲黑人视为工资和工作条件的威胁。在南罗得西亚,只有革命左派批评了“肤色隔离”(这是在南罗得西亚盛行的类似种族隔离制度的名称)。作为一名反种族主义者,莱辛被共产主义所吸引,但在南罗得西亚没有共产国际承认的共产党分支,所以莱辛和她的朋友们开始创建一个(一个小的谈话店,它从未被承认)。1949年抵达英国一段时间后,莱辛加入了英国共产党(CPGB)。1956年,在赫鲁晓夫在第二十次代表大会上谴责斯大林和苏联镇压匈牙利革命之后,莱辛与其他第一新左派知识分子一起,公开而戏剧性地离开了党。《金色笔记本》戏剧化地描述了导致这种离开的智力辩论及其对主人公的心理影响。这封信是由库斯勒引发的承诺危机引发的,它立即与莱辛这几年创作的《暴力之子》系列小说产生了共鸣:《正当的婚姻》(1954)、《风暴的涟漪》(1958)和《内陆》(1965)。尽管《正当婚姻》出版时莱辛还是共产党的一员,但公平地说,在这三部小说中(还有《四门城》(1969),玛莎·奎斯特在伦敦遇到了更多的共产主义者),第三人称叙事在报道各种共产主义人物的热情承诺时,往往是令人瞠目结舌的讽刺。因此,这些信件已经反射性地处理了一系列莱辛自己认为是“现成的”、甚至是噱头的想法。他们尝试用不同于莱辛自己的声音来表达论点和观点,并与他们保持讽刺的距离——莱辛在她后来的小说《好恐怖分子》(1985)中把这种效果发挥到了极致,在这部小说中,一群年轻的同志悲惨地说服自己用共产主义语言的死机短语来轰炸一家酒店。虽然莱辛的信件和小说有时会讽刺一些观点,但用安德森的话说,她从未放弃对“对思想的生活承诺”的探索。事实上,可以说,讽刺是她用来探索这种承诺可能意味着什么的工具。在这部小说中,不仅运用了她早期信件的内容,还运用了其中一些交际性、正式性和一般性的特征。在莱辛的小说和她的档案中,收件人的问题是很突出的:作为一个共产主义者,你能向谁倾诉你的疑虑?莱辛在约翰·怀特霍恩的非共产主义者身份面前表现得很自信:“我羡慕你的超然,这一定让你省去了很多痛苦。她要求约翰不要对史密斯说她良心上的痛苦。书信的形式并没有阻止莱辛作为一个讽刺的无所不知的叙述者,描述人们如何爱上共产主义,然后又离开它。在那封抗日战争胜利日的信寄出几周后,莱辛回复了史密斯,史密斯第一次给她寄来了库斯勒的《瑜伽士和政委》。与约翰不同,他是一个忠诚的共产主义者。在这里,我们注意到方法上的完全对比:她给史密斯的信试图在辩证推理的展示中吸收Koestler的论点,并将史密斯推回到承诺的道路上:“你应该尝试从整体上得到事物的广泛发展,”她告诉他,“当问题是我们(人类)生存的时候,为什么一个人会因为莫洛托夫谈论文化的废话而感到兴奋?他所做的。他会的。所以他应该这么做,如果从长远来看没问题的话。这封信阐明了与共产主义文化理论存在重大分歧的领域,并在作者与这些观点之间拉开了具有讽刺意味的距离。但它也呈现了一种与我们在莱辛给约翰的信中看到的观念完全不同的关系:也许观念比人们生活的方式更好;也许我们不得不容忍一些坏思想,因为它们顽固地依附于一个真正不可或缺的思想(共产主义)。莱辛的档案告诉我们,没有一种形式——论文、信件或笔记本——可以将观点或论点的内容与其表达方式或与收件人的关系分离开来。因此,我不能赞同西恩·奈的观点,即思想小说之所以不能成为小说,是因为它们融合了其他地方表达的现成思想。当你在野外寻找一个想法时,往往会发现它不是现成的,而是像小说一样,充满了讽刺、观点、含糊其辞,甚至是自由的间接话语。
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引用次数: 0
Poland's Other Pope: Re‐appreciating Maria Janion 波兰的另一位教皇:重新欣赏玛丽亚·雅尼翁
IF 0.2 4区 文学 0 LITERARY REVIEWS Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1111/criq.12738
Marta Figlerowicz
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引用次数: 0
Lessing's Legacy Explored Through Her Personal Archive Lessing的遗产在她的个人档案中被发掘
IF 0.2 4区 文学 0 LITERARY REVIEWS Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1111/criq.12739
Justine Mann
<p>In 1998, having just published the second volume of her autobiography, ‘Walking in the Shade,’ Doris Lessing appeared at the University of East Anglia's Literary Festival for the third time in a decade. At the end of the interview while still on mic, following audience questions and during rapturous applause, her interviewer and friend, Professor Christopher Bigsby, asked Lessing if he could announce what they had just been discussing regarding her papers. Lessing gave a firm no in response.<sup>1</sup> Privately, Lessing had told Bigsby that she had decided to bequeath her personal correspondence and working papers to the University of East Anglia (UEA). Bigsby had known Lessing since 1980 when he first interviewed her at the BBC. They had formed a friendship, and Lessing had already made several trips to UEA campus to work with students. Bigsby, who had researched the embargoed Arthur Miller Archive at the Harry Ransom Center during the writing of his two-volume biography, understood the incredible generosity and magnitude of this surprising gift. Literary archives of preeminent writers can command vast sums. Lessing had already sold her manuscripts to the Harry Ransom Center and could have sold her correspondence. This generosity is entirely in keeping with Lessing the benefactor who, it is clear from her archived private correspondence, quietly made a very large number of generous charitable gifts during her lifetime, giving regular sums of money to friends, associates and organisations, even paying for several children's school fees throughout their education.</p><p>However, the news of Lessing's planned donation was not universally celebrated at UEA. The announcement caused considerable anxiety within the university library, with the then Librarian rightly concerned that UEA's modest infrastructure would not do justice to such a high-profile deposit. While Faculty staff lobbied for the proposed gift to be acknowledged as soon as possible, Lessing confirmed the arrangement in her will. The Librarian of the day was overruled by stealth. The infrastructure was upgraded in 2005 and officially opened by the novelist, Rose Tremain, in 2006.</p><p>In November 2007, Francis Fitzgibbon, the stepson of Lessing's lover, John Whitehorn, deposited the first Lessing material at UEA - 110 love letters written by Lessing in her mid to late 20s to Whitehorn and his friend, Col McDonald between 1945 and 1949, mostly from Southern Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe, with the final few written from London shortly after her arrival. The letters, often thousands of words in length, are an extraordinary account of Lessing's writing, politics and motherhood. Both correspondents were RAF officers. At the time of the deposit in 2007, Lessing remarked on her decision not to re-read them: ‘There is a good deal of pain in those long ago far-away things’.<sup>2</sup> Correspondence to a third RAF officer, Leonard Smith, was sold by Smith to Sussex University in the mid-1990s. Th
1998年,多丽丝·莱辛(Doris Lessing)刚刚出版了自传的第二卷《在阴影中行走》(Walking In the Shade),这是她十年来第三次出现在东安格利亚大学的文学节上。采访结束时,莱辛还拿着麦克风,在观众的提问和热烈的掌声中,她的采访者兼朋友克里斯托弗·毕格斯比(Christopher Bigsby)教授问莱辛是否可以宣布他们刚刚讨论的有关她论文的内容。莱辛断然拒绝了莱辛私下告诉比格斯比,她决定把她的私人信件和工作文件留给东安格利亚大学(UEA)。1980年,毕格斯比第一次在BBC采访莱辛时就认识她了。他们已经建立了友谊,莱辛已经多次前往东英吉利大学校园与学生们一起工作。毕格斯比在撰写他的两卷传记时,研究了哈利·兰森中心被禁的阿瑟·米勒档案,他理解这份令人惊讶的礼物是多么慷慨和巨大。杰出作家的文学档案价值不菲。莱辛已经把她的手稿卖给了哈里·兰森中心,也可以卖掉她的信件。这种慷慨完全符合莱辛的风格。从她的私人信件档案中可以清楚地看出,莱辛在她的一生中悄悄地捐出了大量慷慨的慈善礼物,定期向朋友、同事和组织捐款,甚至为几个孩子的教育支付学费。然而,莱辛计划捐款的消息并没有在东安格利亚大学得到普遍认可。这一消息在大学图书馆引起了相当大的焦虑,当时的图书管理员担心东英吉利大学简陋的基础设施无法容纳如此高知名度的存款。当教职员工游说该提议尽快得到认可时,莱辛在遗嘱中确认了这一安排。那一天的图书管理员被秘密控制了。基础设施于2005年升级,并于2006年由小说家罗斯·特雷米(Rose Tremain)正式开放。2007年11月,莱辛情人约翰·怀特霍恩的继子弗朗西斯·菲茨吉本在东安尼亚大学存放了莱辛的第一批资料——1945年至1949年间,莱辛在20多岁至30岁之间写给怀特霍恩和他的朋友麦克唐纳上校的110封情书,其中大部分是在南罗得西亚(现在的津巴布韦)写的,最后几封是在莱辛到达伦敦后不久写的。这些信件通常长达数千字,是对莱辛写作、政治和母性的非凡描述。两位记者都是英国皇家空军军官。在2007年存款的时候,莱辛谈到了她不再重读它们的决定:“在那些很久以前遥远的事情中有很多痛苦。与第三位英国皇家空军军官伦纳德·史密斯(Leonard Smith)的通信,在20世纪90年代中期被史密斯卖给了苏塞克斯大学。三十年后的2008年2月13日,也就是她最后一次出现在东英吉利大学和获得诺贝尔文学奖的一年之后,莱辛写信给比格斯比,告诉他她心脏病发作,希望他派一辆车来收集她的一些论文。她存放了第一批材料,包括29个盒子(7米长),来自1100多名记者,包括萨尔曼·拉什迪、丽贝卡·韦斯特、克兰西·西格尔、纳迪娜·戈迪默和穆里尔·斯帕克等等。这个收藏的特别之处在于,莱辛保留了大量她外出通信的副本,因此,与实物文学档案不同的是,谈话的双方都被保存在一起。2009年,玛格丽特·德拉布尔寄存了莱辛的信件。这些信件揭示了两个女人之间温暖而亲密的友谊,并包含了她们对写作和文学的讨论。这三件藏品共31个盒子(7.5米长),提供了对莱辛的生活和她所生活的时代的迷人见解。但这并不是档案的全部。莱辛于2013年11月17日去世,享年94岁。不久之后,她的剩余档案被转移到大学。这些材料已经完全编目,但仍处于禁运状态,等待莱辛的授权传记出版,已故的帕特里克·弗兰奇在2023年3月16日去世时正在撰写这本传记。根据莱辛的遗嘱,弗朗奇有权查阅这些材料,并获准查阅莱辛长达40年的个人日记,否则将被禁止查阅,直到2043年。这部分档案材料由另外109个盒子或27米组成,如果算上莱辛的个人日记,就是31米。 那么,除了她的私人日记,莱辛还保留了什么作为她的遗属呢?它包括更亲密的信件,反映了亲密的个人友谊和关系。它还包含了更多关于她的政治生活的细节,她的激进主义,例如,在阿富汗,她对苏菲主义的研究和她的研究。还有梦日记、旅行日记和笔记本,这些都是莱辛创作过程的一部分,东安格利亚大学多丽丝·莱辛档案馆的学术策展人诺尼娅·威廉姆斯(Nonia Williams)在百年庆典期间策划了其中的一段摘录。2019年,东英吉利大学举办了多丽丝·莱辛100周年纪念活动,包括85名代表参加的国际会议和在塞恩斯伯里视觉艺术中心举办的展览,吸引了3835名参观者。还有一系列公开活动,演讲者包括玛格丽特·德拉布尔、罗伯塔·鲁宾斯坦、雷切尔·库斯克、劳拉·菲格尔和艾玛·克莱尔·斯威尼。2016年底,与塞恩斯伯里中心的对话开始了。最初的展览空间被指定为3平方米,在2017年被转移到29米× 13米的夹层空间。这一举动改变了展览的性质,从大约20件的展示变成了几百件。展览还将开票,以收回部分成本。负责从档案中挑选材料的项目团队都是文学专家,因此对莱辛的信件非常着迷。但正如塞恩斯伯里中心的馆长一直坚持的那样:“你不能把书放在墙上。”展览提出了几个挑战:莱辛的一生跨越了20世纪的重大全球事件。她的文学作品广泛而多样,她对政治、激进主义和苏菲主义研究的参与坦率地说令人生畏。展览将需要一个来自大学内外的跨学科团队来解释材料并将其背景化。东英吉利大学希望从被禁运的矿床中选择一些材料,这需要与莱辛受托人进行微妙的谈判。只有两名工作人员被允许完整地查阅被禁材料——作为档案保管员的我,和助理馆长兼博士生保罗·库珀,他在保密协议下工作。材料的广度如此丰富,规模如此之大,以至于选择过程极具挑战性,超出了我们的专业范围。我们通过记录材料量最大的主题类别,确定了莱辛生活中的主要主题和主要关注点。然后,我们将这种理解与传记作者的理解进行了对比。最初决定排除与莱辛1962年的小说《金色笔记本》有关的材料,并将重点放在“未知的莱辛”上,但后来放弃了这一决定,因为这篇文章对莱辛的生活和档案至关重要。对视觉材料的要求是再现莱辛生活中不同主题和时间阶段的背景,这是一个进一步的挑战。虽然项目团队只想选择Lessing自己经历过或收集过的视觉材料,但这是不可能的。她的档案中没有足够的材料,大部分都是文字。我们博物馆和画廊的同事们知道,如果一种视觉效果把参观者吸引到一个特定的历史时刻或风景中,一些参观者会更多地关注文字。他们让我们研究与莱辛无关的视觉材料,这些材料会让人联想到莱辛生活中的关键接触点。最后的展览包括从大英博物馆借出的苏菲派物品私人收藏家奥利文·霍尔(Olive Hoare),他借给莱辛一幅描绘卡巴拉的古代苏菲派卷轴,莱辛曾经画过草图。马格南公司提供了莱辛的照片,也提供了美国国家航空航天局(NASA)的照片,莱辛曾经访问过美国国家航空航天局,这是她为火星上的生命做准备的研究的一部分,还有非洲和阿富汗的照片。其他借来的物品确实与莱辛有直接关系:国家档案馆关于军情五处在20世纪50年代监视莱辛的记录,国家肖像画廊悬挂的莱辛素描。莱辛的朋友和受托人克洛伊·迪斯基(Chloe Diski)是珍妮·迪斯基(Jenny Diski)的女儿,她在20世纪60年代和70年代与莱辛一起生活在青春期和年轻时期,她借给莱辛一些最喜欢的物品,包括:一个地球仪、衣服、一个最喜欢的水壶和茶杯、一台缝纫机和录音机、一些珠宝和一些来自非洲的雕刻品。这些材料给莱辛带来了一种不同的亲密感,不像信件和其他文本那样揭示了莱辛的智慧,她
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引用次数: 0
Theorising from the European South: Italy, Racial Evaporations, and the Black Mediterranean 从欧洲南部推论:意大利、种族蒸发和黑色地中海
IF 0.2 4区 文学 0 LITERARY REVIEWS Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1111/criq.12737
Gabriele Lazzari
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引用次数: 0
Notes on Contributors 投稿人须知
IF 0.2 4区 文学 0 LITERARY REVIEWS Pub Date : 2023-07-20 DOI: 10.1111/criq.12736
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引用次数: 0
Lessing's Early Letters: A Prolific Personal Voice 莱辛的早期信件:一个多产的个人声音
IF 0.2 4区 文学 0 LITERARY REVIEWS Pub Date : 2023-07-09 DOI: 10.1111/criq.12735
Nonia Williams
<p>Doris Lessing was a prolific letter writer. Her personal archive in the British Archive for Contemporary Writing at UEA includes a huge range and volume of material: 130 boxes amounting to thousands of pages of letters, faxes, notebooks, postcards, notebooks, dream diaries and other personal papers. There is more correspondence (as well as a significant number of literary manuscripts) at the Harry Ransom Center in Austin, Texas, and a small but significant tranche at The Keep, University of Sussex, not to mention letters from Lessing held in several of her correspondents' archives. These letters present a complex and fascinating resource of paratextual material which enriches and challenges our reading of her published works.</p><p>I came to Lessing's letters through her correspondence with Muriel Spark, in which they articulate and negotiate experiences of being ageing women writers. I was struck by the clarity and immediacy of Lessing's letter-writing voice and by the capacious inclusivity of the form. My interest in the scholarly possibilities of her personal archive was deepened by subsequent work on the Centenary Exhibition of her archive materials in 2019. This exhibition, curated together with Matthew Taunton and Justine Mann, was key in opening up Lessing's personal archive to scholars and members of the public. It revealed Lessing's extraordinary creative and intellectual journey, which saw her move to London from Southern Rhodesia, travel to communist Russia, visit refugee camps in Afghanistan, grapple with Sufism and feminism and meet with NASA scientists. Since then, convinced of the material, historical and literary importance of letters as a specific mode of writing, I have begun the daunting task of collecting, editing, transcribing and annotating Lessing's letters.</p><p>As Edwina Preston's recent ‘Friday essay: a lament for the lost art of letter-writing – a radical art form reflecting “the full catastrophe of life”’ rightly notes, letters are particularly revealing of women's writing, enabling us to see the ‘unspooling of self onto the page in real time’ as well as their writers' networks and their engagement with the world around them. Preston celebrates the democratic, responsive and eclectic nature of the letter-writing form, where ‘hierarchies of value don't prevail’, and she laments the ‘disappearance of letter-writing from Western cultural life’ in a digital age, reminding us that this context sharpens the ‘disarmingly tangible’ qualities of letters.<sup>1</sup> I too am intrigued by the material tangibility of letters, by what these documents reveal about a writer's inner life, and by how in them writing and life are negotiated through intimate engagement and dialogue with others and with the world.</p><p>In this short essay, I offer early reflections on working with Lessing's letters towards a four-volume Collected Letters edition, give a very brief overview of the project – the first volume in particular – share some
多丽丝·莱辛是一位多产的写信人。她在东安格利亚大学英国当代写作档案馆的个人档案包括大量的材料:130箱共计数千页的信件、传真、笔记本、明信片、笔记本、梦想日记和其他个人文件。在德克萨斯州奥斯汀的哈里·兰森中心有更多的信件(以及大量的文学手稿),在苏塞克斯大学的Keep中有一小部分但意义重大,更不用说在她的几个通讯者档案中保存的莱辛的信件了。这些信件呈现了一种复杂而迷人的双文本材料资源,丰富和挑战了我们对她出版作品的阅读。我是通过莱辛与穆里尔·斯帕克(Muriel Spark)的通信接触到她的信件的,在这些信件中,她们清晰地表达和讨论了作为老年女性作家的经历。我被莱辛写信的清晰和直接以及其形式的广泛包容所打动。我对她个人档案的学术可能性的兴趣在随后的2019年她的档案材料百年展览中得到了加深。这次展览由马修·陶顿(Matthew Taunton)和贾斯汀·曼恩(Justine Mann)共同策划,是向学者和公众开放莱辛个人档案的关键。它揭示了莱辛非凡的创造力和智慧之旅,她从南罗得西亚搬到伦敦,前往共产主义俄罗斯,访问阿富汗的难民营,与苏菲主义和女权主义作斗争,并与美国宇航局的科学家会面。从那时起,我确信信件作为一种特殊的写作方式在材料、历史和文学上的重要性,我开始了收集、编辑、抄写和注释莱辛信件的艰巨任务。正如埃德温娜·普雷斯顿(Edwina Preston)最近发表的一篇文章《周五随笔:对已经消失的写信艺术的哀叹——一种反映“生活的全部灾难”的激进艺术形式》所正确指出的那样,信件特别能揭示女性的写作,使我们能够看到“实时将自我释放到书页上”,以及她们的作者网络和她们与周围世界的互动。普雷斯顿赞扬写信形式的民主、反应迅速和不拘一格的本质,在这种形式中,“价值等级不占上风”,她哀叹在数字时代,“写信从西方文化生活中消失”,提醒我们,这种背景使信件的“令人放松的有形”品质更加尖锐我也对信件的有形物质感兴趣,对这些文件揭示的作家的内心生活感兴趣,对他们如何通过与他人和世界的亲密接触和对话来协商写作和生活感兴趣。在这篇短文中,我提供了与莱辛的信件一起工作的早期思考,以编写四卷本的《信件集》,对该项目进行了非常简短的概述-特别是第一卷-分享了她早期信件的一些摘录,以使人们了解这些信件的样子,并考虑编辑莱辛信件的一些挑战。我的问题是:这些信件和档案材料揭示了莱辛在这个时期的思考和写作的什么见解?阅读它们会如何激发我们对她的生活和工作的关注?信件项目的总体目标是促进和激励莱辛奖学金。我也希望对不断发展的通信档案学术工作领域和我们对信件写作艺术的思考做出贡献。莱辛是二十世纪的一位重要人物,她的信件内容既丰富又深刻。她给各种各样的朋友、情人、知识分子、作家同行、粉丝、公众、编辑、出版商等等写信。总之,这些不同的信件揭示并突出了她反殖民主义行动的广度和承诺,以及她漫长一生中政治、智力、精神和社会思想的发展。这些信件还提供了她的写作过程、文学影响和教育、生活经历、个人反思和友谊的见解。她们时而机智,时而八卦,时而直率,时而充满爱意,时而尖刻,时而绝望。他们的语气和声音与莱辛作为散文家和小说家的叙事视角既有不同又有重叠。在这一点上,这些信件提供了一个令人兴奋的机会来重新思考和反思莱辛。2莱辛的信件将按照时间阶段组织,但也按照莱辛生活的特定阶段,正如档案本身所暗示的那样:第一卷,1919-1950。非洲与反种族主义;第二卷,1950-1970年。伦敦:共产主义与女权主义;第三卷,1970-1990年。苏菲主义与科幻;卷4,1990-2013。生态灾害与老龄化。 在一起阅读,这些卷旨在反映莱辛的主要兴趣和思想的转变和发展,以及清楚的运动和发展,她的思想在她的生活过程中。书信的采编是一个创造性的过程,四卷本的书信编辑将是一个复合的、多方位的新作品:书信编辑将广泛分散的材料进行筛选和整理,形成作家生活、创作活动和社会世界的新表现。我现在正在抄写和挑选的第一卷,将集中讲述莱辛在南罗得西亚的战时和战后生活,以及她1949年搬到伦敦的经历。它借鉴了怀特霍恩的信件收藏,以及莱辛写给伦纳德·史密斯、她的朋友内森和多萝西·泽尔特以及她的出版商的信件。怀特霍恩的收藏包括莱辛写给英国皇家空军士兵约翰·怀特霍恩和麦克唐纳上校的110封信。莱辛在南罗得西亚受训时遇到了这两位年轻的学员和他们的朋友伦纳德·史密斯(又名史密斯)。大多数信件都是在20世纪40年代中期以后写的,当时莱辛与第二任丈夫戈特弗里德·莱辛(Gottfried Lessing)结婚,并投身于共产主义政治。根据史密斯的说法,约翰·怀特霍恩、科尔·麦克唐纳和他自己是安娜·伍尔夫《黑色笔记本》中《金色笔记本》非洲部分的人物保罗·布莱肯赫斯特、泰德·布朗和吉米·麦格拉斯的原型。史密斯还参与了莱辛第一部小说《草在歌唱》(the Grass is Singing)的初稿审阅,她对那本书的许多疑虑和质疑都记录在当时她给莱辛的信中。莱辛写给内森和多萝西·泽尔特的信为她到达伦敦和对伦敦的第一印象提供了启发性的见解。这些早期信件合在一起,展现了莱辛搬到伦敦之前、期间和之后的生活和思想的复杂图景。他们表达了她在南罗得西亚生活期间的反种族主义政治承诺:她参与了共产主义和左翼学习小组;她的工作是为议会和一家律师事务所打字;她与家人、朋友和爱人的关系;她对他人关系的迷恋;她的写作历程与过程;她的阅读和文学教育;以及南非、英国和苏联的家庭生活、初为人母的挣扎以及一般政治。她接着谈到了政治:由她和戈特弗里德主持的20个人的学习小组,她说她很讨厌这个小组,以及她对共产党的感受:“我想我参与它太久了,永远不会离开它。”另一方面,我们的陈词滥调让我疯狂在幽默地描述了她对政治会议的内容和行为以及讨论德国和罗得西亚的时事而发脾气之后,莱辛闲聊了她母亲和史密斯的一个朋友,并描述了她对科尔和约翰的感受:“亲爱的科尔,我不坚持要你爱上我……同时,我从来没有像爱约翰那样爱过任何人。”正如这些例子所表明的,这些信件揭示和编织了莱辛的生活、爱情、政治、对文学和文学教育的思考;他们描述了她如饥似渴的阅读,以及她与科尔和约翰交换书籍的想法。特别是在最后一个例子中,莱辛对现代主义、社会现实主义和共产主义的思考在她后来发表的作品中再次出现。编辑信件的挑战之一是如何处理写信人的打字错误和怪癖,莱辛经常犯这些错误,而且她也很清楚。在一封信中,她提到约翰·怀特霍恩对她打字不稳定的评论——她决定在接下来的信中不犯一个打字错误,但到了第二段,错别字又出现了。1949年,莱辛刚刚和儿子彼得搬到伦敦,在找到一份秘书工作后,她给内森·泽尔特写了一封信。在信中,莱辛预测自己不会成为一名高效的秘书,因为她心不在焉,没有能力认真对待发票;她开玩笑说,她开朗的性格无疑会弥补这一点。莱辛的笔迹和打字都给她的信件编辑带来了问题和挑战。在给泽尔特夫妇写了一封手写的信之后,他们发现这封信无法阅读,莱辛承诺从那时起就开始打字。但莱辛也是一个打字速度快、经常狂躁、不准确的打字员。找到一种能够保持她独特的拼写和标点用法的编辑方法很重要,因为这些特征传达了很多个性。例如,在change这个词具有启发性的地方,会划掉。 在处理信件时提出的一些更广泛的编辑问题是:写信角色的概念;
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引用次数: 0
At Last Someone is Saying It 终于有人说出来了
IF 0.2 4区 文学 0 LITERARY REVIEWS Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1111/criq.12733
Peter Womack
<p>The <i>Daily Mail</i> rather likes announcing that something or other has happened ‘at last’. At last Boris Johnson has ditched green dogma on energy; at last we have a political leader who knows what a woman is; at last the police are prioritising the victims in their approach to crime; at last we have a true Tory budget.<sup>1</sup></p><p>The phrase is a little ambivalent. Certainly it is supportive: the reported action or statement is being welcomed. But it also expresses a sort of sarcastic patience, as if to say ‘hooray, the penny has finally dropped’; and this means that the writing, even as it congratulates the politician, adopts for its own part an attitude of weary superiority. <i>You</i> seem to have just got it, but it is what <i>we</i> have been thinking for ages. This vantage point is not explicitly marked; it has to be inferred, and then that act of sympathetic interpretation is the means of constructing a warm commonality between the paper and its readers. ‘At last!’ we all sigh at once, having waited so long together for common sense to prevail that we have no need to explain our feelings to each other.</p><p>Of course none of my examples really is a simple matter of common sense. All four encapsulate propositions which are politically contentious. That government energy policy should be less green; that the boundaries of gender are unambiguous; that the point of view of the householder should be the prime consideration when a burglar is prosecuted; that a Tory Chancellor of the Exchequer should cut taxes regardless of the macroeconomic context – all these are right-wing views which are by no means universally shared. The simplest account of the formula, then, is that it is a way of making a partisan opinion sound as if everyone already agrees with it. If the proposition really were as consensual as it pretends, the phrase would be pointless. It is a polemical trick.</p><p>Perhaps more interesting than its intended effect, though, is what might be called its structure. ‘At last’ has, obviously, a time dimension. <i>Now</i> a truth has been articulated – ‘Tories cut taxes’, ‘British people resent rules made in Brussels’ – but <i>until now</i>, nobody was saying it. The reported event is not merely a statement; it is the breaking of a silence. With relief, we shake off the inhibition which has kept our lips sealed for so long.</p><p>This rudimentary narrative does not depend on any actual history of suppression; its logic is mythic rather than empirical. One myth to which it is affiliated is that of the silent majority, a spectral constituency with a long tradition in US politics. Calvin Coolidge, himself famously taciturn, was credited in 1919 with an understanding of ‘the great <i>silent majority</i>’ who appeared to have no spokesman.<sup>2</sup> More influentially, the phrase was put into circulation by Richard Nixon in November 1969, in a televised appeal for national unity over Vietnam; his implication was that, although op
《每日邮报》更喜欢宣布“终于”发生了什么事。鲍里斯•约翰逊(Boris Johnson)终于放弃了能源领域的绿色信条;我们终于有了一位了解女人的政治领袖;最后,警方在处理犯罪时优先考虑受害者;我们终于有了一个真正的保守党预算。这个短语有点矛盾。它当然是支持的:报道的行动或声明受到欢迎。但它也表达了一种讽刺的耐心,好像在说“万岁,硬币终于掉下来了”;这意味着,即使在歌颂政治家的同时,文章本身也采取了一种令人厌倦的优越感。你似乎刚刚得到它,但这是我们一直在思考的问题。这个有利位置没有明确标记;它必须被推断出来,然后这种同情的解释行为是在报纸和读者之间建立一种温暖的共性的手段。“最后!我们都同时叹了口气,在一起等了这么久的常识,我们没有必要向彼此解释我们的感情。当然,我举的这些例子都不是简单的常识问题。这四个都包含了在政治上有争议的命题。政府的能源政策应该不那么环保;性别的界限是明确的;当窃贼被起诉时,户主的观点应该是首要考虑的因素;保守党财政大臣应该不顾宏观经济环境而减税——所有这些都是右翼观点,绝不是普遍认同的。对这个公式最简单的解释是,它是一种使党派观点听起来好像每个人都同意它的方法。如果这个命题真的像它假装的那样是双方一致同意的,那么这个短语就毫无意义了。这是一种诡辩的伎俩。也许比它的预期效果更有趣的是它的结构。“At last”显然有一个时间维度。现在,一个事实已经清晰地表达出来了——“保守党减税”,“英国人讨厌布鲁塞尔制定的规则”——但直到现在,还没有人这么说。报道的事件不仅仅是一个陈述;它打破了沉默。我们如释重负,摆脱了长久以来让我们紧闭双唇的压抑。这种基本的叙述并不依赖于任何实际的镇压历史;它的逻辑是神话而不是经验。它所依附的一个神话是关于沉默的大多数的神话,这是一个在美国政治中有着悠久传统的幽灵选区。卡尔文·柯立芝(Calvin Coolidge)本人以沉默寡言而闻名,他在1919年被认为理解“沉默的大多数”,这些人似乎没有代言人更有影响力的是,1969年11月,理查德·尼克松(Richard Nixon)在一次电视讲话中呼吁全国在越南问题上团结一致,这句话被广泛使用;他的言下之意是,尽管反战人士吵吵闹闹,但普通美国人对他的政策却毫不掩饰地表示支持这个比喻在政治上的便利是很明显的:演讲者有一种民主权威,因为他代表人民大众说话,但由于根据定义,人民什么也没说,没有证据可以质疑他对他们情绪的描述。一个人必须相信他的直觉;的确,这是他的神秘感的一部分。这种民粹主义和花招的混混显然是唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)崛起的核心,可以预见,它在英国脱欧后的右翼中得到了呼应。保守派专栏作家莎拉·瓦因宣称,“英国现在是一个分裂成沉默的奋斗者和吵闹的罢工者的国家”;右翼内政大臣苏拉·布雷弗曼被她的后座导师约翰·海耶斯爵士称赞为“无声者的智慧之声”虽然“沉默的大多数”作为一个短语已经过时了,但作为一种理念,它仍然很有影响力。叙述并没有明确说明为什么大多数人保持沉默。有时,这似乎是因为其成员令人钦佩的性格:他们更喜欢安静地处理工作,把工作留给别人大喊大叫和提出要求。在其他情况下,他们沉默似乎是因为他们被沉默了:主流媒体或大都市精英剥夺了他们说话的机会。例如,在2016年6月公投后的庆祝活动中,脱欧支持者通常会指责欧盟“对欧洲人民充耳不闻”,并总结道,“现在听好了”这个版本的极端形式是阴谋论:“没有人在谈论这件事”很容易变异成“你不允许谈论这件事”在某种程度上,这里有一个矛盾:根据第一种解释,沉默的大多数的沉默是值得赞扬的,而根据第二种解释,这是一种丑闻。 但在实践中,这两种相互矛盾的元素很好地结合在一起:正是我们谦逊的善意使我们容易受到专横的少数群体的伤害,因此我们能够同时感到善良和怨恨。在2005年的保守党大选活动中,有数百块广告牌上写着“限制移民不是种族主义”的标语。在2001年的竞选活动中,保守党试图达成一项跨党派承诺,以避免迎合种族偏见,但被保守党领导层拒绝,因为这是一种“卑鄙和可鄙”的企图,试图在庇护政策上让该党噤声与此同时,学者大卫·科尔曼(David Coleman)抗议一种公共话语,他坚持认为,“那些真实的,或者至少是有争议的,但不是‘正确的’的东西被大声疾呼”;同年晚些时候,他成为移民观察组织的创始人之一,该组织今天的口号是“3000万人的声音”因此,20多年来,这种对反种族主义正统派保持沉默的蔑视性拒绝一直在重复,往往是用同样的话。它的史前历史更久远。一个传奇的起源是伊诺克·鲍威尔在1968年4月发表的“血流成河”的演讲。他在这番臭名昭著的言论之前说,他已经听到了迎接他们的“齐声咒骂”,他的结束语宣称,“只看到而不说话,将是最大的背叛”他的演讲风格比同时代的同类作品更高,但姿态是一样的:沉默的阴谋必须结束;最后,事情必须说出来。具有讽刺意味的是,政治历史学家认为,这一比喻的重复实际上导致了随后的沉默:政治家们被鲍威尔的过激行为和随之而来的反弹所吓倒,以至于他们“经双方同意,在这个问题上保持了政治沉默”但这种所谓的“恐惧冲击波”对玛格丽特·撒切尔的影响有限,她在1978年对那些“担心这个国家可能会被不同文化的人淹没”的人表示了著名的同情。在这个提法中,“rather”的双重使用是为了消音鲍威尔式的音符,而不是为了消音。如果有什么事情使它更加坚持:演讲者承认她正在采取的行动可能会遭到反对,但无论如何都决心采取行动。在她1995年的回忆录中,撒切尔解释说,在她看来,那些害怕被淹没的人需要的是“安慰而不是庇护……无法表达普通人的情绪……给极端分子留下了机会。”15然而,公开表达对移民的敌意的原因是过去的事情,现在勇敢地结束了,在这种情况下,人们不敢说这些事情。似乎无论压迫性的抑制如何经常被抛弃,它仍然控制着它,因此它有能力证明人们期待已久的打破沉默的行为是正当的。“终于有人说出来了”是一种不断赠送的修辞礼物。 但在实践中,这两种相互矛盾的元素很好地结合在一起:正是我们谦逊的善意使我们容易受到专横的少数群体的伤害,因此我们能够同时感到善良和怨恨。在2005年的保守党大选活动中,有数百块广告牌上写着“限制移民不是种族主义”的标语。在2001年的竞选活动中,保守党试图达成一项跨党派承诺,以避免迎合种族偏见,但被保守党领导层拒绝,因为这是一种“卑鄙和可鄙”的企图,试图在庇护政策上让该党噤声与此同时,学者大卫·科尔曼(David Coleman)抗议一种公共话语,他坚持认为,“那些真实的,或者至少是有争议的,但不是‘正确的’的东西被大声疾呼”;同年晚些时候,他成为移民观察组织的创始人之一,该组织今天的口号是“3000万人的声音”因此,20多年来,这种对反种族主义正统派保持沉默的蔑视性拒绝一直在重复,往往是用同样的话。它的史前历史更久远。一个传奇的起源是伊诺克·鲍威尔在1968年4月发表的“血流成河”的演讲。他在这番臭名昭著的言论之前说,他已经听到了迎接他们的“齐声咒骂”,他的结束语宣称,“只看到而不说话,将是最大的背叛”他的演讲风格比同时代的同类作品更高,但姿态是一样的:沉默的阴谋必须结束;最后,事情必须说出来。具有讽刺意味的是,政治历史学家认为,这一比喻的重复实际上导致了随后的沉默:
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