This paper proposes that the distinction between indicative and subjunctive mood is expressed systematically in Archaic Chinese in negated context based on an analysis of modal negation in matrix and embedded clauses. We address the questions where subjunctive mood is hosted syntactically, and what kind of verbs require subjunctive mood in their complements. We propose that both imperatives and subjunctives are hosted in and licensed by an irrealis ModP within TP, but are interpreted in a higher projection in CP. Additionally, we demonstrate that there is a systematic distinction between indicative and subjunctive mood in the employment of the negative complementizers fēi and wēi. We also show that both imperatives and subjunctives are only overtly expressed in the negative, imperatives are not marked by sentence-final particles, or by any other syntactic means.
{"title":"Does Archaic Chinese Have a Marked Subjunctive Mood: Some Evidence From Modal Negators","authors":"Barbara Meisterernst","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0123","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This paper proposes that the distinction between indicative and subjunctive mood is expressed systematically in Archaic Chinese in negated context based on an analysis of modal negation in matrix and embedded clauses. We address the questions where subjunctive mood is hosted syntactically, and what kind of verbs require subjunctive mood in their complements. We propose that both imperatives and subjunctives are hosted in and licensed by an irrealis ModP within TP, but are interpreted in a higher projection in CP. Additionally, we demonstrate that there is a systematic distinction between indicative and subjunctive mood in the employment of the negative complementizers fēi and wēi. We also show that both imperatives and subjunctives are only overtly expressed in the negative, imperatives are not marked by sentence-final particles, or by any other syntactic means.</p>","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"25 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138525802","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In “三月无君则吊，不以急乎” (Did not this condoling, on being three months unemployed by a ruler, show a too great urgency to you?) from Mencius, “以” is commonly interpreted as 太 (too), bearing the same connotation with the “以” in “不以泰乎” (is it too excessive), also from Mencius, in an identical structure “adverb+ 以+adjective(+ 乎)”. The contexts of “不以泰乎”, “如其道，则舜受尧之天下，不以为泰。子以 为泰乎” (Shun accepted the Empire from Yao without considering it to be excessive, when it was in accordance with the Way. Or perhaps you consider even this to be excessive?) could provide an indication that “不 以泰乎” means “consider even this to be excessive” and further suggests that “不以急乎” means “consider it to be a great urgency”. There has been a myriad of sentences with the pattern of “以...为...” (consider... to be..) in the synchronic literature. The pattern “以为...” (consider as...) arose from the cases where the objective of “以” in “以...为...” referred to something or event that had appeared shortly prior to the context. The pattern “以...” (consider...) derived from the pattern of “以为”. It could be well demonstrated in the similar distribution in “以+adjective” and “以为 +adjective”. In some dictionaries of ancient Chinese function words, “以” and “已” as two synonym adverbs indicating “too” 太. And yet the instances gave in the dictionary could all be dissembled: in the first cases, “以(consider)” could be regarded as omitted expression of “以为”; in the second, it could be seen as a preposition in Chinese; or it should be seen as the equivalent of “已”, bearing the meaning of “already”.
{"title":"A Set of “以” Indicating “Consider” —A Proposal of “以” Without “Too” in The Meaning (in Chinese)","authors":"Liu Yang, Feng Yang","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0118","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0118","url":null,"abstract":"In “三月无君则吊，不以急乎” (Did not this condoling, on being three months unemployed by a ruler, show a too great urgency to you?) from Mencius, “以” is commonly interpreted as 太 (too), bearing the same connotation with the “以” in “不以泰乎” (is it too excessive), also from Mencius, in an identical structure “adverb+ 以+adjective(+ 乎)”. The contexts of “不以泰乎”, “如其道，则舜受尧之天下，不以为泰。子以 为泰乎” (Shun accepted the Empire from Yao without considering it to be excessive, when it was in accordance with the Way. Or perhaps you consider even this to be excessive?) could provide an indication that “不 以泰乎” means “consider even this to be excessive” and further suggests that “不以急乎” means “consider it to be a great urgency”. There has been a myriad of sentences with the pattern of “以...为...” (consider... to be..) in the synchronic literature. The pattern “以为...” (consider as...) arose from the cases where the objective of “以” in “以...为...” referred to something or event that had appeared shortly prior to the context. The pattern “以...” (consider...) derived from the pattern of “以为”. It could be well demonstrated in the similar distribution in “以+adjective” and “以为 +adjective”. In some dictionaries of ancient Chinese function words, “以” and “已” as two synonym adverbs indicating “too” 太. And yet the instances gave in the dictionary could all be dissembled: in the first cases, “以(consider)” could be regarded as omitted expression of “以为”; in the second, it could be seen as a preposition in Chinese; or it should be seen as the equivalent of “已”, bearing the meaning of “already”.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42447712","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Lianjiang Yue dialect, the auxiliary verb “guan1” and the aspect particle “guan2”, which place before and after verbs respectively, refer to habitual meaning. By investigating these two words, we find that in Lianjiang Yue dialect, Guigang Yue dialect and Hakka dialect, “guan” has grammaticalized from descriptive complement to habitual particle, while in Guangzhou dialect “guan” has not evolved in this way. The habitual particle in Guangzhou dialect is “kai”. There are two paths of grammaticalization for the habitual particles in Chinese dialect. One is from descriptive complement to habitual aspect (such as “kai” in Guangzhou dialect, and “guan2” in Lianjiang dialect), while the other is from verb to auxiliary verb (such as “guan1” in Lianjiang Yue dialect). Auxiliary verbs, descriptive complements and aspect particles referring to habitual meaning all fall into the habitual category, and they are important to the study of the habitual category in Chinese. In this paper, we examine the postverbal “guan” in Lianjiang Yue dialect within the “static– dynamic” framework of dialectal grammar research, studying its current usage as well as its evolvement. This is
{"title":"Description and Comparison: Habitual Aspect in Lianjiang Yue Dialect (in Chinese)","authors":"Huayong Lin, Huachen Li, Ziwei Zhong","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0122","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0122","url":null,"abstract":"In Lianjiang Yue dialect, the auxiliary verb “guan1” and the aspect particle “guan2”, which place before and after verbs respectively, refer to habitual meaning. By investigating these two words, we find that in Lianjiang Yue dialect, Guigang Yue dialect and Hakka dialect, “guan” has grammaticalized from descriptive complement to habitual particle, while in Guangzhou dialect “guan” has not evolved in this way. The habitual particle in Guangzhou dialect is “kai”. There are two paths of grammaticalization for the habitual particles in Chinese dialect. One is from descriptive complement to habitual aspect (such as “kai” in Guangzhou dialect, and “guan2” in Lianjiang dialect), while the other is from verb to auxiliary verb (such as “guan1” in Lianjiang Yue dialect). Auxiliary verbs, descriptive complements and aspect particles referring to habitual meaning all fall into the habitual category, and they are important to the study of the habitual category in Chinese. In this paper, we examine the postverbal “guan” in Lianjiang Yue dialect within the “static– dynamic” framework of dialectal grammar research, studying its current usage as well as its evolvement. This is","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43646843","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Based on the framework of the Qièyùn (切韻) system, this paper explores phonological distinctions between Grade III and Grade IV of the Shān Shè (山攝) rhyme group, namely the Xiān (仙) and Xiān (先) rhyme, in Modern Xiang . Whether the Xiān (仙)/Xiān (先) distinction exists or not in modern Xiang dialects is still under debate. These different views constitute the primary research motivation of this paper. This paper concludes that:1. The Xiān (仙)/Xiān (先) distinction is indeed preserved in Modern Xiang, and the phonological contrast occurs after the initials of the Jing (精) series of Middle Chinese. 2. According to the phonetic representation in Modern Xiang, Xiān (仙) could be reconstructed as *-iɑn and Xiān (先) as *-ian. 3. By comparing with other proto dialects, we reconstruct the contrast of *- iɑn and *-ian in the old Jiangdong dialect of the Six Dynasties, which establishes the close relationship between Xiang and Jiangdong dialect in history.
{"title":"On the XiāN/XiāN Distinction in Modern Xiang Dialects and Reconstruction in Proto-Xiang (in Chinese)","authors":"Ruiwen Wu","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0124","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0124","url":null,"abstract":"Based on the framework of the Qièyùn (切韻) system, this paper explores phonological distinctions between Grade III and Grade IV of the Shān Shè (山攝) rhyme group, namely the Xiān (仙) and Xiān (先) rhyme, in Modern Xiang . Whether the Xiān (仙)/Xiān (先) distinction exists or not in modern Xiang dialects is still under debate. These different views constitute the primary research motivation of this paper. This paper concludes that:1. The Xiān (仙)/Xiān (先) distinction is indeed preserved in Modern Xiang, and the phonological contrast occurs after the initials of the Jing (精) series of Middle Chinese. 2. According to the phonetic representation in Modern Xiang, Xiān (仙) could be reconstructed as *-iɑn and Xiān (先) as *-ian. 3. By comparing with other proto dialects, we reconstruct the contrast of *- iɑn and *-ian in the old Jiangdong dialect of the Six Dynasties, which establishes the close relationship between Xiang and Jiangdong dialect in history.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46988490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Manchu causative sentence is formed by the affix “bu” after the verbal root. The causee has objective case mark “be” or dative case mark “de”, and constitutes causative sentence formed as “S+N+be/de+V(-bu-)”. This research discusses the expression of the affix "bu" in the translation of Manchu into Chinese in QingWenZhiYao Manchu and Chinese versions. It is found that in Manchu causative sentence, the absence of causee, marked or not, and animacy hierarchy directly lead to three strategies in Chinese translation: explicit causation, implicit causation and non-causation. The transitivity of verbs affects the choice of causation or permission in Chinese translation. This shows the affix “bu” is a prominent feature in Manchu causative sentence. The early Chinese version was greatly influenced by Manchu. The rewriting of Beijing Mandarin followed the basic characteristics of the causative sentence pattern and was more inclined to the oral expression of northern Chinese in the late Qing Dynasty.
{"title":"A Comparative Study on the Sentence Expression of Causative in Qingwen Zhiyao Manchu and Chinese Versions (in Chinese)","authors":"Meilan Zhang, Mo Li","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0119","url":null,"abstract":"Manchu causative sentence is formed by the affix “bu” after the verbal root. The causee has objective case mark “be” or dative case mark “de”, and constitutes causative sentence formed as “S+N+be/de+V(-bu-)”. This research discusses the expression of the affix \"bu\" in the translation of Manchu into Chinese in QingWenZhiYao Manchu and Chinese versions. It is found that in Manchu causative sentence, the absence of causee, marked or not, and animacy hierarchy directly lead to three strategies in Chinese translation: explicit causation, implicit causation and non-causation. The transitivity of verbs affects the choice of causation or permission in Chinese translation. This shows the affix “bu” is a prominent feature in Manchu causative sentence. The early Chinese version was greatly influenced by Manchu. The rewriting of Beijing Mandarin followed the basic characteristics of the causative sentence pattern and was more inclined to the oral expression of northern Chinese in the late Qing Dynasty.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41503624","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Both the structural characteristics and grammaticality issues of synthetic compounds OVN and VON have been fully discussed from perspectives of formal syntax, prosodic grammar and multiple interactions among syntax, prosody and semantics. However, there is still a lot of controversy. This paper puts forward a new analysis based on existing studies and aims to provide a more consistent description and explanation on generative mechanism and constraints of all types of synthetic compounds. First, this paper systematically describes the complex and diverse combination types of synthetic compounds as well as their grammaticality and usability, and summarizes the main aspects and problems to be solved in terms of generative constraints of these compounds, which pave the way to propose a new approach from Stylistic-Register Grammar. With Spatio-Temporal Principle and operational rules of Stylistic-Register Grammar, this paper analyzes the specific constraints on the grammaticality and usability of different types of synthetic compounds, and explains the motivations of special types and cases. Therefore, this paper suggests that the so-called exceptions, special examples or counter-examples are essentially the results of multiple interactions, while the differences of typological features of synthetic compounds are the results of interactions between structural characteristics and specific register motivations, which provide a good reference for the establishment of stylistic-register typology. Lastly, this paper points out that the approach focusing on multi-interactive mechanism could inspire us to make new thinking on the methodologies in related research fields.
{"title":"A Research on Generative Mechanism Of Synthetic Compounds: From a Perspective of Stylistic-Register Grammar (in Chinese)","authors":"Chunhong Shi","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0116","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0116","url":null,"abstract":"Both the structural characteristics and grammaticality issues of synthetic compounds OVN and VON have been fully discussed from perspectives of formal syntax, prosodic grammar and multiple interactions among syntax, prosody and semantics. However, there is still a lot of controversy. This paper puts forward a new analysis based on existing studies and aims to provide a more consistent description and explanation on generative mechanism and constraints of all types of synthetic compounds. First, this paper systematically describes the complex and diverse combination types of synthetic compounds as well as their grammaticality and usability, and summarizes the main aspects and problems to be solved in terms of generative constraints of these compounds, which pave the way to propose a new approach from Stylistic-Register Grammar. With Spatio-Temporal Principle and operational rules of Stylistic-Register Grammar, this paper analyzes the specific constraints on the grammaticality and usability of different types of synthetic compounds, and explains the motivations of special types and cases. Therefore, this paper suggests that the so-called exceptions, special examples or counter-examples are essentially the results of multiple interactions, while the differences of typological features of synthetic compounds are the results of interactions between structural characteristics and specific register motivations, which provide a good reference for the establishment of stylistic-register typology. Lastly, this paper points out that the approach focusing on multi-interactive mechanism could inspire us to make new thinking on the methodologies in related research fields.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49165107","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, we discuss the process of two kinds of word meaning generating, namely “contagion” and “ellipsis”. The former (“contagion”) is generally regarded as an important way for Chinese words to acquire new meanings, while the latter (“ellipsis”) is rarely mentioned in the literature. This paper proves that the real cases of “contagion” in the evolution of Chinese word meaning are very rare, and most of the cases that have been identified as “contagion” in the past are not “contagion”, but “ellipsis”, which is actually a common way for human language to acquire new meaning.
{"title":"Contagion and Ellipsis (in Chinese)","authors":"Fuxiang Wu","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0121","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we discuss the process of two kinds of word meaning generating, namely “contagion” and “ellipsis”. The former (“contagion”) is generally regarded as an important way for Chinese words to acquire new meanings, while the latter (“ellipsis”) is rarely mentioned in the literature. This paper proves that the real cases of “contagion” in the evolution of Chinese word meaning are very rare, and most of the cases that have been identified as “contagion” in the past are not “contagion”, but “ellipsis”, which is actually a common way for human language to acquire new meaning.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47171134","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT:This study is an initial report on Pareto distribution (the 80/20 rule) of grammatical constructions; namely, about 20% of the types of grammatical constructions for causative situations account for about 80% of the uses in conversation. I use a data-driven approach to investigate the grammatical constructions that Chinese L1 speakers choose in spontaneous talk show conversations to describe causative situations. I identify two specific Pareto distributional patterns. 1) The distribution of all 22 constructions for causative situations constitutes a Pareto ABC diagram with the A-class (ba-; unmarked passive; rang-; bei-; resultative; gei-) containing 27.3% of the types but accounting for 88.8% of all the 1,497 uses. 2) Most uses of a grammatical construction come from a small set of subtypes: The full ba-accounts for 87.9% of all ba-uses; the reduced bei-accounts for 86.8%; 37.5% of rang-subtypes account for 84.2%. These patterns can be explained by the Lens concept. I conclude that a few constructions account for most grammatical choices of L1 Chinese speakers in conversation. Understanding these grammatical distributions in natural discourse can improve the efficiency and efficacy of language teaching and Natural Language Processing (NLP).摘要:本研究是关于自然会话中语法构式的帕累托(Pareto)分布(二八法则) 的第一份报告——大约 20％的语法构式类型占表述致使情景的所有实 际用例的 80％。基于脱口秀自然会话语料，本文使用数据驱动的方法 穷尽式地探究汉语母语者选择何种语法构式表述会话中的致使情景。 本文关于帕累托分布的具体发现是：(一)会话中表述致使情景的所有 22 种汉语语法构式的分布反映了帕累托原理及其 ABC 等级分布。A 级 的构式类型数量为 22 种构式类型的 27.3％，却占到所有 1,497 条用例 的 88.8％。A 级包括的最高频构式依次是：把字句、无标记被动句、 让字句、被字句、结果补语、给字句。B 级的构式类型数量同样占 27.3％，却仅占所有用例的 8.9％。C 级的构式类型数量占了近一半 (45.5％)，却只占所有用例的 2.3％。(二)语法构式的大多数用例来自 个别子类型：完整版把字句占所有把字句用例的 87.9％；减短版被字 句占所有被字句用例的 86.8％；37.5％的让字句类型占所有让字句用 例的 84.2％。Lens 理论可以解释这些分布规律。本文结论是，汉语母 语者在自然会话中选用少数构式类型来表述绝大部分致使情景。该发 现进一步揭示了自然话语中语法构式的分布，这对语言教学和自然语 言处理具有直接参考价值。
{"title":"Early Evidence of the Pareto Principle in Grammatical Distribution: Causative Situations in Chinese Conversational Discourse","authors":"Danjie Su","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0017","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:This study is an initial report on Pareto distribution (the 80/20 rule) of grammatical constructions; namely, about 20% of the types of grammatical constructions for causative situations account for about 80% of the uses in conversation. I use a data-driven approach to investigate the grammatical constructions that Chinese L1 speakers choose in spontaneous talk show conversations to describe causative situations. I identify two specific Pareto distributional patterns. 1) The distribution of all 22 constructions for causative situations constitutes a Pareto ABC diagram with the A-class (ba-; unmarked passive; rang-; bei-; resultative; gei-) containing 27.3% of the types but accounting for 88.8% of all the 1,497 uses. 2) Most uses of a grammatical construction come from a small set of subtypes: The full ba-accounts for 87.9% of all ba-uses; the reduced bei-accounts for 86.8%; 37.5% of rang-subtypes account for 84.2%. These patterns can be explained by the Lens concept. I conclude that a few constructions account for most grammatical choices of L1 Chinese speakers in conversation. Understanding these grammatical distributions in natural discourse can improve the efficiency and efficacy of language teaching and Natural Language Processing (NLP).摘要:本研究是关于自然会话中语法构式的帕累托(Pareto)分布(二八法则) 的第一份报告——大约 20％的语法构式类型占表述致使情景的所有实 际用例的 80％。基于脱口秀自然会话语料，本文使用数据驱动的方法 穷尽式地探究汉语母语者选择何种语法构式表述会话中的致使情景。 本文关于帕累托分布的具体发现是：(一)会话中表述致使情景的所有 22 种汉语语法构式的分布反映了帕累托原理及其 ABC 等级分布。A 级 的构式类型数量为 22 种构式类型的 27.3％，却占到所有 1,497 条用例 的 88.8％。A 级包括的最高频构式依次是：把字句、无标记被动句、 让字句、被字句、结果补语、给字句。B 级的构式类型数量同样占 27.3％，却仅占所有用例的 8.9％。C 级的构式类型数量占了近一半 (45.5％)，却只占所有用例的 2.3％。(二)语法构式的大多数用例来自 个别子类型：完整版把字句占所有把字句用例的 87.9％；减短版被字 句占所有被字句用例的 86.8％；37.5％的让字句类型占所有让字句用 例的 84.2％。Lens 理论可以解释这些分布规律。本文结论是，汉语母 语者在自然会话中选用少数构式类型来表述绝大部分致使情景。该发 现进一步揭示了自然话语中语法构式的分布，这对语言教学和自然语 言处理具有直接参考价值。","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"50 1","pages":"443 - 474"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48577430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT:This article explores the compositionality of [dà NP de] construction in Chinese. The NP should be a direct time-denoting NPtime or an indirect time-denoting NPitime. Following Kayne (2016), we assume there is a silent TIME following de. Meanwhile, a less-discussed use of de—that is, the equational/appositional use of de (Chao 1968), has been revived to link the silent TIME and NPtime/NPitime. This analysis of de helps explain why the NP is preferably time-related, as it is easier for a time-denoting NP to establish an equational/appositional relation with the silent TIME. Dà 'big' is neither a size-denoting adjective, nor an evaluative morpheme. It is analyzed as an element like the restrictive adjective very (e.g., the very book) in English. Dà modifies the appositive conjunction phrase [NP de TIME], bringing emphasis to the construction, which in turn imposes certain semantic and pragmatic constraints on its subsequent clauses.摘要:本文主要探讨"大NP的"结构是如何通过组合的方式生成的。本文认为该结构中的"大"既非指涉尺寸大小的形容词，也非表示评价的语素，而是一个表示强调的限制形容词，其用法类似于英文the very book中的very。受Kayne(2016)的启发，我们假设该结构的"的"字之后有个没有语音实现形式的时间名词TIME。受Chao(1968)启发，我们认为该结构中的"的"是"的"的一种特殊用法，即"的"等同/同位用法，用来连接表示时间的NP和无声的TIME。"NP的TIME"是一个同位结构，受"大"修饰。由于"大"的强调作用(Lü 1999)，"大NP的"结构具有强调义，继而要求其后续子句在语义和语用上与之匹配，从而对后续子句产生一定的限制。
摘要:本文探讨了汉语“dondonnp de”结构的组合性。该NP应该是直接表示时间的NPtime或间接表示时间的NPitime。根据Kayne(2016)的观点，我们假设de之后有一个沉默的TIME。同时，de的一种较少讨论的用法，即de的等号/对位用法(Chao 1968)被重新使用，将沉默的TIME与NPtime/NPitime联系起来。这种对de的分析有助于解释为什么NP最好是与时间相关的，因为时间表示的NP更容易与沉默的时间建立相等/对应的关系。“big”既不是表示大小的形容词，也不是评价语素。它是作为一个元素来分析的，就像英语中的限制性形容词very(例如，这本书)一样。d修饰同位语短语[NP de TIME]，使其结构得到强调，从而对其后的子句施加一定的语义和语用限制。本文认为该结构中的“大”既非指涉尺寸大小的形容词,也非表示评价的语素,而是一个表示强调的限制形容词,其用法类似于英文的书中的很。受凯恩(2016)的启发,我们假设该结构的“的”字之后有个没有语音实现形式的时间名词。受超(1968)启发,我们认为该结构中的“的”是“的”的一种特殊用法,即“的”等同/同位用法,用来连接表示时间的NP和无声的时间。“时间”，“时间”，“时间”。由于“大”的强调作用陆(1999),“大NP的“结构具有强调义,继而要求其后续子句在语义和语用上与之匹配,从而对后续子句产生一定的限制。
{"title":"On the big silent appositive time in dà NP de construction in Chinese: A compositional approach","authors":"Changsong Wang","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0014","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:This article explores the compositionality of [dà NP de] construction in Chinese. The NP should be a direct time-denoting NPtime or an indirect time-denoting NPitime. Following Kayne (2016), we assume there is a silent TIME following de. Meanwhile, a less-discussed use of de—that is, the equational/appositional use of de (Chao 1968), has been revived to link the silent TIME and NPtime/NPitime. This analysis of de helps explain why the NP is preferably time-related, as it is easier for a time-denoting NP to establish an equational/appositional relation with the silent TIME. Dà 'big' is neither a size-denoting adjective, nor an evaluative morpheme. It is analyzed as an element like the restrictive adjective very (e.g., the very book) in English. Dà modifies the appositive conjunction phrase [NP de TIME], bringing emphasis to the construction, which in turn imposes certain semantic and pragmatic constraints on its subsequent clauses.摘要:本文主要探讨\"大NP的\"结构是如何通过组合的方式生成的。本文认为该结构中的\"大\"既非指涉尺寸大小的形容词，也非表示评价的语素，而是一个表示强调的限制形容词，其用法类似于英文the very book中的very。受Kayne(2016)的启发，我们假设该结构的\"的\"字之后有个没有语音实现形式的时间名词TIME。受Chao(1968)启发，我们认为该结构中的\"的\"是\"的\"的一种特殊用法，即\"的\"等同/同位用法，用来连接表示时间的NP和无声的TIME。\"NP的TIME\"是一个同位结构，受\"大\"修饰。由于\"大\"的强调作用(Lü 1999)，\"大NP的\"结构具有强调义，继而要求其后续子句在语义和语用上与之匹配，从而对后续子句产生一定的限制。","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"50 1","pages":"348 - 384"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46586506","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
摘要:本文以临夏话中指称唯一性事物名词以及不可数名词后加"们"等 非复数用法为切入点，重新分析了临夏话"们"的性质。"们"除了 可表复数，还可以表约量、尊敬、整体、强调等，这些功能与阿尔泰 语系突厥语族语言密切相关，是语言接触的结果。"们"不是单纯的 复数标记，也不是无语义的词缀或话题标记，其语义丛核心是表达 "大"义，本文将它处理成"大称"标记。大称标记与复数标记相关， 这一发现具有语言类型学的价值。ABSTRACT:After investigating the usages of -men in Linxia Dialect. It is found that -men in Linxia dialect is not only used to express plurality, but also approximation, respect, exaggeration and so on. These semantics are consistent with the uses of the plural marker in Altaic Turkic family. We believe that the special usages in Linxia dialect are the result of language contact. Different from previous scholars who think that -men is a plural marker, a meaningless affix or a topic marker, we argue that the core semantics of -men in Linxia dialect is to express "bigness". We regard it as an augmentative marker.
摘要:本文以临夏话中指称唯一性事物名词以及不可数名词后加"们"等 非复数用法为切入点，重新分析了临夏话"们"的性质。"们"除了 可表复数，还可以表约量、尊敬、整体、强调等，这些功能与阿尔泰 语系突厥语族语言密切相关，是语言接触的结果。"们"不是单纯的 复数标记，也不是无语义的词缀或话题标记，其语义丛核心是表达 "大"义，本文将它处理成"大称"标记。大称标记与复数标记相关， 这一发现具有语言类型学的价值。ABSTRACT:After investigating the usages of -men in Linxia Dialect. It is found that -men in Linxia dialect is not only used to express plurality, but also approximation, respect, exaggeration and so on. These semantics are consistent with the uses of the plural marker in Altaic Turkic family. We believe that the special usages in Linxia dialect are the result of language contact. Different from previous scholars who think that -men is a plural marker, a meaningless affix or a topic marker, we argue that the core semantics of -men in Linxia dialect is to express "bigness". We regard it as an augmentative marker.
{"title":"Beyond Plural Marker: A new Approach to the Nature of -Men们 in Linxia Dialect","authors":"Xing Liu, Chunfang Min","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0019","url":null,"abstract":"摘要:本文以临夏话中指称唯一性事物名词以及不可数名词后加\"们\"等 非复数用法为切入点，重新分析了临夏话\"们\"的性质。\"们\"除了 可表复数，还可以表约量、尊敬、整体、强调等，这些功能与阿尔泰 语系突厥语族语言密切相关，是语言接触的结果。\"们\"不是单纯的 复数标记，也不是无语义的词缀或话题标记，其语义丛核心是表达 \"大\"义，本文将它处理成\"大称\"标记。大称标记与复数标记相关， 这一发现具有语言类型学的价值。ABSTRACT:After investigating the usages of -men in Linxia Dialect. It is found that -men in Linxia dialect is not only used to express plurality, but also approximation, respect, exaggeration and so on. These semantics are consistent with the uses of the plural marker in Altaic Turkic family. We believe that the special usages in Linxia dialect are the result of language contact. Different from previous scholars who think that -men is a plural marker, a meaningless affix or a topic marker, we argue that the core semantics of -men in Linxia dialect is to express \"bigness\". We regard it as an augmentative marker.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"50 1","pages":"509 - 531"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45605843","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：
京公网安备 11010802042870号