Both the structural characteristics and grammaticality issues of synthetic compounds OVN and VON have been fully discussed from perspectives of formal syntax, prosodic grammar and multiple interactions among syntax, prosody and semantics. However, there is still a lot of controversy. This paper puts forward a new analysis based on existing studies and aims to provide a more consistent description and explanation on generative mechanism and constraints of all types of synthetic compounds. First, this paper systematically describes the complex and diverse combination types of synthetic compounds as well as their grammaticality and usability, and summarizes the main aspects and problems to be solved in terms of generative constraints of these compounds, which pave the way to propose a new approach from Stylistic-Register Grammar. With Spatio-Temporal Principle and operational rules of Stylistic-Register Grammar, this paper analyzes the specific constraints on the grammaticality and usability of different types of synthetic compounds, and explains the motivations of special types and cases. Therefore, this paper suggests that the so-called exceptions, special examples or counter-examples are essentially the results of multiple interactions, while the differences of typological features of synthetic compounds are the results of interactions between structural characteristics and specific register motivations, which provide a good reference for the establishment of stylistic-register typology. Lastly, this paper points out that the approach focusing on multi-interactive mechanism could inspire us to make new thinking on the methodologies in related research fields.
{"title":"A Research on Generative Mechanism Of Synthetic Compounds: From a Perspective of Stylistic-Register Grammar (in Chinese)","authors":"Chunhong Shi","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0116","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0116","url":null,"abstract":"Both the structural characteristics and grammaticality issues of synthetic compounds OVN and VON have been fully discussed from perspectives of formal syntax, prosodic grammar and multiple interactions among syntax, prosody and semantics. However, there is still a lot of controversy. This paper puts forward a new analysis based on existing studies and aims to provide a more consistent description and explanation on generative mechanism and constraints of all types of synthetic compounds. First, this paper systematically describes the complex and diverse combination types of synthetic compounds as well as their grammaticality and usability, and summarizes the main aspects and problems to be solved in terms of generative constraints of these compounds, which pave the way to propose a new approach from Stylistic-Register Grammar. With Spatio-Temporal Principle and operational rules of Stylistic-Register Grammar, this paper analyzes the specific constraints on the grammaticality and usability of different types of synthetic compounds, and explains the motivations of special types and cases. Therefore, this paper suggests that the so-called exceptions, special examples or counter-examples are essentially the results of multiple interactions, while the differences of typological features of synthetic compounds are the results of interactions between structural characteristics and specific register motivations, which provide a good reference for the establishment of stylistic-register typology. Lastly, this paper points out that the approach focusing on multi-interactive mechanism could inspire us to make new thinking on the methodologies in related research fields.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49165107","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, we discuss the process of two kinds of word meaning generating, namely “contagion” and “ellipsis”. The former (“contagion”) is generally regarded as an important way for Chinese words to acquire new meanings, while the latter (“ellipsis”) is rarely mentioned in the literature. This paper proves that the real cases of “contagion” in the evolution of Chinese word meaning are very rare, and most of the cases that have been identified as “contagion” in the past are not “contagion”, but “ellipsis”, which is actually a common way for human language to acquire new meaning.
{"title":"Contagion and Ellipsis (in Chinese)","authors":"Fuxiang Wu","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0121","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we discuss the process of two kinds of word meaning generating, namely “contagion” and “ellipsis”. The former (“contagion”) is generally regarded as an important way for Chinese words to acquire new meanings, while the latter (“ellipsis”) is rarely mentioned in the literature. This paper proves that the real cases of “contagion” in the evolution of Chinese word meaning are very rare, and most of the cases that have been identified as “contagion” in the past are not “contagion”, but “ellipsis”, which is actually a common way for human language to acquire new meaning.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47171134","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT:This study is an initial report on Pareto distribution (the 80/20 rule) of grammatical constructions; namely, about 20% of the types of grammatical constructions for causative situations account for about 80% of the uses in conversation. I use a data-driven approach to investigate the grammatical constructions that Chinese L1 speakers choose in spontaneous talk show conversations to describe causative situations. I identify two specific Pareto distributional patterns. 1) The distribution of all 22 constructions for causative situations constitutes a Pareto ABC diagram with the A-class (ba-; unmarked passive; rang-; bei-; resultative; gei-) containing 27.3% of the types but accounting for 88.8% of all the 1,497 uses. 2) Most uses of a grammatical construction come from a small set of subtypes: The full ba-accounts for 87.9% of all ba-uses; the reduced bei-accounts for 86.8%; 37.5% of rang-subtypes account for 84.2%. These patterns can be explained by the Lens concept. I conclude that a few constructions account for most grammatical choices of L1 Chinese speakers in conversation. Understanding these grammatical distributions in natural discourse can improve the efficiency and efficacy of language teaching and Natural Language Processing (NLP).摘要:本研究是关于自然会话中语法构式的帕累托(Pareto)分布(二八法则) 的第一份报告——大约 20％的语法构式类型占表述致使情景的所有实 际用例的 80％。基于脱口秀自然会话语料，本文使用数据驱动的方法 穷尽式地探究汉语母语者选择何种语法构式表述会话中的致使情景。 本文关于帕累托分布的具体发现是：(一)会话中表述致使情景的所有 22 种汉语语法构式的分布反映了帕累托原理及其 ABC 等级分布。A 级 的构式类型数量为 22 种构式类型的 27.3％，却占到所有 1,497 条用例 的 88.8％。A 级包括的最高频构式依次是：把字句、无标记被动句、 让字句、被字句、结果补语、给字句。B 级的构式类型数量同样占 27.3％，却仅占所有用例的 8.9％。C 级的构式类型数量占了近一半 (45.5％)，却只占所有用例的 2.3％。(二)语法构式的大多数用例来自 个别子类型：完整版把字句占所有把字句用例的 87.9％；减短版被字 句占所有被字句用例的 86.8％；37.5％的让字句类型占所有让字句用 例的 84.2％。Lens 理论可以解释这些分布规律。本文结论是，汉语母 语者在自然会话中选用少数构式类型来表述绝大部分致使情景。该发 现进一步揭示了自然话语中语法构式的分布，这对语言教学和自然语 言处理具有直接参考价值。
{"title":"Early Evidence of the Pareto Principle in Grammatical Distribution: Causative Situations in Chinese Conversational Discourse","authors":"Danjie Su","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0017","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:This study is an initial report on Pareto distribution (the 80/20 rule) of grammatical constructions; namely, about 20% of the types of grammatical constructions for causative situations account for about 80% of the uses in conversation. I use a data-driven approach to investigate the grammatical constructions that Chinese L1 speakers choose in spontaneous talk show conversations to describe causative situations. I identify two specific Pareto distributional patterns. 1) The distribution of all 22 constructions for causative situations constitutes a Pareto ABC diagram with the A-class (ba-; unmarked passive; rang-; bei-; resultative; gei-) containing 27.3% of the types but accounting for 88.8% of all the 1,497 uses. 2) Most uses of a grammatical construction come from a small set of subtypes: The full ba-accounts for 87.9% of all ba-uses; the reduced bei-accounts for 86.8%; 37.5% of rang-subtypes account for 84.2%. These patterns can be explained by the Lens concept. I conclude that a few constructions account for most grammatical choices of L1 Chinese speakers in conversation. Understanding these grammatical distributions in natural discourse can improve the efficiency and efficacy of language teaching and Natural Language Processing (NLP).摘要:本研究是关于自然会话中语法构式的帕累托(Pareto)分布(二八法则) 的第一份报告——大约 20％的语法构式类型占表述致使情景的所有实 际用例的 80％。基于脱口秀自然会话语料，本文使用数据驱动的方法 穷尽式地探究汉语母语者选择何种语法构式表述会话中的致使情景。 本文关于帕累托分布的具体发现是：(一)会话中表述致使情景的所有 22 种汉语语法构式的分布反映了帕累托原理及其 ABC 等级分布。A 级 的构式类型数量为 22 种构式类型的 27.3％，却占到所有 1,497 条用例 的 88.8％。A 级包括的最高频构式依次是：把字句、无标记被动句、 让字句、被字句、结果补语、给字句。B 级的构式类型数量同样占 27.3％，却仅占所有用例的 8.9％。C 级的构式类型数量占了近一半 (45.5％)，却只占所有用例的 2.3％。(二)语法构式的大多数用例来自 个别子类型：完整版把字句占所有把字句用例的 87.9％；减短版被字 句占所有被字句用例的 86.8％；37.5％的让字句类型占所有让字句用 例的 84.2％。Lens 理论可以解释这些分布规律。本文结论是，汉语母 语者在自然会话中选用少数构式类型来表述绝大部分致使情景。该发 现进一步揭示了自然话语中语法构式的分布，这对语言教学和自然语 言处理具有直接参考价值。","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48577430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT:This article explores the compositionality of [dà NP de] construction in Chinese. The NP should be a direct time-denoting NPtime or an indirect time-denoting NPitime. Following Kayne (2016), we assume there is a silent TIME following de. Meanwhile, a less-discussed use of de—that is, the equational/appositional use of de (Chao 1968), has been revived to link the silent TIME and NPtime/NPitime. This analysis of de helps explain why the NP is preferably time-related, as it is easier for a time-denoting NP to establish an equational/appositional relation with the silent TIME. Dà 'big' is neither a size-denoting adjective, nor an evaluative morpheme. It is analyzed as an element like the restrictive adjective very (e.g., the very book) in English. Dà modifies the appositive conjunction phrase [NP de TIME], bringing emphasis to the construction, which in turn imposes certain semantic and pragmatic constraints on its subsequent clauses.摘要:本文主要探讨"大NP的"结构是如何通过组合的方式生成的。本文认为该结构中的"大"既非指涉尺寸大小的形容词，也非表示评价的语素，而是一个表示强调的限制形容词，其用法类似于英文the very book中的very。受Kayne(2016)的启发，我们假设该结构的"的"字之后有个没有语音实现形式的时间名词TIME。受Chao(1968)启发，我们认为该结构中的"的"是"的"的一种特殊用法，即"的"等同/同位用法，用来连接表示时间的NP和无声的TIME。"NP的TIME"是一个同位结构，受"大"修饰。由于"大"的强调作用(Lü 1999)，"大NP的"结构具有强调义，继而要求其后续子句在语义和语用上与之匹配，从而对后续子句产生一定的限制。
摘要:本文探讨了汉语“dondonnp de”结构的组合性。该NP应该是直接表示时间的NPtime或间接表示时间的NPitime。根据Kayne(2016)的观点，我们假设de之后有一个沉默的TIME。同时，de的一种较少讨论的用法，即de的等号/对位用法(Chao 1968)被重新使用，将沉默的TIME与NPtime/NPitime联系起来。这种对de的分析有助于解释为什么NP最好是与时间相关的，因为时间表示的NP更容易与沉默的时间建立相等/对应的关系。“big”既不是表示大小的形容词，也不是评价语素。它是作为一个元素来分析的，就像英语中的限制性形容词very(例如，这本书)一样。d修饰同位语短语[NP de TIME]，使其结构得到强调，从而对其后的子句施加一定的语义和语用限制。本文认为该结构中的“大”既非指涉尺寸大小的形容词,也非表示评价的语素,而是一个表示强调的限制形容词,其用法类似于英文的书中的很。受凯恩(2016)的启发,我们假设该结构的“的”字之后有个没有语音实现形式的时间名词。受超(1968)启发,我们认为该结构中的“的”是“的”的一种特殊用法,即“的”等同/同位用法,用来连接表示时间的NP和无声的时间。“时间”，“时间”，“时间”。由于“大”的强调作用陆(1999),“大NP的“结构具有强调义,继而要求其后续子句在语义和语用上与之匹配,从而对后续子句产生一定的限制。
{"title":"On the big silent appositive time in dà NP de construction in Chinese: A compositional approach","authors":"Changsong Wang","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0014","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:This article explores the compositionality of [dà NP de] construction in Chinese. The NP should be a direct time-denoting NPtime or an indirect time-denoting NPitime. Following Kayne (2016), we assume there is a silent TIME following de. Meanwhile, a less-discussed use of de—that is, the equational/appositional use of de (Chao 1968), has been revived to link the silent TIME and NPtime/NPitime. This analysis of de helps explain why the NP is preferably time-related, as it is easier for a time-denoting NP to establish an equational/appositional relation with the silent TIME. Dà 'big' is neither a size-denoting adjective, nor an evaluative morpheme. It is analyzed as an element like the restrictive adjective very (e.g., the very book) in English. Dà modifies the appositive conjunction phrase [NP de TIME], bringing emphasis to the construction, which in turn imposes certain semantic and pragmatic constraints on its subsequent clauses.摘要:本文主要探讨\"大NP的\"结构是如何通过组合的方式生成的。本文认为该结构中的\"大\"既非指涉尺寸大小的形容词，也非表示评价的语素，而是一个表示强调的限制形容词，其用法类似于英文the very book中的very。受Kayne(2016)的启发，我们假设该结构的\"的\"字之后有个没有语音实现形式的时间名词TIME。受Chao(1968)启发，我们认为该结构中的\"的\"是\"的\"的一种特殊用法，即\"的\"等同/同位用法，用来连接表示时间的NP和无声的TIME。\"NP的TIME\"是一个同位结构，受\"大\"修饰。由于\"大\"的强调作用(Lü 1999)，\"大NP的\"结构具有强调义，继而要求其后续子句在语义和语用上与之匹配，从而对后续子句产生一定的限制。","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46586506","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
摘要:本文以临夏话中指称唯一性事物名词以及不可数名词后加"们"等 非复数用法为切入点，重新分析了临夏话"们"的性质。"们"除了 可表复数，还可以表约量、尊敬、整体、强调等，这些功能与阿尔泰 语系突厥语族语言密切相关，是语言接触的结果。"们"不是单纯的 复数标记，也不是无语义的词缀或话题标记，其语义丛核心是表达 "大"义，本文将它处理成"大称"标记。大称标记与复数标记相关， 这一发现具有语言类型学的价值。ABSTRACT:After investigating the usages of -men in Linxia Dialect. It is found that -men in Linxia dialect is not only used to express plurality, but also approximation, respect, exaggeration and so on. These semantics are consistent with the uses of the plural marker in Altaic Turkic family. We believe that the special usages in Linxia dialect are the result of language contact. Different from previous scholars who think that -men is a plural marker, a meaningless affix or a topic marker, we argue that the core semantics of -men in Linxia dialect is to express "bigness". We regard it as an augmentative marker.
摘要:本文以临夏话中指称唯一性事物名词以及不可数名词后加"们"等 非复数用法为切入点，重新分析了临夏话"们"的性质。"们"除了 可表复数，还可以表约量、尊敬、整体、强调等，这些功能与阿尔泰 语系突厥语族语言密切相关，是语言接触的结果。"们"不是单纯的 复数标记，也不是无语义的词缀或话题标记，其语义丛核心是表达 "大"义，本文将它处理成"大称"标记。大称标记与复数标记相关， 这一发现具有语言类型学的价值。ABSTRACT:After investigating the usages of -men in Linxia Dialect. It is found that -men in Linxia dialect is not only used to express plurality, but also approximation, respect, exaggeration and so on. These semantics are consistent with the uses of the plural marker in Altaic Turkic family. We believe that the special usages in Linxia dialect are the result of language contact. Different from previous scholars who think that -men is a plural marker, a meaningless affix or a topic marker, we argue that the core semantics of -men in Linxia dialect is to express "bigness". We regard it as an augmentative marker.
{"title":"Beyond Plural Marker: A new Approach to the Nature of -Men们 in Linxia Dialect","authors":"Xing Liu, Chunfang Min","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0019","url":null,"abstract":"摘要:本文以临夏话中指称唯一性事物名词以及不可数名词后加\"们\"等 非复数用法为切入点，重新分析了临夏话\"们\"的性质。\"们\"除了 可表复数，还可以表约量、尊敬、整体、强调等，这些功能与阿尔泰 语系突厥语族语言密切相关，是语言接触的结果。\"们\"不是单纯的 复数标记，也不是无语义的词缀或话题标记，其语义丛核心是表达 \"大\"义，本文将它处理成\"大称\"标记。大称标记与复数标记相关， 这一发现具有语言类型学的价值。ABSTRACT:After investigating the usages of -men in Linxia Dialect. It is found that -men in Linxia dialect is not only used to express plurality, but also approximation, respect, exaggeration and so on. These semantics are consistent with the uses of the plural marker in Altaic Turkic family. We believe that the special usages in Linxia dialect are the result of language contact. Different from previous scholars who think that -men is a plural marker, a meaningless affix or a topic marker, we argue that the core semantics of -men in Linxia dialect is to express \"bigness\". We regard it as an augmentative marker.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45605843","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT:Syntactic properties of the negative marker mei6 in the preverbal and sentence-final positions in Cantonese are examined in this paper. It is argued that the preverbal mei6 is the head of NegP in the lexical layer while the sentence-final mei6 is a sentence-final particle of the temporal type in the head of TP that belongs to the inflectional layer, forming VP-Neg questions. A number of empirical facts, such as matching restrictions on the predicate, coexistence with the sentence-final particles of the temporal type, occurrence in embedded clauses, and distribution of the adverb zung6 'still', can be explained under the base-generation approach to the derivation of the VP-Neg questions.摘要:本文旨在讨论粤语谓语前和句末否定标记 "未" 的句法特点。谓语前 的"未"属于否定词短语的中心语，位处词汇层次；句末"未"属于 时间类句末助词，位于时间词短语的中心语，位处屈折层次，形成反 复问句。根据本文对反复问句基础生成的分析，跟"未"相关的谓语 匹配要求、与时间类句末助词共现问题、进入嵌套小句、副词"仲" 分布等语言事实，都可以得到合理的解释。
ABSTRACT:Syntactic properties of the negative marker mei6 in the preverbal and sentence-final positions in Cantonese are examined in this paper. It is argued that the preverbal mei6 is the head of NegP in the lexical layer while the sentence-final mei6 is a sentence-final particle of the temporal type in the head of TP that belongs to the inflectional layer, forming VP-Neg questions. A number of empirical facts, such as matching restrictions on the predicate, coexistence with the sentence-final particles of the temporal type, occurrence in embedded clauses, and distribution of the adverb zung6 'still', can be explained under the base-generation approach to the derivation of the VP-Neg questions.摘要:本文旨在讨论粤语谓语前和句末否定标记 "未" 的句法特点。谓语前 的"未"属于否定词短语的中心语，位处词汇层次；句末"未"属于 时间类句末助词，位于时间词短语的中心语，位处屈折层次，形成反 复问句。根据本文对反复问句基础生成的分析，跟"未"相关的谓语 匹配要求、与时间类句末助词共现问题、进入嵌套小句、副词"仲" 分布等语言事实，都可以得到合理的解释。
{"title":"On the syntax of the negative marker Mei6 in Cantonese","authors":"Sze-wing Tang","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0013","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:Syntactic properties of the negative marker mei6 in the preverbal and sentence-final positions in Cantonese are examined in this paper. It is argued that the preverbal mei6 is the head of NegP in the lexical layer while the sentence-final mei6 is a sentence-final particle of the temporal type in the head of TP that belongs to the inflectional layer, forming VP-Neg questions. A number of empirical facts, such as matching restrictions on the predicate, coexistence with the sentence-final particles of the temporal type, occurrence in embedded clauses, and distribution of the adverb zung6 'still', can be explained under the base-generation approach to the derivation of the VP-Neg questions.摘要:本文旨在讨论粤语谓语前和句末否定标记 \"未\" 的句法特点。谓语前 的\"未\"属于否定词短语的中心语，位处词汇层次；句末\"未\"属于 时间类句末助词，位于时间词短语的中心语，位处屈折层次，形成反 复问句。根据本文对反复问句基础生成的分析，跟\"未\"相关的谓语 匹配要求、与时间类句末助词共现问题、进入嵌套小句、副词\"仲\" 分布等语言事实，都可以得到合理的解释。","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41818268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT:As is well known, all relative clauses in Modern Chinese are marked with de. Compared with Modern Chinese, Archaic Chinese seems to have a richer encoding for relative clauses. It has three possible relative markers: zhe, zhi and suo. In this article, we will approach to Archaic Chinese relatives from the perspective of formal syntax. We will argue that zhe is a subject relative pronoun and suo a VP internal relative pronoun, and that zhe- and suo-relatives are derived from the A'-movement of the relevant relative pronoun to the peripheral position, creating an operator-variable relation at LF. Simultaneously, we will use Cecchetto and Donati's labeling theory to account for a peculiar phenomenon that the same relative pronoun can form both headless and headed relatives. We will further argue that the relative marker zhi, as English that, is an invariant relativizer occupying the C position, and that zhi-relatives involve null operator movement. That is to say, like English type of languages, Archaic Chinese actually involves two separate relativizing strategies: through a relative pronoun or a null operator. The article also contributes to the debate on the analysis of relatives: data from Archaic Chinese favors an Adjunction Analysis to the Raising Analysis (or Complementation Analysis) à la Kayne.摘要:众所周知，现代汉语中所有的关系从句均由"的"引导。相比之下， 上古汉语中关系从句的表现形式则更为丰富，共有"者""之""所" 三种关系化标记。本文将从形式句法的视角探讨上古汉语的上述三种 关系从句。我们认为"者"是主语关系代词，而"所"是VP内关系代 词，带"者"或"所"的关系从句是通过关系代词A'移动至边缘位置 而生成的，并借此在LF 层建立了算子–变量关系。同时，我们将采用 Cecchetto 和Donati 的加标理论来解释上古汉语中同一个关系代词既可 构成无核关系从句，又可构成有核关系从句这一奇特的语法现象。至 于关系化标记"之"，我们认为它与英语中的that 相似，是标句词C， 而"之"引导的关系从句则是通过空算子移位生成的。也就是说，上 古汉语和英语类语言一样，都具有两种独立的关系化策略，即要么通 过关系代词实现关系化，要么通过空算子实现关系化。另外，此文还 将对目前学界关于关系从句分析方法的争论起到一定的参考作用：上 古汉语的语料证明了嫁接分析法要优于Kayne 的提升(或称补语)分析 法。
ABSTRACT: As is well known, all relevant clauses in Modern Chinese are marketed with de. Compared with Modern Chinese, Archaic Chinese seams to have a rich encoding for relevant clauses It has three possible relative markers: zhe, zhi and suo In this article, we will approach Archaic Chinese relationships from the perspective of formal syntax We will argue that this is a subject related promotion and so is a VP internal related promotion, and that this - and so related are derived from the A '- move of the relevant related promotion to the peripheral position, creating an operator variable relationship at LF Simultaneously, we will use Cecchetto and Donati's labeling theory to account for a pesticide that the same relative pronoun can form both headless and headed relationships We will further argue that the relative marker zhi, as English that, is an invariant relativizer occupying the C position, and that zhi relationships involve null operator movement That is to say, like English type of languages, Archaic Chinese actually involves two separate related strategies: through a related pronoun or a null operator The article also contributions to the abate on the analysis of relationships: data from Archaic Chinese fans an Adjustment Analysis to the Raising Analysis (or Complexation Analysis) à la Kayne. Abstract: As is well known, all relational subordinate sentences in modern Chinese are guided by 'de'. In contrast, the expression forms of relative clauses in ancient Chinese were more diverse, with three types of relational markers: "zhe", "zhi", and "suo". This article will explore the three types of relative clauses in ancient Chinese from the perspective of formal syntax. We believe that "zhe" is a subject relative pronoun, while "suo" is a VP internal relative pronoun. Relative clauses with "zhe" or "suo" are generated by moving the relative pronoun A 'to the edge position, and thus establish an operator variable relationship at the LF layer. At the same time, we will use the labeling theory of Cecchetto and Donati to explain the unique grammatical phenomenon in ancient Chinese where the same relative pronoun can form both coreless and cored clauses. As for the relational marker "zhi", we believe that it is similar to the English word "that" and is the predicate "C", while the relative clauses guided by "zhi" are generated through the shift of null operators. That is to say, both ancient Chinese and English languages have two independent strategies for relationalization, namely, either through relative pronouns or through empty operators. In addition, this article will also serve as a reference for the current debate in the academic community on the analysis method of relative clauses: the corpus of ancient Chinese has proven that grafting analysis method is superior to Kayne's enhancement (or complement) analysis method.
{"title":"Relative clauses in Archaic Chinese","authors":"Chen Zhao, Futong Zhang","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0015","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:As is well known, all relative clauses in Modern Chinese are marked with de. Compared with Modern Chinese, Archaic Chinese seems to have a richer encoding for relative clauses. It has three possible relative markers: zhe, zhi and suo. In this article, we will approach to Archaic Chinese relatives from the perspective of formal syntax. We will argue that zhe is a subject relative pronoun and suo a VP internal relative pronoun, and that zhe- and suo-relatives are derived from the A'-movement of the relevant relative pronoun to the peripheral position, creating an operator-variable relation at LF. Simultaneously, we will use Cecchetto and Donati's labeling theory to account for a peculiar phenomenon that the same relative pronoun can form both headless and headed relatives. We will further argue that the relative marker zhi, as English that, is an invariant relativizer occupying the C position, and that zhi-relatives involve null operator movement. That is to say, like English type of languages, Archaic Chinese actually involves two separate relativizing strategies: through a relative pronoun or a null operator. The article also contributes to the debate on the analysis of relatives: data from Archaic Chinese favors an Adjunction Analysis to the Raising Analysis (or Complementation Analysis) à la Kayne.摘要:众所周知，现代汉语中所有的关系从句均由\"的\"引导。相比之下， 上古汉语中关系从句的表现形式则更为丰富，共有\"者\"\"之\"\"所\" 三种关系化标记。本文将从形式句法的视角探讨上古汉语的上述三种 关系从句。我们认为\"者\"是主语关系代词，而\"所\"是VP内关系代 词，带\"者\"或\"所\"的关系从句是通过关系代词A'移动至边缘位置 而生成的，并借此在LF 层建立了算子–变量关系。同时，我们将采用 Cecchetto 和Donati 的加标理论来解释上古汉语中同一个关系代词既可 构成无核关系从句，又可构成有核关系从句这一奇特的语法现象。至 于关系化标记\"之\"，我们认为它与英语中的that 相似，是标句词C， 而\"之\"引导的关系从句则是通过空算子移位生成的。也就是说，上 古汉语和英语类语言一样，都具有两种独立的关系化策略，即要么通 过关系代词实现关系化，要么通过空算子实现关系化。另外，此文还 将对目前学界关于关系从句分析方法的争论起到一定的参考作用：上 古汉语的语料证明了嫁接分析法要优于Kayne 的提升(或称补语)分析 法。","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46808926","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper argues that tso in Changde dialect is a sentence final particle and its use may trigger an implied clause. It is observed that tso is only allowed in a suggestive imperative, restricted to co-occurring with the adverb ɕian55 先 'first'. Besides, xa 下 or ta 哒 alternately appears in a tso-suffixed sentence. A comparison of tso in Changde dialecct to zhe in Mandarin on the one hand and to tşe55 in Longhui dialect on the other hand shows that tso has similarities to and differences from both. While zhe is an aspectual particle, it may also trigger an implicit meaning in [V+zhe] construction. Although both of tso and tşe55 can be used as sentence final particles to introduce a sequential event implicitly, the use of tso is more constrained than tşe55.
{"title":"Triggering an implied clause: Insights from tso in Changde dialect","authors":"Qing Tang, Liu Han, J. Han","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0018","url":null,"abstract":"<p>ABSTRACT:</p><p>This paper argues that <i>tso</i> in Changde dialect is a sentence final particle and its use may trigger an implied clause. It is observed that <i>tso</i> is only allowed in a suggestive imperative, restricted to co-occurring with the adverb <i>ɕian</i><i>55</i> 先 'first'. Besides, <i>xa</i> 下 or <i>ta</i> 哒 alternately appears in a <i>tso</i>-suffixed sentence. A comparison of <i>tso</i> in Changde dialecct to <i>zhe</i> in Mandarin on the one hand and to <i>tşe</i><i>55</i> in Longhui dialect on the other hand shows that <i>tso</i> has similarities to and differences from both. While <i>zhe</i> is an aspectual particle, it may also trigger an implicit meaning in [V+<i>zhe</i>] construction. Although both of <i>tso</i> and <i>tşe</i><i>55</i> can be used as sentence final particles to introduce a sequential event implicitly, the use of <i>tso</i> is more constrained than <i>tşe</i><i>55</i>.</p>","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41443563","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT:Families immigrating to English-speaking countries, such as Chinese families in the USA, typically undergo language shift to English within three generations. In principle, however, language shift can be reversed, as documented in the case of certain endangered languages. In a case study of a three-generation Chinese American family, we show how heritage language attrition and inter-generational language shift can be reversed. The birth of a third generation motivates the second-generation parents to resume speaking and acquiring Chinese. Awareness of the advantages of bilingualism and recognition of a Chinese American identity lead the second-generation parents to transmit Chinese language and culture to the third generation.摘要:移民至英语国家的家庭，比如在美华裔家庭，通常会在三代人的时间 内就不再传承母语，转而使用英语。然而这种趋势并非不可逆转，如 某些濒危语言研究所示。本文通过一个在美华裔家庭三代人的案例研 究，阐述如何扭转继承语磨蚀的趋势和第二、第三代的语言转向。第 三代的出生促使第二代重拾母语，增加母语的使用，继而提升其母语 能力。同时，第二代对拥有双语能力优势的体认以及他们对华裔身分 的认同，也更进一步促使汉语语言文化代代相传。
ABSTRACT: Families immigrating to English speaking countries, such as Chinese families in the USA, typically under language shift to English within three generations In principle, how, language shift can be reversed, as documented in the case of received languages In a case study of a three generation Chinese American family, we show how inheritance language attrition and inter generative language shift can be reversed The birth of a third generation motivates the second generation parents to resume speaking and acquiring Chinese Awareness of the advantages of bilingualism and recognition of a Chinese American identity leading the second generation parents to transmit Chinese language and culture to the third generation. However, this trend is not irreversible, as shown by some endangered language studies. This article elaborates on how to reverse the trend of inheritance language erosion and the language shift of the second and third generations through a case study of three generations of Chinese American families. The birth of the third generation prompts the second generation to regain their mother tongue, increase their use of mother tongue, and thus enhance their mother tongue abilities. At the same time, the second generation's recognition of bilingualism and their recognition of Chinese identity further promotes the transmission of Chinese language and culture from generation to generation.
{"title":"Turning the tide: Reversing heritage language attrition and shift in a Chinese American family","authors":"Y. Li, S. Matthews","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0012","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:Families immigrating to English-speaking countries, such as Chinese families in the USA, typically undergo language shift to English within three generations. In principle, however, language shift can be reversed, as documented in the case of certain endangered languages. In a case study of a three-generation Chinese American family, we show how heritage language attrition and inter-generational language shift can be reversed. The birth of a third generation motivates the second-generation parents to resume speaking and acquiring Chinese. Awareness of the advantages of bilingualism and recognition of a Chinese American identity lead the second-generation parents to transmit Chinese language and culture to the third generation.摘要:移民至英语国家的家庭，比如在美华裔家庭，通常会在三代人的时间 内就不再传承母语，转而使用英语。然而这种趋势并非不可逆转，如 某些濒危语言研究所示。本文通过一个在美华裔家庭三代人的案例研 究，阐述如何扭转继承语磨蚀的趋势和第二、第三代的语言转向。第 三代的出生促使第二代重拾母语，增加母语的使用，继而提升其母语 能力。同时，第二代对拥有双语能力优势的体认以及他们对华裔身分 的认同，也更进一步促使汉语语言文化代代相传。","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47069457","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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