Pub Date : 2023-07-26DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2023.a902796
Chaofen Sun
ABSTRACT:This paper focuses on declarative sentences to demonstrate how four major concepts: changeability, actuality, durationality and telicity, work together in shaping Chinese finite clauses. In the Chinese lexicon there are changeable and unchangeable verbs distinguished by the latter's inability to co-occur with aspect particles in a finite clause. The changeable declaratives are further divided into two kinds: durational and nondurational, as the latter cannot occur alone without either the perfective le1 in realis, or a modal auxiliary. Moreover, the durational declaratives can occur in either irrealis modality negated by bù or realis modality negated by měi(yǒu). The declarative sentences for durational events are linguistically distinct in terms of telicity: the progressive zài and imperfective zhe are atelic, and the perfective le1 and experiential guo are telic. Just like other world languages as was noted by Givón (1995, 2001), Chinese finiteness is also characteristically gradient, with the least finite forms functioning like a noun and the most finite forms functioning as a declarative sentence with an obligatory aspect particle.摘要:汉语定式句为陈述句，有四个特征：可变、实现、持续和终结。作为 陈述句，可变类受词汇限制，不可变动词可直接完句，但不可带体 词。可变类分持续和不可持续两类。不可持续的动词无情态助词或完 成体标记时不能单独完句。持续类又可分为现实和非现实两类，非现 实类否定用"不"，现实类否定用"没(有)"。现实类的标志为四个 体标记：非终结性的进行体"在"和非完成体"着"以及终结性的经 验体"过"和完成体"了1"。根据Givón (1995, 2001)的理论，具有上 述特征的汉语定式系统是一个连续统，一端为作名词用的不定式通用 动词，中间为非现实定式陈述句，另一端为动词带有体标记的定式 陈述句。
{"title":"Chinese finiteness: Changeability, actuality, durationality and telicity","authors":"Chaofen Sun","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2023.a902796","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2023.a902796","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:This paper focuses on declarative sentences to demonstrate how four major concepts: changeability, actuality, durationality and telicity, work together in shaping Chinese finite clauses. In the Chinese lexicon there are changeable and unchangeable verbs distinguished by the latter's inability to co-occur with aspect particles in a finite clause. The changeable declaratives are further divided into two kinds: durational and nondurational, as the latter cannot occur alone without either the perfective le1 in realis, or a modal auxiliary. Moreover, the durational declaratives can occur in either irrealis modality negated by bù or realis modality negated by měi(yǒu). The declarative sentences for durational events are linguistically distinct in terms of telicity: the progressive zài and imperfective zhe are atelic, and the perfective le1 and experiential guo are telic. Just like other world languages as was noted by Givón (1995, 2001), Chinese finiteness is also characteristically gradient, with the least finite forms functioning like a noun and the most finite forms functioning as a declarative sentence with an obligatory aspect particle.摘要:汉语定式句为陈述句，有四个特征：可变、实现、持续和终结。作为 陈述句，可变类受词汇限制，不可变动词可直接完句，但不可带体 词。可变类分持续和不可持续两类。不可持续的动词无情态助词或完 成体标记时不能单独完句。持续类又可分为现实和非现实两类，非现 实类否定用\"不\"，现实类否定用\"没(有)\"。现实类的标志为四个 体标记：非终结性的进行体\"在\"和非完成体\"着\"以及终结性的经 验体\"过\"和完成体\"了1\"。根据Givón (1995, 2001)的理论，具有上 述特征的汉语定式系统是一个连续统，一端为作名词用的不定式通用 动词，中间为非现实定式陈述句，另一端为动词带有体标记的定式 陈述句。","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"51 1","pages":"435 - 466"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47632915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-26DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2023.a902794
Hsin-I Hsieh
ABSTRACT:As Chinese linguistics encounters a more developed general linguistics, two opposite reactions emerged. One is to learn and imitate, while the other is to learn and innovate. As a visionary, William S-Y. Wang (1999) innovates. He rejected purely formal theories such as the Generative Grammar and envisioned an Indigenous Chinese Grammar (ICG) that takes culture into consideration. Echoing Wang's seminal vision, we offer a possible ICG. We focus on the perplexing pair of cai2 才 ('necessary') and jiu4 就 ('sufficient'). Both cai2 and jiu4 have divergent meanings that may be closely related, well related, remotely related, or even dubiously related. (See for example, you3qian2 cai2 jia4 ta1 'Marry him only if he is rich', ta1 cai2 lai2 'He has just come', wo3 cai2 you3qian2 'I am the one that has money', wo3 cai2 bu2 pao4 ne0 'I contrary to anybody's expectation am not afraid'.) Traditional formal theories seem unable to explain this wide range of divergence. But an Emergent Grammar (EG) can. Given a composition, EG enables its two elements to 'interact' into a largely unpredictable result. Free interactions in a specific context produce flexible results, making the derived meanings often unpredictable, as one would expect from a Complex system as opposed to a Complicated system. Realized as a complex-systematic approach to Chinese grammar, Wang's brilliant insight of ICG could well inspire and help launch a fresh advancement path in Chinese linguistics.摘要:当中国语言学面临比较先进的一般语言学挑战时，两个对立的反应出 现了。一个是学习与模仿，而另一个是学习与创新。作为一个有远见 的学者，王士元决定要创新。他拒绝了纯粹形式理论，例如生成语法， 而想象一个本土中文语法，能忠实展现底层中国文化特色。响应王的 创新视野，我们提出涌现语法理论，勾画一个可能的本土中文语法。 我们聚焦于令人困惑的"才"与"就"一对词。"才"与"就"都有 广泛的不同的意义。这些意义可能具有密切的，相当的，远程的，甚 或可疑的相互关联。例如，"有钱才嫁他啊""他才来""我才有钱" "我才不怕呢"。传统的形式理论看来无法解释这种广泛的分歧。但 是涌现语法能做到。针对一个复杂表达式，涌现语法使其中的两个成 分进行"互动"，来产生一个基本上不可预测的结果。具体语境中的 自由互动产生灵活的结果，导致派生的词义经常无法预测。 这就如新 的 复 合 系 统 (Complex System) 有 别 于 旧 的 复 杂 系 统 (Complicated System)所期望的一样。一旦实现为一个复合系统路径之后，王有关 本土中文语的真知灼见，很可能激发而促成一个前所未有的中国语言 学前进的新方向。
{"title":"The idea of an indigenous Chinese grammar","authors":"Hsin-I Hsieh","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2023.a902794","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2023.a902794","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:As Chinese linguistics encounters a more developed general linguistics, two opposite reactions emerged. One is to learn and imitate, while the other is to learn and innovate. As a visionary, William S-Y. Wang (1999) innovates. He rejected purely formal theories such as the Generative Grammar and envisioned an Indigenous Chinese Grammar (ICG) that takes culture into consideration. Echoing Wang's seminal vision, we offer a possible ICG. We focus on the perplexing pair of cai2 才 ('necessary') and jiu4 就 ('sufficient'). Both cai2 and jiu4 have divergent meanings that may be closely related, well related, remotely related, or even dubiously related. (See for example, you3qian2 cai2 jia4 ta1 'Marry him only if he is rich', ta1 cai2 lai2 'He has just come', wo3 cai2 you3qian2 'I am the one that has money', wo3 cai2 bu2 pao4 ne0 'I contrary to anybody's expectation am not afraid'.) Traditional formal theories seem unable to explain this wide range of divergence. But an Emergent Grammar (EG) can. Given a composition, EG enables its two elements to 'interact' into a largely unpredictable result. Free interactions in a specific context produce flexible results, making the derived meanings often unpredictable, as one would expect from a Complex system as opposed to a Complicated system. Realized as a complex-systematic approach to Chinese grammar, Wang's brilliant insight of ICG could well inspire and help launch a fresh advancement path in Chinese linguistics.摘要:当中国语言学面临比较先进的一般语言学挑战时，两个对立的反应出 现了。一个是学习与模仿，而另一个是学习与创新。作为一个有远见 的学者，王士元决定要创新。他拒绝了纯粹形式理论，例如生成语法， 而想象一个本土中文语法，能忠实展现底层中国文化特色。响应王的 创新视野，我们提出涌现语法理论，勾画一个可能的本土中文语法。 我们聚焦于令人困惑的\"才\"与\"就\"一对词。\"才\"与\"就\"都有 广泛的不同的意义。这些意义可能具有密切的，相当的，远程的，甚 或可疑的相互关联。例如，\"有钱才嫁他啊\"\"他才来\"\"我才有钱\" \"我才不怕呢\"。传统的形式理论看来无法解释这种广泛的分歧。但 是涌现语法能做到。针对一个复杂表达式，涌现语法使其中的两个成 分进行\"互动\"，来产生一个基本上不可预测的结果。具体语境中的 自由互动产生灵活的结果，导致派生的词义经常无法预测。 这就如新 的 复 合 系 统 (Complex System) 有 别 于 旧 的 复 杂 系 统 (Complicated System)所期望的一样。一旦实现为一个复合系统路径之后，王有关 本土中文语的真知灼见，很可能激发而促成一个前所未有的中国语言 学前进的新方向。","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"51 1","pages":"377 - 396"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42484599","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-26DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2023.a902797
Wei-tien Dylan Tsai
ABSTRACT:Chinese wh-conditionals hold a very special status in linguistic typology. Cheng and Huang (1996) argues that the construction can be properly analyzed by treating a pair of identical wh-expressions as syntactic variables unselectively bound by an implicit necessity operator. Over the years, this line of thinking has been challenged by various proposals based on the comparison with indefinites, correlatives, E-type pronouns and questions. This Insight article argues for the unselective binding approach to this particular type of donkey sentences by alluding to quantificational reflexive doubling. Our findings not only lend support to the idea that an operator-variable pair is built on a sentential scale in Chinese, but also call for a fine-grained syntax and semantics of the typological correlations between reflexives and wh-in-situ.摘要:汉语的疑问词条件句在语言类型学中有其特殊的地位：Cheng & Huang (1996) 认为，将一对相同的疑问词分析为句法变量，并藉由隐性必要 算子进行无择约束，即可正确分析这类结构。基于无定名词组、对接 关系句、E 型代词和疑问结构的比较，多年来此一思路受到了来自各 方的挑战。本文鉴于量化性反身重复的平行用法，指出无择约束仍是 这类特殊驴子句的最佳分析。此一发现不仅支持汉语以语句规模来建 构「算子─变项」配对的观点，更敦促学界对反身词和在位疑问词的 类型关联进行更为细致的句法和语义研究。
ABSTRACT: Chinese wh conditions hold a very special status in linguistic typology Cheng and Huang (1996) argue that the construction can be properly analyzed by treating a pair of identical wh expressions as syntactic variables unselectively bound by an implicit necessity operator Over the years, this line of thinking has been challenged by various proposals based on the comparison with definitions, correlations, E-type pronouns and questions This Insight article arguments for the unselective binding approach to this specific type of donkey sentiments by allowing to quantify reflex doubling Our findings not only lend support to the idea that an operator variable pair is built on a essential scale in Chinese, but also calls for a fine-grained syntax and semantics of the typological correlations between reflexes and wh-in-situ, And by using implicit necessary operators for non selective constraints, such structures can be correctly analyzed. Over the years, this approach has been challenged by various parties based on the comparison of indefinite noun groups, connected relative sentences, E-type pronouns, and interrogative structures. Given the parallel usage of quantitative reflexive repetition, this article points out that non selective constraints are still the best analysis for this type of special donkey sentence. This discovery not only supports the view that Chinese constructs "operator variable" pairs based on sentence size, but also urges the academic community to conduct more detailed syntactic and semantic research on the type associations between reflexives and in place interrogative words.
{"title":"Wh & self: On correlating wh-conditionals and reflexive doubling","authors":"Wei-tien Dylan Tsai","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2023.a902797","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2023.a902797","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:Chinese wh-conditionals hold a very special status in linguistic typology. Cheng and Huang (1996) argues that the construction can be properly analyzed by treating a pair of identical wh-expressions as syntactic variables unselectively bound by an implicit necessity operator. Over the years, this line of thinking has been challenged by various proposals based on the comparison with indefinites, correlatives, E-type pronouns and questions. This Insight article argues for the unselective binding approach to this particular type of donkey sentences by alluding to quantificational reflexive doubling. Our findings not only lend support to the idea that an operator-variable pair is built on a sentential scale in Chinese, but also call for a fine-grained syntax and semantics of the typological correlations between reflexives and wh-in-situ.摘要:汉语的疑问词条件句在语言类型学中有其特殊的地位：Cheng & Huang (1996) 认为，将一对相同的疑问词分析为句法变量，并藉由隐性必要 算子进行无择约束，即可正确分析这类结构。基于无定名词组、对接 关系句、E 型代词和疑问结构的比较，多年来此一思路受到了来自各 方的挑战。本文鉴于量化性反身重复的平行用法，指出无择约束仍是 这类特殊驴子句的最佳分析。此一发现不仅支持汉语以语句规模来建 构「算子─变项」配对的观点，更敦促学界对反身词和在位疑问词的 类型关联进行更为细致的句法和语义研究。","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"51 1","pages":"467 - 482"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42829132","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2023.a902789
Wilhelm Wang
{"title":"A half-century of JCL","authors":"Wilhelm Wang","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2023.a902789","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2023.a902789","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"51 1","pages":"iii - v"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43727683","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2023.a902790
Shengli Feng, Jie Xu, Virginia Yip
{"title":"JCL, 50 years on","authors":"Shengli Feng, Jie Xu, Virginia Yip","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2023.a902790","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2023.a902790","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"51 1","pages":"vi - x"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47358800","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In his earlier Proto-Mǐn reconstructed phonological system the late Professor Jerry Norman posited three guttural fricative initials, i.e., *x-, *h-, and *-h-. In early unpublished manuscripts dealing with this system, *x- was classed as velar, while *h- and *-h- were described as laryngeals. Initial *x- was characterized as voiceless and *h- and *-h- as voiced. In Norman (1974), however, *h- was transcribed as phonetic [ɣ], a voiced velar (rather than laryngeal) fricative, while *-h- was interpreted as [ɦ], a voiced laryngeal. In his much more recent Common Mǐn system, as represented in certain of his final dialectological publications and posthumous papers, Norman posited one voiceless velar fricative, *x-, and two laryngeals, *h-, and *ɦ-, the former voiceless and the latter voiced. Additionally, he reconstructed a rounded semivowel, Common Mǐn *w-, which had not been explicitly mentioned in his published presentations of Proto-Mǐn but was posited without comment in manuscript materials in a single word, i.e., huáng 黃 “yellow”. In the Common Mǐn system, on the other hand, this *w- plays a more prominent role and is also associated with the guttural fricatives in certain ways. The purpose of the present paper is to exemplify and compare Norman’s new Common Mǐn *x-, *h-, *ɦ-, and *w-.
{"title":"GUTTURAL FRICATIVES AND INITIAL *w- IN COMMON MǏN","authors":"W. S. Coblin","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0134","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0134","url":null,"abstract":"In his earlier Proto-Mǐn reconstructed phonological system the late Professor Jerry Norman posited three guttural fricative initials, i.e., *x-, *h-, and *-h-. In early unpublished manuscripts dealing with this system, *x- was classed as velar, while *h- and *-h- were described as laryngeals. Initial *x- was characterized as voiceless and *h- and *-h- as voiced. In Norman (1974), however, *h- was transcribed as phonetic [ɣ], a voiced velar (rather than laryngeal) fricative, while *-h- was interpreted as [ɦ], a voiced laryngeal. In his much more recent Common Mǐn system, as represented in certain of his final dialectological publications and posthumous papers, Norman posited one voiceless velar fricative, *x-, and two laryngeals, *h-, and *ɦ-, the former voiceless and the latter voiced. Additionally, he reconstructed a rounded semivowel, Common Mǐn *w-, which had not been explicitly mentioned in his published presentations of Proto-Mǐn but was posited without comment in manuscript materials in a single word, i.e., huáng 黃 “yellow”. In the Common Mǐn system, on the other hand, this *w- plays a more prominent role and is also associated with the guttural fricatives in certain ways. The purpose of the present paper is to exemplify and compare Norman’s new Common Mǐn *x-, *h-, *ɦ-, and *w-.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47055305","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Chinese wh-conditionals hold a very special status in linguistic typology. Cheng and Huang (1996) argues that the construction can be properly analyzed by treating a pair of identical wh-expressions as syntactic variables unselectively bound by an implicit necessity operator. Over the years, this line of thinking has been challenged by various proposals based on the comparison with indefinites, correlatives, E-type pronouns and questions. This Insight article argues for the unselective binding approach to this particular type of donkey sentences by alluding to quantificational reflexive doubling. Our findings not only lend support to the idea that an operator-variable pair is built on a sentential scale in Chinese, but also call for a fine-grained syntax and semantics of the typological correlations between reflexives and wh-in-situ.
{"title":"WH & SELF: ON CORRELATING WH-CONDITIONALS AND REFLEXIVE DOUBLING","authors":"Wei-tien Dylan Tsai","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0135","url":null,"abstract":"Chinese wh-conditionals hold a very special status in linguistic typology. Cheng and Huang (1996) argues that the construction can be properly analyzed by treating a pair of identical wh-expressions as syntactic variables unselectively bound by an implicit necessity operator. Over the years, this line of thinking has been challenged by various proposals based on the comparison with indefinites, correlatives, E-type pronouns and questions. This Insight article argues for the unselective binding approach to this particular type of donkey sentences by alluding to quantificational reflexive doubling. Our findings not only lend support to the idea that an operator-variable pair is built on a sentential scale in Chinese, but also call for a fine-grained syntax and semantics of the typological correlations between reflexives and wh-in-situ.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43861554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article shows that the Qieyun rhymes are not necessarily different VC units (VC = vowel and ending), as initially defined by Karlgren in his work Études sur la phonologie chinoise (1915–1926). Karlgren’s mistake creates a serious problem in the reconstruction of the vowel system of Middle Chinese. In the proposed reconstructions so far, excessive vocalic distinctions are required. This problem is well acknowledged but no explanations and solutions have been convincingly provided. Based on the information from the poetry rhyming before and at the same time of the Qieyun, our analyses of the Qieyun rhymes with the -ŋ ending indicate that 1) not all the Qieyun rhymes are different VCs, and 2) some Qieyun rhymes are the preservation of historical categories. With the new understanding of the nature of the Qieyun rhymes, the required main vowels of Middle Chinese can be significantly reduced. The twelve Qieyun rhymes with -ŋ require only six main vowels. The observation that not all the Qieyun rhymes are different VCs can be supported by the recent distribution analyses of the Qieyun rhymes. A fundamental viewpoint of this article is that in the study of the phonological history of Chinese, what should be reconstructed is the phonological system of Middle Chinese instead of the so-called “Qieyun system”. Because the phonological categories contained in the Qieyun are neither synchronically systematic nor phonologically consistent, the Qieyun does not represent a single phonological system of any historical period in the phonological history of Chinese.
本文表明，清韵韵并不一定是不同的VC单位(VC =元音和词尾)，这是由Karlgren在他的著作Études sur la phonologie chinoise(1915-1926)中最初定义的。Karlgren的错误给中古汉语元音系统的重建带来了严重的问题。在目前提出的重建中，需要过多的语音区分。这个问题是公认的，但没有令人信服的解释和解决方案。通过对齐韵之前和同一时期的诗韵资料的分析，我们发现，并非所有的齐韵韵都是不同的韵母，有些齐韵韵是历史范畴的保留。随着对切韵韵性质的新认识，中古汉语所需的主元音可以大大减少。12个带-音的切韵韵只需要6个主元音。并不是所有的切韵韵都是不同的vc，这一观察可以通过最近的切韵韵分布分析得到支持。本文的一个基本观点是，在汉语音韵史研究中，应该重构的是中古汉语的音系，而不是所谓的“谐韵系”。由于《齐韵》所包含的音系范畴既不具有共时系统，也不具有音系一致性，因此《齐韵》并不代表汉语音系史上任何一个历史时期的单一音系。
{"title":"UNDERSTANDING THE QIEYUN RHYMES","authors":"Zhongwei Shen","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0139","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0139","url":null,"abstract":"This article shows that the Qieyun rhymes are not necessarily different VC units (VC = vowel and ending), as initially defined by Karlgren in his work Études sur la phonologie chinoise (1915–1926). Karlgren’s mistake creates a serious problem in the reconstruction of the vowel system of Middle Chinese. In the proposed reconstructions so far, excessive vocalic distinctions are required. This problem is well acknowledged but no explanations and solutions have been convincingly provided. Based on the information from the poetry rhyming before and at the same time of the Qieyun, our analyses of the Qieyun rhymes with the -ŋ ending indicate that 1) not all the Qieyun rhymes are different VCs, and 2) some Qieyun rhymes are the preservation of historical categories. With the new understanding of the nature of the Qieyun rhymes, the required main vowels of Middle Chinese can be significantly reduced. The twelve Qieyun rhymes with -ŋ require only six main vowels. The observation that not all the Qieyun rhymes are different VCs can be supported by the recent distribution analyses of the Qieyun rhymes. A fundamental viewpoint of this article is that in the study of the phonological history of Chinese, what should be reconstructed is the phonological system of Middle Chinese instead of the so-called “Qieyun system”. Because the phonological categories contained in the Qieyun are neither synchronically systematic nor phonologically consistent, the Qieyun does not represent a single phonological system of any historical period in the phonological history of Chinese.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43626000","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper focuses on declarative sentences to demonstrate how four major concepts: changeability, actuality, durationality and telicity, work together in shaping Chinese finite clauses. In the Chinese lexicon there are changeable and unchangeable verbs distinguished by the latter’s inability to co-occur with aspect particles in a finite clause. The changeable declaratives are further divided into two kinds: durational and nondurational, as the latter cannot occur alone without either the perfective le1 in realis, or a modal auxiliary. Moreover, the durational declaratives can occur in either irrealis modality negated by bù or realis modality negated by měi(yǒu). The declarative sentences for durational events are linguistically distinct in terms of telicity: the progressive zài and imperfective zhe are atelic, and the perfective le1 and experiential guo are telic. Just like other world languages as was noted by Givón (1995, 2001), Chinese finiteness is also characteristically gradient, with the least finite forms functioning like a noun and the most finite forms functioning as a declarative sentence with an obligatory aspect particle.
{"title":"CHINESE FINITENESS: CHANGEABILITY, ACTUALITY, DURATIONALITY AND TELICITY","authors":"Chaofen Sun","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0140","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0140","url":null,"abstract":"This paper focuses on declarative sentences to demonstrate how four major concepts: changeability, actuality, durationality and telicity, work together in shaping Chinese finite clauses. In the Chinese lexicon there are changeable and unchangeable verbs distinguished by the latter’s inability to co-occur with aspect particles in a finite clause. The changeable declaratives are further divided into two kinds: durational and nondurational, as the latter cannot occur alone without either the perfective le1 in realis, or a modal auxiliary. Moreover, the durational declaratives can occur in either irrealis modality negated by bù or realis modality negated by měi(yǒu). The declarative sentences for durational events are linguistically distinct in terms of telicity: the progressive zài and imperfective zhe are atelic, and the perfective le1 and experiential guo are telic. Just like other world languages as was noted by Givón (1995, 2001), Chinese finiteness is also characteristically gradient, with the least finite forms functioning like a noun and the most finite forms functioning as a declarative sentence with an obligatory aspect particle.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47792988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As Chinese linguistics encounters a more developed general linguistics, two opposite reactions emerged. One is to learn and imitate, while the other is to learn and innovate. As a visionary, William S-Y. Wang (1999) innovates. He rejected purely formal theories such as the Generative Grammar and envisioned an Indigenous Chinese Grammar (ICG) that takes culture into consideration. Echoing Wang’s seminal vision, we offer a possible ICG. We focus on the perplexing pair of cai2 才 (‘necessary’) and jiu4 就 (‘sufficient’). Both cai2 and jiu4 have divergent meanings that may be closely related, well related, remotely related, or even dubiously related. (See for example, you3qian2 cai2 jia4 ta1 ‘Marry him only if he is rich’, ta1 cai2 lai2 ‘He has just come’, wo3 cai2 you3qian2 ‘I am the one that has money’, wo3 cai2 bu2 pao4 ne0 ‘I contrary to anybody’s expectation am not afraid’.) Traditional formal theories seem unable to explain this wide range of divergence. But an Emergent Grammar (EG) can. Given a composition, EG enables its two elements to ‘interact’ into a largely unpredictable result. Free interactions in a specific context produce flexible results, making the derived meanings often unpredictable, as one would expect from a Complex system as opposed to a Complicated system. Realized as a complex-systematic approach to Chinese grammar, Wang’s brilliant insight of ICG could well inspire and help launch a fresh advancement path in Chinese linguistics.
{"title":"THE IDEA OF AN INDIGENOUS CHINESE GRAMMAR","authors":"Hsin-I Hsieh","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0138","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0138","url":null,"abstract":"As Chinese linguistics encounters a more developed general linguistics, two opposite reactions emerged. One is to learn and imitate, while the other is to learn and innovate. As a visionary, William S-Y. Wang (1999) innovates. He rejected purely formal theories such as the Generative Grammar and envisioned an Indigenous Chinese Grammar (ICG) that takes culture into consideration. Echoing Wang’s seminal vision, we offer a possible ICG. We focus on the perplexing pair of cai2 才 (‘necessary’) and jiu4 就 (‘sufficient’). Both cai2 and jiu4 have divergent meanings that may be closely related, well related, remotely related, or even dubiously related. (See for example, you3qian2 cai2 jia4 ta1 ‘Marry him only if he is rich’, ta1 cai2 lai2 ‘He has just come’, wo3 cai2 you3qian2 ‘I am the one that has money’, wo3 cai2 bu2 pao4 ne0 ‘I contrary to anybody’s expectation am not afraid’.) Traditional formal theories seem unable to explain this wide range of divergence. But an Emergent Grammar (EG) can. Given a composition, EG enables its two elements to ‘interact’ into a largely unpredictable result. Free interactions in a specific context produce flexible results, making the derived meanings often unpredictable, as one would expect from a Complex system as opposed to a Complicated system. Realized as a complex-systematic approach to Chinese grammar, Wang’s brilliant insight of ICG could well inspire and help launch a fresh advancement path in Chinese linguistics.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47153247","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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