摘要:小句链和副动词是语言类型学中比较独特的从句组合形式。现代藏语 是小句链和副动词结构极其发达的语言，在藏缅语中也极具特色。东 纳藏语的小句链和副动词结构在藏语中具有代表性，其形态句法特征 主要体现为四个方面：根据小句指称的异同区分小句链结构和副动词 结构；副动词和中间动词形态根据小句叙实性与否分为两类；副动词 和中间动词要采用非限定式，而主句则采用限定式；副动词从句和中 间小句与主句主语指称可以自由互换。东纳藏语的小句链和副动词结 构，与连动结构和并列结构在一系列形态句法上区别开来。ABSTRACT:Clause-chains and converbs represent typologically distinctive ways of clause combination. Modern Tibetan has highly elaborated clause-chain and converbial structures, which are also quite unique among Tibeto-Burman languages. The clause-chain and converbial structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are representative in Tibetan, and their morphosyntactic features are mainly reflected in four aspects. In Mdungnag Tibetan, there are different markers for converbial and medial clauses depending on whether the clause is realis or irrealis. Converbial clauses and medial clauses are non-finite, while the matrix clauses are finite. Converb clauses and medial clauses can switch reference freely. The clause-chain and converbial structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are morphosyntactically distinct from conjunctive structures as well as juxtaposed structures.
Abstract: The combination of clause chains and adverbs is a unique form of clause combination in language typology. Modern Tibetan is a language with highly developed sentence chains and adverbial structures, and it is also highly distinctive in Tibetan Burmese. The small sentence chain and adverb structure of Dongna Tibetan language are representative in Tibetan, and their morphological and syntactic characteristics are mainly reflected in four aspects: distinguishing small sentence chain structure and adverb structure based on the similarities and differences of small sentence references; The forms of adverbs and intermediate verbs are divided into two categories based on the factual nature of clauses; The adverbs and intermediate verbs should be in non finite form, while the main sentence should be in finite form; The adverbial clause, middle clause, and subject reference of the main clause can be freely interchanged. The small sentence chain and adverb structure in Dongna Tibetan language are distinguished from the continuous verb structure and coordinate structure in a series of morphological and syntactic aspects. ABSTRACT: Clause chains and conversions representative typologically distinct ways of clause combination Modern Tibetans have highly reinforced clause chains and transitional structures, which are also quite unique among Tibeto Burman languages The clause chain and transitional structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are representative in Tibetan, and their morphostatic features are mainly reflected in four aspects In Mdungnag Tibetan, there are different markers for transitional and media clauses depending on where the clause is realis or irrealis Transitional clauses and media clauses are non fine, while the matrix clauses are fine Convert clauses and media clauses can switch reference freely The clause chain and transitional structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are morphosyntactically distinct from transitional structures as well as juxtaposed structures
{"title":"The Clause-Chain and Converb In Tibetan","authors":"Mingyuan Shao","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0016","url":null,"abstract":"摘要:小句链和副动词是语言类型学中比较独特的从句组合形式。现代藏语 是小句链和副动词结构极其发达的语言，在藏缅语中也极具特色。东 纳藏语的小句链和副动词结构在藏语中具有代表性，其形态句法特征 主要体现为四个方面：根据小句指称的异同区分小句链结构和副动词 结构；副动词和中间动词形态根据小句叙实性与否分为两类；副动词 和中间动词要采用非限定式，而主句则采用限定式；副动词从句和中 间小句与主句主语指称可以自由互换。东纳藏语的小句链和副动词结 构，与连动结构和并列结构在一系列形态句法上区别开来。ABSTRACT:Clause-chains and converbs represent typologically distinctive ways of clause combination. Modern Tibetan has highly elaborated clause-chain and converbial structures, which are also quite unique among Tibeto-Burman languages. The clause-chain and converbial structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are representative in Tibetan, and their morphosyntactic features are mainly reflected in four aspects. In Mdungnag Tibetan, there are different markers for converbial and medial clauses depending on whether the clause is realis or irrealis. Converbial clauses and medial clauses are non-finite, while the matrix clauses are finite. Converb clauses and medial clauses can switch reference freely. The clause-chain and converbial structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are morphosyntactically distinct from conjunctive structures as well as juxtaposed structures.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48976206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: Both the Mandarin copula "shi" and the Cantonese copula "shi" can be used for affirmative responses. From a cross linguistic perspective, it is not uncommon for conjunctions to simultaneously serve as responsive components. This article first argues that "shi" and "shi" should be considered as anaphoric components when used as affirmative response auxiliary words, supporting Krifka's (2013) analysis of corresponding answer auxiliary words. This article further points out that "shi" and "shi" can serve as anaphoric components and be used for affirmative responses, which is inseparable from the nature of their copulas. The connection between the two functions reflects the cyclic evolution of the process of grammaticalization of copulas (Lohndal 2009).
{"title":"Response particles hai6 in Cantonese","authors":"L. Cheng","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0020","url":null,"abstract":"摘要:普通话系词\"是\"和粤语系词\"係\"均可用于肯定应答。从跨语言的 角度看，系词同时可以充当应答成分的现象并不多见。本文首先论证 \" 是\" 和\" 係\" 作肯定应答助词时应被看作回指成分， 支持 Krifka(2013)对应答助词的分析。本文进一步指出\"是\"和\"係\"可 以充当回指成分并用于肯定应答，这与二者的系词性质密不可分，两 种功能间的联系体现了系词语法化过程中的循环演变(Lohndal 2009)。","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46398865","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper argues that tso in Changde dialect is a sentence final particle and its use may trigger an implied clause. It is observed that tso is only allowed in a suggestive imperative, restricted to co-occurring with the adverb ɕian先 ‘first’. Besides, xa下or ta哒alternately appears in a tso-suffixed sentence. A comparison of tso in Changde dialecct to zhe in Mandarin on the one hand and to tşe in Longhui dialect on the other hand shows that tso has similarities to and differences from both. While zhe is an aspectual particle, it may also trigger an implicit meaning in [V+zhe] construction. Although both of tso and tşe can be used as sentence final particles to introduce a sequential event implicitly, the use of tso is more constrained than tşe.
{"title":"Triggering an Implied Clause: Insights from Tso in Changde Dialect","authors":"Qing Tang, Liu Han, J. Han","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0115","url":null,"abstract":"This paper argues that tso in Changde dialect is a sentence final particle and its use may trigger an implied clause. It is observed that tso is only allowed in a suggestive imperative, restricted to co-occurring with the adverb ɕian先 ‘first’. Besides, xa下or ta哒alternately appears in a tso-suffixed sentence. A comparison of tso in Changde dialecct to zhe in Mandarin on the one hand and to tşe in Longhui dialect on the other hand shows that tso has similarities to and differences from both. While zhe is an aspectual particle, it may also trigger an implicit meaning in [V+zhe] construction. Although both of tso and tşe can be used as sentence final particles to introduce a sequential event implicitly, the use of tso is more constrained than tşe.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43910885","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores the compositionality of [dà NP de] construction in Chinese. The NP should be a direct time-denoting NPTIME or an indirect time-denoting NPITIME. Following Kayne (2016), we assume there is a silent TIME following de. Meanwhile, a less-discussed use of de—that is, the equational/appositional use of de (Chao 1968), has been revived to link the silent TIME and NPTIME/NPITIME. This analysis of de helps explain why the NP is preferably time-related, as it is easier for a time-denoting NP to establish an equational/appositional relation with the silent TIME. Dà ‘big’ is neither a size-denoting adjective, nor an evaluative morpheme. It is analyzed as an element like the restrictive adjective very (e.g., the very book) in English. Dà modifies the appositive conjunction phrase [NP de TIME], bringing emphasis to the construction, which in turn imposes certain semantic and pragmatic constraints on its subsequent clauses.
本文探讨了汉语[dondonnp de]结构的组合性。NP应该是直接表示时间的NPTIME或间接表示时间的NPITIME。根据Kayne(2016)的观点，我们假设de之后有一个无声的TIME。与此同时，de的一种较少讨论的用法，即de的等号/对位用法(Chao 1968)被重新使用，将无声的TIME与NPTIME/NPITIME联系起来。这种对de的分析有助于解释为什么NP最好是与时间相关的，因为时间表示的NP更容易与沉默的时间建立相等/对应的关系。“big”既不是表示大小的形容词，也不是评价语素。它是作为一个元素来分析的，就像英语中的限制性形容词very(例如，这本书)一样。d修饰同位语连词[NP de TIME]，强调结构，这反过来又对其后续从句施加一定的语义和语用限制。
{"title":"On the big silent appositive time in dà NP de construction in Chinese: A compositional approach.","authors":"Changsong Wang","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0114","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the compositionality of [<em>dà</em> NP <em>de</em>] construction in Chinese. The NP should be a direct time-denoting NP<sub>TIME</sub> or an indirect time-denoting NPI<sub>TIME</sub>. Following Kayne (2016), we assume there is a silent TIME following <em>de</em>. Meanwhile, a less-discussed use of <em>de</em>—that is, the equational/appositional use of <em>de</em> (Chao 1968), has been revived to link the silent TIME and NP<sub>TIME</sub>/NPI<sub>TIME</sub>. This analysis of <em>de</em> helps explain why the NP is preferably time-related, as it is easier for a time-denoting NP to establish an equational/appositional relation with the silent TIME. <em>Dà</em> ‘big’ is neither a size-denoting adjective, nor an evaluative morpheme. It is analyzed as an element like the restrictive adjective very (e.g., <em>the very book</em>) in English. <em>Dà</em> modifies the appositive conjunction phrase [NP <em>de</em> TIME], bringing emphasis to the construction, which in turn imposes certain semantic and pragmatic constraints on its subsequent clauses.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43374247","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Clause-chains and converbs represent typologically distinctive ways of clause combination. Modern Tibetan has highly elaborated clause-chain and converbial structures, which are also quite unique among TibetoBurman languages. The clause-chain and converbial structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are representative in Tibetan, and their morphosyntactic features are mainly reflected in four aspects. In Mdungnag Tibetan, there are different markers for converbial and medial clauses depending on whether the clause is realis or irrealis. Converbial clauses and medial clauses are non-finite, while the matrix clauses are finite. Converb clauses and medial clauses can switch reference freely. The clause-chain and converbial structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are morphosyntactically distinct from conjunctive structures as well as juxtaposed structures.
{"title":"The Clause-Chain and Converb in Tibetan (In Chinese)","authors":"Mingyuan Shao","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0112","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0112","url":null,"abstract":"Clause-chains and converbs represent typologically distinctive ways of clause combination. Modern Tibetan has highly elaborated clause-chain and converbial structures, which are also quite unique among TibetoBurman languages. The clause-chain and converbial structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are representative in Tibetan, and their morphosyntactic features are mainly reflected in four aspects. In Mdungnag Tibetan, there are different markers for converbial and medial clauses depending on whether the clause is realis or irrealis. Converbial clauses and medial clauses are non-finite, while the matrix clauses are finite. Converb clauses and medial clauses can switch reference freely. The clause-chain and converbial structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are morphosyntactically distinct from conjunctive structures as well as juxtaposed structures.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45571482","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As is well known, all relative clauses in Modern Chinese are marked with de. Compared with Modern Chinese, Archaic Chinese seems to have a richer encoding for relative clauses. It has three possible relative markers: zhe, zhi and suo. In this article, we will approach to Archaic Chinese relatives from the perspective of formal syntax. We will argue that zhe is a subject relative pronoun and suo a VP internal relative pronoun, and that zhe- and suo- relatives are derived from the A’-movement of the relevant relative pronoun to the peripheral position, creating an operator-variable relation at LF. Simultaneously, we will use Cecchetto and Donati’s labeling theory to account for a peculiar phenomenon that the same relative pronoun can form both headless and headed relatives. We will further argue that the relative marker zhi, as English that, is an invariant relativizer occupying the C position, and that zhi-relatives involve null operator movement. That is to say, like English type of languages, Archaic Chinese actually involves two separate relativizing strategies: through a relative pronoun or a null operator. The article also contributes to the debate on the analysis of relatives: data from Archaic Chinese favors an Adjunction Analysis to the Raising Analysis (or Complementation Analysis) à la Kayne.
{"title":"Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese","authors":"Chen Zhao, Futong Zhang","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0111","url":null,"abstract":"As is well known, all relative clauses in Modern Chinese are marked with de. Compared with Modern Chinese, Archaic Chinese seems to have a richer encoding for relative clauses. It has three possible relative markers: zhe, zhi and suo. In this article, we will approach to Archaic Chinese relatives from the perspective of formal syntax. We will argue that zhe is a subject relative pronoun and suo a VP internal relative pronoun, and that zhe- and suo- relatives are derived from the A’-movement of the relevant relative pronoun to the peripheral position, creating an operator-variable relation at LF. Simultaneously, we will use Cecchetto and Donati’s labeling theory to account for a peculiar phenomenon that the same relative pronoun can form both headless and headed relatives. We will further argue that the relative marker zhi, as English that, is an invariant relativizer occupying the C position, and that zhi-relatives involve null operator movement. That is to say, like English type of languages, Archaic Chinese actually involves two separate relativizing strategies: through a relative pronoun or a null operator. The article also contributes to the debate on the analysis of relatives: data from Archaic Chinese favors an Adjunction Analysis to the Raising Analysis (or Complementation Analysis) à la Kayne.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49245264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
After investigating the usages of -men in Linxia Dialect. It is found that -men in Linxia dialect is not only used to express plurality, but also approximation, respect, exaggeration and so on. These semantics are consistent with the uses of the plural marker in Altaic Turkic family. We believe that the special usages in Linxia dialect are the result of language contact. Different from previous scholars who think that -men is a plural marker, a meaningless affix or a topic marker, we argue that the core semantics of -men in Linxia dialect is to express “bigness”. We regard it as an augmentative marker.
{"title":"Beyond Plural Marker: A New Approach to the Nature of -Men 们 In Linxia Dialect (In Chinese)","authors":"Xingbing Liu, Chunfang Min","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0110","url":null,"abstract":"After investigating the usages of -men in Linxia Dialect. It is found that -men in Linxia dialect is not only used to express plurality, but also approximation, respect, exaggeration and so on. These semantics are consistent with the uses of the plural marker in Altaic Turkic family. We believe that the special usages in Linxia dialect are the result of language contact. Different from previous scholars who think that -men is a plural marker, a meaningless affix or a topic marker, we argue that the core semantics of -men in Linxia dialect is to express “bigness”. We regard it as an augmentative marker.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48593830","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study is an initial report on Pareto distribution (the 80/20 rule) of grammatical constructions; namely, about 20% of the types of grammatical constructions for causative situations account for about 80% of the uses in conversation. I use a data-driven approach to investigate the grammatical constructions that Chinese L1 speakers choose in spontaneous talk show conversations to describe causative situations. I identify two specific Pareto distributional patterns. 1) The distribution of all 22 constructions for causative situations constitutes a Pareto ABC diagram with the A-class (ba-; unmarked passive; rang-; bei-; resultative; gei-) containing 27.3% of the types but accounting for 88.8% of all the 1,497 uses. 2) Most uses of a grammatical construction come from a small set of subtypes: The full baaccounts for 87.9% of all ba- uses; the reduced bei- accounts for 86.8%; 37.5% of rang- subtypes account for 84.2%. These patterns can be explained by the Lens concept. I conclude that a few constructions account for most grammatical choices of L1 Chinese speakers in conversation. Understanding these grammatical distributions in natural discourse can improve the efficiency and efficacy of language teaching and Natural Language Processing (NLP).
{"title":"Early Evidence of the Pareto Principle In Grammatical Distribution: Causative Situations in Chinese Conversational Discourse","authors":"Danjie Su","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0113","url":null,"abstract":"This study is an initial report on Pareto distribution (the 80/20 rule) of grammatical constructions; namely, about 20% of the types of grammatical constructions for causative situations account for about 80% of the uses in conversation. I use a data-driven approach to investigate the grammatical constructions that Chinese L1 speakers choose in spontaneous talk show conversations to describe causative situations. I identify two specific Pareto distributional patterns. 1) The distribution of all 22 constructions for causative situations constitutes a Pareto ABC diagram with the A-class (ba-; unmarked passive; rang-; bei-; resultative; gei-) containing 27.3% of the types but accounting for 88.8% of all the 1,497 uses. 2) Most uses of a grammatical construction come from a small set of subtypes: The full baaccounts for 87.9% of all ba- uses; the reduced bei- accounts for 86.8%; 37.5% of rang- subtypes account for 84.2%. These patterns can be explained by the Lens concept. I conclude that a few constructions account for most grammatical choices of L1 Chinese speakers in conversation. Understanding these grammatical distributions in natural discourse can improve the efficiency and efficacy of language teaching and Natural Language Processing (NLP).","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47922771","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"On the Biological Basis of Prosody: A Response to Duanmu's Rhythmic Analysis","authors":"Shengli Feng","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0109","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0109","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41828959","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Families immigrating to English-speaking countries, such as Chinese families in the USA, typically undergo language shift to English within three generations. In principle, however, language shift can be reversed, as documented in the case of certain endangered languages. In a case study of a three-generation Chinese American family, we show how heritage language attrition and inter-generational language shift can be reversed. The birth of a third generation motivates the second-generation parents to resume speaking and acquiring Chinese. Awareness of the advantages of bilingualism and recognition of a Chinese American identity lead the second-generation parents to transmit Chinese language and culture to the third generation.
{"title":"Turning the Tide: Reversing Heritage Language Attrition and Shift in a Chinese American Family","authors":"Yen-Hui Audrey Li, S. Matthews","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0108","url":null,"abstract":"Families immigrating to English-speaking countries, such as Chinese families in the USA, typically undergo language shift to English within three generations. In principle, however, language shift can be reversed, as documented in the case of certain endangered languages. In a case study of a three-generation Chinese American family, we show how heritage language attrition and inter-generational language shift can be reversed. The birth of a third generation motivates the second-generation parents to resume speaking and acquiring Chinese. Awareness of the advantages of bilingualism and recognition of a Chinese American identity lead the second-generation parents to transmit Chinese language and culture to the third generation.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-04-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46602440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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