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TRACING VARIATION IN OLD CHINESE: WHAT, IF ANYTHING, WAS “YǍYÁN 雅言”? 追溯古汉语的变异:如果有的话,“YǍYÁN”是什么雅言”?
IF 0.3 3区 文学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-10 DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2017.0137
W. Behr
Based on the single pre-Qin attestation of the compound yǎyán 雅言 in the Confucian Analects (Lúnyǔ 論語 7.18) the idea of a normative spoken standard language is often projected back by early modern and modern authors into remote pre-imperial antiquity. An overview of the conceptual history of the term and of the competing etymologies of yǎ in early Chinese texts is offered in order to problematize this “invented tradition” and its ideological baggage. Four types of evidence (uniformity of phonology and syntax in excavated texts, ode citation practices, phonophoric repair by double phonophoric characters, lexical variation) are then presented and their usefulness to support an early written standard of elite inter-communication is discussed. Straightforward creolization and mixed language accounting for the emergence of Old Chinese are rejected. Instead, a scenario of interrupted language transmission in a highly diverse linguistic Sprachbund area is sketched and argued to best account for the observed asymmetries between a high degree of early lexical and orthographical variation (including substrate influences) on the one hand, and phonological and syntactic uniformity of texts from geographically diverse areas on the other.
基于单一的先秦证明雅言 《论语》論語 7.18)规范性口语标准语言的概念经常被早期现代和现代作家投射到遥远的前帝国时代。概述了这个词的概念历史,以及早期汉语文本中yā的竞争词源,以期对这个“发明的传统”及其意识形态包袱提出质疑。然后提出了四种类型的证据(发掘文本中音韵学和句法的一致性、颂歌引用实践、双表音字符的表音修复、词汇变异),并讨论了它们对支持精英相互交流的早期书面标准的有用性。对古汉语产生的直接克里奥尔化和混合语言的解释被否定了。相反,在一个高度多样化的语言Sprachbund地区,语言传播中断的场景被勾勒出来,并被认为是观察到的早期词汇和拼写变化(包括基底影响)与地理不同地区文本的语音和句法一致性之间的不对称的最佳解释。
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引用次数: 0
CHALLENGING ISSUES IN CANTONESE-ENGLISH LEXICOGRAPHY 粤英词典编纂中的挑战问题
IF 0.3 3区 文学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-10 DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2017.0136
Robert S. Bauer
At the outset of writing a bilingual Cantonese-English dictionary that is comprehensive in scope, the lexicographer confronts a series of challenging issues that are fundamental to the successful creation of such an ambitious dictionary. Among the crucial questions to be satisfactorily resolved are at least the following eight: 1) What are the principal criteria that guide the lexicographer’s selection of the Cantonese lexical items that form the contents of the bilingual dictionary? Further, what is the scope of the lexical contents? Broad, by encompassing all lexical items that occur in the speech of Hong Kong Cantonese speakers, even those items that overlap with standard Chinese? Or, narrow, by focusing only on the uniquely Hong Kong Cantonese lexicon? 2) What categories of information about the lexical items should form the structural contents of lexical entries? These could include parts of speech, speech registers, cross-referencing of related lexical items, synonyms, alternative pronunciations and variant written forms, example sentences, etc. 3) How detailed should the equivalent English translations of the Cantonese lexical items be? 4) Should lexical entries include information on their social, cultural, historical, and political associations, usage, etymology (origin and historical development), etc.? 5) What is the organizing principle by which the Cantonese lexical entries are listed in the dictionary, as there are at least four? 6) As for Cantonese pronunciation, which register of the language should be romanized? The conservative, literary, standard pronunciation? The colloquial, informal, commonly-used 懶 音 laan5 jam1 “lazy” pronunciation? Or both of these? 7) Several Cantonese romanization systems are currently in use, so which one is best for representing Hong Kong’s contemporary Cantonese pronunciation? 8) Given that the written form of the Cantonese language has never been formally or officially standardized, so that some lexical items are typically written in two or more different ways, what criteria should guide the lexicographer in deciding how Cantonese words are graphically transcribed in a Cantonese-English dictionary? In writing his ABC Cantonese-English Comprehensive Dictionary 粵語英語大詞典 (Bauer 2020) over the past decade and a half, the author had to face and then answer appropriately each of these important questions. This article has described how he addressed and practically resolved these and other related problems.
在编写一本范围全面的粤英双语词典之初,词典编纂者面临着一系列具有挑战性的问题,这些问题是成功创建这样一本雄心勃勃的词典的根本。需要圆满解决的关键问题至少有以下八个:1)词典编纂者选择构成双语词典内容的粤语词条的主要标准是什么?此外,词汇内容的范围是什么?广泛地说,包括香港广东话使用者讲话中出现的所有词汇项目,即使是与标准汉语重叠的项目?还是仅仅关注香港独特的粤语词汇?2) 关于词条的哪些类别的信息应该构成词条的结构内容?这些可能包括词性、语域、相关词条的交叉引用、同义词、替代发音和变体书面形式、例句等。3)粤语词条的等效英文翻译应该有多详细?4) 词条是否应该包括其社会、文化、历史和政治关联、用法、词源(起源和历史发展)等信息。?5) 广东话词条至少有四个,在字典中列出的组织原则是什么?6) 至于广东话的发音,哪一个语域应该罗马化?保守的、文学的、标准的发音?口语的、非正式的、常用的懶 音 laan5 jam1“懒惰”发音?还是两者都有?7) 目前有几种粤语罗马化系统在使用,那么哪一种最能代表香港当代的粤语发音呢?8) 鉴于广东话的书面形式从未得到正式或官方的标准化,因此一些词条通常以两种或多种不同的方式书写,词典编纂者应该根据什么标准来决定广东话在粤英词典中的图形转录?在编写ABC粤语英语综合词典时粵語英語大詞典 (Bauer 2020)在过去的十五年里,作者必须面对并恰当地回答这些重要问题中的每一个。本文介绍了他是如何处理和实际解决这些问题和其他相关问题的。
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引用次数: 0
The processing mechanisms of Mandarin wh-questions 普通话wh问题的处理机制
IF 0.3 3区 文学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2023.0009
Yang Yang, Leticia Pablos, L. Cheng
ABSTRACT:Wh-question phrases in Mandarin remain in-situ at their base position (e.g., John bought what?). Although theoretical studies show that there is a covert dependency between the in-situ question word/phrase and SpecCP, little is known how this dependency is evidenced in the processing of Mandarin wh-in-situ questions. In addition, bare Mandarin wh-phrases like shéi 'who' are different from complex ones like nǎge tóngxué 'which classmate', as the former are known as wh-indeterminates, on a par with indefinites (Cheng 1991), while the latter are considered on a par with definites (Rullmann and Beck 1998). To uncover the processing mechanism of wh-in-situ questions, we conducted two self-paced reading studies where we compared their processing behavior with that of their declarative counterparts. Specifically, and due to the claims made in the literature regarding the nature of bare and complex wh-questions, we compared bare wh-questions with declarative counterparts that contained indefinites, and complex wh-questions with declarative counterparts that contained definites. Our findings show that, regardless of their bare or complex nature, wh-questions were in general processed with more cost (i.e., reading delay) than their declarative counterparts, providing evidence that a covert-dependency is built in wh-questions. In particular, based on our results we claim that after reading the core whelement, the parser immediately starts the process of resolving the wh-question interpretation by establishing the covert dependency.摘要:汉语普通话的特殊疑问句是在位疑问句,即疑问词的位置和陈述句对应名词的位置相同(例如"约翰买了什么?"),并不移到句首。理论语言学的研究表明,在位的疑问词与句子左缘的 SpecCP 存在隐性的依存关系,但这种依存关系能否从在线句子加工中找到证据,尚不得而知。除此之外,光杆疑问词(例如"谁")与复杂的疑问词(例如"哪个同学")本质不同,因为前者是 wh-不定指,类似于不定代词 (Cheng 1991), 而后者性质与有定代词类似 (Rullmann and Beck, 1998)。为了更好地揭示普通话特殊疑问句的加工机制,文章进行了两个自控步速阅读实验,来对比疑问句和对应陈述句的加工模式。具体说来,根据文献中对光杆疑问词和复杂疑问词的区分,我们分别对比了光杆疑问句和包含了对应不定代词陈述句的加工区别,以及复杂疑问句和包含了对应有定代词陈述句的加工区别。研究结果表明,尽管疑问词的性质有光杆和复杂之分,疑问句整体上都要比对应陈述句加工成本更高 (即需要更多的加工时间) 。这为普通话特殊疑问句中隐性依存关系的建构提供了在线加工上的证据。此外,实验的结果显示,只要阅读到 wh-成分 (例如"哪个"、"谁") ,被试就开始了疑问依存关系的建构,不需要读完整个词组 (例如"哪个同学")。
ABSTRACT: Wh question phrases in Mandarin remain in situ at their base position (e.g., John bought what?) Although theoretical studies show that there is a cover dependency between the in situ question word/phrase and SpecCP, little is known how this dependency is evinced in the processing of Mandarin wh-in-situ questions In addition, bar Mandarin wh phrases like sh é i 'who' are different from complex ones like n ǎ Ge t ó ngxu é 'which classmate', as the former are known as wh indicators, on a par with definitions (Cheng 1991), while the latter are considered on a par with definitions (Rullmann and Beck 1998) To uncover the processing mechanism of wh-in-situ questions, we conducted two self paced reading studies where we compared their processing behavior with that of their declarative counterparts Specifically, and due to the claims made in the quality regulation of the nature of bare and complex wh questions, we compared bare wh questions with declarative counterparts that contained definitions, and complex wh questions with declarative counterparts that contained definitions Our findings show that, regulations of their bare or complex nature, wh questions were in general processed with more cost (i.e., reading delay) than their declarative counterparts, providing evidence that a cover dependency is built in wh questions In particular, based on our results we claim that after reading the core element, the parser immediately starts the process of resolving the wh question interpretation by examining the cover dependency. Abstract: Special questions in Mandarin Chinese are in place questions, where the position of the question word is the same as the position of the corresponding noun in the declarative sentence (such as "What did John buy?") and do not move to the beginning of the sentence. Theoretical linguistics research has shown that there is an implicit dependency relationship between the interrogative words in place and the SpecCP at the left edge of the sentence, but it is not yet known whether this dependency relationship can be found in online sentence processing. In addition, bare rod interrogative words (such as "who") are fundamentally different from complex interrogative words (such as "which classmate") because the former is a wh indefinite referent, similar to an indefinite pronoun (Cheng 1991), while the latter has properties similar to a definite pronoun (Rullmann and Beck, 1998). In order to better reveal the processing mechanism of special interrogative sentences in Mandarin, the article conducted two self paced reading experiments to compare the processing patterns of interrogative sentences and corresponding declarative sentences. Specifically, based on the distinction between bare pole interrogative words and complex interrogative words in the literature, we compared the processing differences between bare pole interrogative sentences and declarative sentences containing corresponding indefinite pronouns, as well as the pr
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引用次数: 1
The Voiced and Released Stop Codas Of Old Chinese 古汉语的浊音和消音
IF 0.3 3区 文学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2017.0133
Wuyun Pan, Zining Zheng
This paper discusses the property of voicing and releasing in coda stops in Old Chinese, which is of great significance to the phonetic types and historical comparison between Chinese and Tibetan Languages. The nature of Old Chinese is mainly based on the historical comparison between Chinese and Tibetan Languages and Chinese loan words in other languages. For example, in Ancient Tibetan the stop codas were transcribed to voiced letters. The majority of bound function words in Classical Tibetan have two variants based on whether the preceding codas are voiced or not. The /-l(-r)/ coda in the ancient Chinese northern languages and early Sanskrit-Chinese phonetic transcription comes from the /-d/ coda. Old Chinese loan words in Japanese have voiced stop codas. Modern Chinese dialects also have voiced stop codas. In addition, stop codas in Tibetan Xigaze, Balti, Lajiao and other dialects, Xifan yiyu and Qiang languages all have the nature of releasing. The “broken tone” in Chinese is caused by a released glottal stop.
本文探讨了古汉语词尾停顿的发声与释放特性,对汉藏两种语言的语音类型和历史比较具有重要意义。古汉语的性质主要是根据汉藏语和汉语外来词的历史比较来确定的。例如,在古藏语中,止音尾音被转录成发声字母。古典藏文中大部分的束缚虚词根据其前尾是否发声而有两种变体。中国古代北方语言和早期梵文-汉语音标中的/-l(-r)/音尾来源于/-d/音尾。日语中的古汉语外来词有发音的停顿尾。现代汉语方言也有浊音结尾。此外,藏语日喀则、巴尔提、拉教等方言的停尾,西番彝语和羌语都具有放音的性质。汉语中的“断音”是由释放的声门顿音引起的。
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引用次数: 0
Exploring the Low Applicative 探索低应用性
IF 0.3 3区 文学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2017.0132
Yafei Li, Zhe Chen
摘要

Pylkkäne把施用结构分为高低两层,为处理施用论元的跨语言语法行为提供了新的视角和分析方法。然而,其对低层施用词素ApplL的处理方法存在多重根本性问题,其中最显著的问题是在语义上把ApplL 当作VP的论元,但在句法上却当作VP的内部成分。这显然与论元关系所呈现出的句法-语义高度一致性相违背。针对这些问题,本文提出了新的解决方案,设定了ApplL的两个功能:1)引进施用论元,并界定施用论元和受事论元之间的所有者和被所有者关系;2)核查V所指称的事件是否允准所有者关系的转移。这两大功能决定了ApplL和V之间不可能存在论元关系或修饰关系,而只能把两种独立的语法信息直接叠加,共同构成相关句法成分的核心内容。令ApplL类比φ特征,V类比T,两者组合构成V-ApplL。在句法语义规则限制下,组合结果既能解释低层施用论元的语法语义行为,又能避免Pylkkänen理论的弊病。

摘要Pylkkäne把施用结构分为高低两层,为处理施用论元的跨语言语法行为提供了新的视角和分析方法。然而,其对低层施用词素ApplL的处理方法存在多重根本性问题,其中最显著的问题是在语义上把ApplL 当作VP的论元,但在句法上却当作VP的内部成分。这显然与论元关系所呈现出的句法-语义高度一致性相违背。针对这些问题,本文提出了新的解决方案,设定了ApplL的两个功能:1)引进施用论元,并界定施用论元和受事论元之间的所有者和被所有者关系;2)核查V所指称的事件是否允准所有者关系的转移。这两大功能决定了ApplL和V之间不可能存在论元关系或修饰关系,而只能把两种独立的语法信息直接叠加,共同构成相关句法成分的核心内容。令ApplL类比φ特征,V类比T,两者组合构成V-ApplL。在句法语义规则限制下,组合结果既能解释低层施用论元的语法语义行为,又能避免Pylkkänen理论的弊病。
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引用次数: 0
Various Measures and the Distinction Of Tense and Lax Contrasts: The Case of Zhoucheng Bai 各种措施与紧张与松弛对比的区别——以白周成为例
IF 0.3 3区 文学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-27 DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2017.0131
Xuan Li, Feng Wang

The acoustic characteristics of the tense and lax contrasts have been studied extensively, and different measures were attested to be related, but few of these studies discussed different measures together and explored their relationships. Three of the eight tones in Zhoucheng Bai (i.e., T2, T6, and T7) are marked as tense tones, while the rest are lax tones. Based on Electroglottographic (EGG) and acoustic signals, this paper examined eight measures, namely fundamental frequency (F0), open quotient (OQ), speed quotient (SQ), H1*-H2*, H2*-H4*, H1*-A1*, H1*-A2*, and H1*- A3*, in the data obtained from 10 Zhoucheng Bai speakers. It shows that different measures perform variously in the distinction of tense and lax contrasts. F0 well distinguishes between T6 and T1, and both EGG measures and spectral measures can differentiate between T2 and T8, but none of measures reflects the contrast of T7 and T3 for all speakers. The case of T7 and T3 suggests that the relationship between production and perception is not as straightforward as commonly assumed and needs further research. Although different measures don’t always participate in the distinction of tense and lax contrasts together and have equal contributions, they are significantly correlated with each other, which are supported by the correlation analysis.

张力和松弛对比的声学特性已经得到了广泛的研究,并且证实了不同度量之间的相关性,但这些研究很少将不同度量放在一起讨论并探讨它们之间的关系。《周城白》的8个声调中有3个(即T2、T6和T7)为紧调,其余为松调。基于声门电信号(EGG)和声信号,对10个周城白族扬声器的数据进行了基频(F0)、开商(OQ)、速度商(SQ)、H1*-H2*、H2*- h4 *、H1*- a1 *、H1*- a2 *、H1*- A3*等8个指标的检测。结果表明,不同的测量方法在区分紧张对比和松弛对比方面的效果各不相同。F0很好地区分了T6和T1, EGG测量和频谱测量都能区分T2和T8,但没有一种测量能反映所有扬声器T7和T3的对比度。T7和T3的案例表明,生产和感知之间的关系并不像通常认为的那样简单,需要进一步研究。虽然不同的测度并不总是一起参与到紧张与松弛对比的区分中来,贡献是相等的,但它们之间存在着显著的相关关系,相关分析支持了这一点。
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引用次数: 0
The Functional Load of Chinese Tones and the Tonal Evolution 汉语声调的功能负荷与声调演变
IF 0.3 3区 文学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-18 DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2017.0126
Juan Liu, Chao Kong, William S-Y. Wang

This study calculated the functional load of Chinese tones in different contexts by using an extensive corpus and the Markov model-based “Hockett-Wang algorithm”. The results show that, compared to vowels and consonants, tones carry the smallest functional load. In tones that are associated with monosyllabic, bi-syllabic, and multi-syllabic words, the functional load is inversely related to the number of syllables in that word. In other words, the more syllables in a word, the further the functional load of tones tends to decrease. Importantly, this study reveals a close correlation between the functional load of Chinese tones and the evolution of these tones. This is evidenced by the perceived imbalance of the functional load of different tonal contrasts within contemporary Chinese, as well as by the simulation results of the drastically declining functional load of Chinese tones in diachronic. These results may suggest that the declining load of Chinese tones is indeed the underlying driver for the merger and the resulting decline in the number of Chinese tones. The conclusions of the paper may shed new light for future research in the fields of phonology, speech engineering, as well as second language teaching.

本研究利用广泛的语料库和基于马尔可夫模型的“Hockett-Wang算法”计算了汉语声调在不同语境下的功能负荷。结果表明,与元音和辅音相比,声调的功能负荷最小。在与单音节、双音节和多音节单词相关的音调中,功能负荷与该单词中的音节数成反比。换句话说,一个单词中的音节越多,音调的功能负荷就越倾向于减少。重要的是,本研究揭示了汉语声调的功能负荷与声调演变之间的密切关系。当代汉语不同声调对比的功能负荷不平衡,以及历时汉语声调功能负荷急剧下降的模拟结果都证明了这一点。这些结果可能表明,汉语声调负荷的下降确实是合并和由此导致的汉语声调数量下降的潜在驱动因素。本文的研究结论对音韵学、语音工程以及第二语言教学等领域的研究具有一定的指导意义。
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引用次数: 0
Acoustic Correlates of Prominence In Kala Lizu (Tibeto-burman) 喀拉丽祖(藏缅)日珥的声学相关性
IF 0.3 3区 文学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-18 DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2017.0128
Katia Chirkova, Pei-Yu Hou, Rada Chirkova, Angélique Amelot

This study investigates acoustic correlates of prominence in Lizu (Tibeto-Burman). Lizu has been argued to have a hybrid prosodic system combining lexical tone on monosyllabic words and prominence patterns with stress-like and tonal characteristics on polysyllabic words, although empirical evidence is lacking. This study presents an acoustic investigation of the pitch patterns on disyllabic words in the Kala variety of Lizu (HL, HH, LH). Using the parameters of duration, intensity, and f0, it attempts to sort out different forms of prominence, and to explore their interaction with lexical tone. The measurements are taken from experimental data with eight Lizu speakers (4 male and 4 female). The acoustic results and statistical analyses suggest that the first syllable in Kala Lizu is the position of prominence in all three pitch patterns. Our results are consistent with interpreting the pitch pattern HL as more stress-like (with intensity as an acoustic correlate of stress) and the pitch patterns HH and LH as more tone-like (with stress cued by full realization of lexical tone). This study contributes to a better understanding of the prosodic organization of Kala Lizu and it also suggests methodology for further exploration of other Lizu varieties.

本文研究了黎族(藏缅)地区日珥的声学相关性。虽然缺乏经验证据,但人们认为傈僳族有一个混合韵律系统,在单音节词上具有词汇语调,在多音节词上具有重音和声调特征的重音模式。本文对傈僳族卡拉族(HL, HH, LH)双音节词的音高模式进行了声学研究。本文试图用持续时间、强度和f0等参数来梳理不同形式的突出,并探讨它们与词汇语调的相互作用。测量数据来自8个傈僳族扬声器(4男4女)的实验数据。声学结果和统计分析表明,卡拉黎祖的第一个音节在三个音高模式中都是突出位置。我们的结果与解释HL的音高模式更像重音(强度与重音相关)和HH和LH的音高模式更像音调(由词汇音调的完全实现引起的重音)是一致的。本研究有助于进一步认识卡拉傈僳族的韵律组织,也为进一步发掘其他傈僳族的韵律组织提供了方法。
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引用次数: 0
Reconstructions of Ancient Chinese Revisited: From a Perspective of Similarity Calculation on Doculects 重新审视古代汉语的重建:从文献相似度计算的视角
IF 0.3 3区 文学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-18 DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2017.0129
Qibin Ran

Eight reconstruction systems for Old Chinese and Middle Chinese raised by Bernhard Karlgren, Wang Li, Li Fang-Kuei, Tung T’ungho, Chou Fa-kao, Zhengzhang Shangfang, Pan Wuyun and Baxter-Sagart are revisited in this paper. Taking 60 doculects of balanced Modern Chinese dialects as reference, similarities between Old Chinese, Middle Chinese and modern Chinese dialects are calculated with ASJP tools. Evolution rates for Old Chinese to Middle Chinese, Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese and the rates ratios are analysed. The results show that Zhengzhang Shangfang’s and Baxter-Sagart’s reconstructions are most reasonable and self-consistent ones among the eight systems. The author argues that, from an external perspective of diachronic change of language, analysis on similarity data and change rates may contribute to reconstruction evaluation.

本文对Bernhard Karlgren、Wang Li、李方奎、Tung T’ungho、Chou Fa-kao、Zhengzhang Shangfang、Pan Wuyun和Baxter-Sagart提出的8种古汉语和中古汉语重建体系进行了回顾。以60篇均衡的现代汉语方言文献为参考,利用ASJP工具计算古汉语、中古汉语和现代汉语方言的相似度。分析了古汉语到中古汉语、中古汉语到现代汉语的演化速率及其比率。结果表明,郑章尚芳和Baxter-Sagart的重构是八个体系中最合理且自洽的重构。作者认为,从语言历时性变化的外部视角出发,对相似度数据和变化速率的分析有助于重建评价。
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引用次数: 0
A Study of the Nasality of Sound of Shuangfeng Dialect 双峰方言的鼻音性研究
IF 0.3 3区 文学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-18 DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2017.0130
Xianming Bei

The article uses the nasometer to analyze systematically the monophthongs, diphthongs, nasalized vowels, non-nasal voiced consonants, and nasal consonants of Shuangfeng dialect. Through the investigation of nasality, we find that it is a dialect with high value of nasality, and its nasality is gradually weakening. The nasality of vowels is related to the position of the tongue. The degree of nasality to the voiced consonant is related to the pronunciation position and the pronunciation method. Phonetically, the type of /l/ of Shuangfeng dialect has important significance and has age differences. From the perspective of the nasality, the types of /l/ of the elderly, middle-aged, and young speakers are respectively nasal /l/, nasalized /l/, and accented /l/. The nasality decreases with reduction of speakers’ age.

本文用鼻音计系统地分析了双峰方言的单元音、双元音、鼻化元音、非鼻浊音和鼻辅音。通过对鼻音的考察,我们发现它是一种鼻音价值较高的方言,其鼻音正在逐渐减弱。元音的鼻音与舌头的位置有关。浊音的鼻音化程度与发音位置和发音方法有关。在语音上,双峰方言的/l/类型具有重要意义,且存在年龄差异。从鼻音上看,老年人、中年人和年轻人的/l/类型分别为鼻音/l/、鼻音/l/和重音/l/。随着说话人年龄的增长,鼻音会减弱。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Chinese Linguistics
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