ABSTRACT:Syntactic properties of the negative marker mei6 in the preverbal and sentence-final positions in Cantonese are examined in this paper. It is argued that the preverbal mei6 is the head of NegP in the lexical layer while the sentence-final mei6 is a sentence-final particle of the temporal type in the head of TP that belongs to the inflectional layer, forming VP-Neg questions. A number of empirical facts, such as matching restrictions on the predicate, coexistence with the sentence-final particles of the temporal type, occurrence in embedded clauses, and distribution of the adverb zung6 'still', can be explained under the base-generation approach to the derivation of the VP-Neg questions.摘要:本文旨在讨论粤语谓语前和句末否定标记 "未" 的句法特点。谓语前 的"未"属于否定词短语的中心语，位处词汇层次；句末"未"属于 时间类句末助词，位于时间词短语的中心语，位处屈折层次，形成反 复问句。根据本文对反复问句基础生成的分析，跟"未"相关的谓语 匹配要求、与时间类句末助词共现问题、进入嵌套小句、副词"仲" 分布等语言事实，都可以得到合理的解释。
ABSTRACT:Syntactic properties of the negative marker mei6 in the preverbal and sentence-final positions in Cantonese are examined in this paper. It is argued that the preverbal mei6 is the head of NegP in the lexical layer while the sentence-final mei6 is a sentence-final particle of the temporal type in the head of TP that belongs to the inflectional layer, forming VP-Neg questions. A number of empirical facts, such as matching restrictions on the predicate, coexistence with the sentence-final particles of the temporal type, occurrence in embedded clauses, and distribution of the adverb zung6 'still', can be explained under the base-generation approach to the derivation of the VP-Neg questions.摘要:本文旨在讨论粤语谓语前和句末否定标记 "未" 的句法特点。谓语前 的"未"属于否定词短语的中心语，位处词汇层次；句末"未"属于 时间类句末助词，位于时间词短语的中心语，位处屈折层次，形成反 复问句。根据本文对反复问句基础生成的分析，跟"未"相关的谓语 匹配要求、与时间类句末助词共现问题、进入嵌套小句、副词"仲" 分布等语言事实，都可以得到合理的解释。
{"title":"On the syntax of the negative marker Mei6 in Cantonese","authors":"Sze-wing Tang","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0013","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:Syntactic properties of the negative marker mei6 in the preverbal and sentence-final positions in Cantonese are examined in this paper. It is argued that the preverbal mei6 is the head of NegP in the lexical layer while the sentence-final mei6 is a sentence-final particle of the temporal type in the head of TP that belongs to the inflectional layer, forming VP-Neg questions. A number of empirical facts, such as matching restrictions on the predicate, coexistence with the sentence-final particles of the temporal type, occurrence in embedded clauses, and distribution of the adverb zung6 'still', can be explained under the base-generation approach to the derivation of the VP-Neg questions.摘要:本文旨在讨论粤语谓语前和句末否定标记 \"未\" 的句法特点。谓语前 的\"未\"属于否定词短语的中心语，位处词汇层次；句末\"未\"属于 时间类句末助词，位于时间词短语的中心语，位处屈折层次，形成反 复问句。根据本文对反复问句基础生成的分析，跟\"未\"相关的谓语 匹配要求、与时间类句末助词共现问题、进入嵌套小句、副词\"仲\" 分布等语言事实，都可以得到合理的解释。","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"50 1","pages":"323 - 347"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41818268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT:As is well known, all relative clauses in Modern Chinese are marked with de. Compared with Modern Chinese, Archaic Chinese seems to have a richer encoding for relative clauses. It has three possible relative markers: zhe, zhi and suo. In this article, we will approach to Archaic Chinese relatives from the perspective of formal syntax. We will argue that zhe is a subject relative pronoun and suo a VP internal relative pronoun, and that zhe- and suo-relatives are derived from the A'-movement of the relevant relative pronoun to the peripheral position, creating an operator-variable relation at LF. Simultaneously, we will use Cecchetto and Donati's labeling theory to account for a peculiar phenomenon that the same relative pronoun can form both headless and headed relatives. We will further argue that the relative marker zhi, as English that, is an invariant relativizer occupying the C position, and that zhi-relatives involve null operator movement. That is to say, like English type of languages, Archaic Chinese actually involves two separate relativizing strategies: through a relative pronoun or a null operator. The article also contributes to the debate on the analysis of relatives: data from Archaic Chinese favors an Adjunction Analysis to the Raising Analysis (or Complementation Analysis) à la Kayne.摘要:众所周知，现代汉语中所有的关系从句均由"的"引导。相比之下， 上古汉语中关系从句的表现形式则更为丰富，共有"者""之""所" 三种关系化标记。本文将从形式句法的视角探讨上古汉语的上述三种 关系从句。我们认为"者"是主语关系代词，而"所"是VP内关系代 词，带"者"或"所"的关系从句是通过关系代词A'移动至边缘位置 而生成的，并借此在LF 层建立了算子–变量关系。同时，我们将采用 Cecchetto 和Donati 的加标理论来解释上古汉语中同一个关系代词既可 构成无核关系从句，又可构成有核关系从句这一奇特的语法现象。至 于关系化标记"之"，我们认为它与英语中的that 相似，是标句词C， 而"之"引导的关系从句则是通过空算子移位生成的。也就是说，上 古汉语和英语类语言一样，都具有两种独立的关系化策略，即要么通 过关系代词实现关系化，要么通过空算子实现关系化。另外，此文还 将对目前学界关于关系从句分析方法的争论起到一定的参考作用：上 古汉语的语料证明了嫁接分析法要优于Kayne 的提升(或称补语)分析 法。
ABSTRACT: As is well known, all relevant clauses in Modern Chinese are marketed with de. Compared with Modern Chinese, Archaic Chinese seams to have a rich encoding for relevant clauses It has three possible relative markers: zhe, zhi and suo In this article, we will approach Archaic Chinese relationships from the perspective of formal syntax We will argue that this is a subject related promotion and so is a VP internal related promotion, and that this - and so related are derived from the A '- move of the relevant related promotion to the peripheral position, creating an operator variable relationship at LF Simultaneously, we will use Cecchetto and Donati's labeling theory to account for a pesticide that the same relative pronoun can form both headless and headed relationships We will further argue that the relative marker zhi, as English that, is an invariant relativizer occupying the C position, and that zhi relationships involve null operator movement That is to say, like English type of languages, Archaic Chinese actually involves two separate related strategies: through a related pronoun or a null operator The article also contributions to the abate on the analysis of relationships: data from Archaic Chinese fans an Adjustment Analysis to the Raising Analysis (or Complexation Analysis) à la Kayne. Abstract: As is well known, all relational subordinate sentences in modern Chinese are guided by 'de'. In contrast, the expression forms of relative clauses in ancient Chinese were more diverse, with three types of relational markers: "zhe", "zhi", and "suo". This article will explore the three types of relative clauses in ancient Chinese from the perspective of formal syntax. We believe that "zhe" is a subject relative pronoun, while "suo" is a VP internal relative pronoun. Relative clauses with "zhe" or "suo" are generated by moving the relative pronoun A 'to the edge position, and thus establish an operator variable relationship at the LF layer. At the same time, we will use the labeling theory of Cecchetto and Donati to explain the unique grammatical phenomenon in ancient Chinese where the same relative pronoun can form both coreless and cored clauses. As for the relational marker "zhi", we believe that it is similar to the English word "that" and is the predicate "C", while the relative clauses guided by "zhi" are generated through the shift of null operators. That is to say, both ancient Chinese and English languages have two independent strategies for relationalization, namely, either through relative pronouns or through empty operators. In addition, this article will also serve as a reference for the current debate in the academic community on the analysis method of relative clauses: the corpus of ancient Chinese has proven that grafting analysis method is superior to Kayne's enhancement (or complement) analysis method.
{"title":"Relative clauses in Archaic Chinese","authors":"Chen Zhao, Futong Zhang","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0015","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:As is well known, all relative clauses in Modern Chinese are marked with de. Compared with Modern Chinese, Archaic Chinese seems to have a richer encoding for relative clauses. It has three possible relative markers: zhe, zhi and suo. In this article, we will approach to Archaic Chinese relatives from the perspective of formal syntax. We will argue that zhe is a subject relative pronoun and suo a VP internal relative pronoun, and that zhe- and suo-relatives are derived from the A'-movement of the relevant relative pronoun to the peripheral position, creating an operator-variable relation at LF. Simultaneously, we will use Cecchetto and Donati's labeling theory to account for a peculiar phenomenon that the same relative pronoun can form both headless and headed relatives. We will further argue that the relative marker zhi, as English that, is an invariant relativizer occupying the C position, and that zhi-relatives involve null operator movement. That is to say, like English type of languages, Archaic Chinese actually involves two separate relativizing strategies: through a relative pronoun or a null operator. The article also contributes to the debate on the analysis of relatives: data from Archaic Chinese favors an Adjunction Analysis to the Raising Analysis (or Complementation Analysis) à la Kayne.摘要:众所周知，现代汉语中所有的关系从句均由\"的\"引导。相比之下， 上古汉语中关系从句的表现形式则更为丰富，共有\"者\"\"之\"\"所\" 三种关系化标记。本文将从形式句法的视角探讨上古汉语的上述三种 关系从句。我们认为\"者\"是主语关系代词，而\"所\"是VP内关系代 词，带\"者\"或\"所\"的关系从句是通过关系代词A'移动至边缘位置 而生成的，并借此在LF 层建立了算子–变量关系。同时，我们将采用 Cecchetto 和Donati 的加标理论来解释上古汉语中同一个关系代词既可 构成无核关系从句，又可构成有核关系从句这一奇特的语法现象。至 于关系化标记\"之\"，我们认为它与英语中的that 相似，是标句词C， 而\"之\"引导的关系从句则是通过空算子移位生成的。也就是说，上 古汉语和英语类语言一样，都具有两种独立的关系化策略，即要么通 过关系代词实现关系化，要么通过空算子实现关系化。另外，此文还 将对目前学界关于关系从句分析方法的争论起到一定的参考作用：上 古汉语的语料证明了嫁接分析法要优于Kayne 的提升(或称补语)分析 法。","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"50 1","pages":"385 - 418"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46808926","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper argues that tso in Changde dialect is a sentence final particle and its use may trigger an implied clause. It is observed that tso is only allowed in a suggestive imperative, restricted to co-occurring with the adverb ɕian55 先 'first'. Besides, xa 下 or ta 哒 alternately appears in a tso-suffixed sentence. A comparison of tso in Changde dialecct to zhe in Mandarin on the one hand and to tşe55 in Longhui dialect on the other hand shows that tso has similarities to and differences from both. While zhe is an aspectual particle, it may also trigger an implicit meaning in [V+zhe] construction. Although both of tso and tşe55 can be used as sentence final particles to introduce a sequential event implicitly, the use of tso is more constrained than tşe55.
{"title":"Triggering an implied clause: Insights from tso in Changde dialect","authors":"Qing Tang, Liu Han, J. Han","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0018","url":null,"abstract":"<p>ABSTRACT:</p><p>This paper argues that <i>tso</i> in Changde dialect is a sentence final particle and its use may trigger an implied clause. It is observed that <i>tso</i> is only allowed in a suggestive imperative, restricted to co-occurring with the adverb <i>ɕian</i><i>55</i> 先 'first'. Besides, <i>xa</i> 下 or <i>ta</i> 哒 alternately appears in a <i>tso</i>-suffixed sentence. A comparison of <i>tso</i> in Changde dialecct to <i>zhe</i> in Mandarin on the one hand and to <i>tşe</i><i>55</i> in Longhui dialect on the other hand shows that <i>tso</i> has similarities to and differences from both. While <i>zhe</i> is an aspectual particle, it may also trigger an implicit meaning in [V+<i>zhe</i>] construction. Although both of <i>tso</i> and <i>tşe</i><i>55</i> can be used as sentence final particles to introduce a sequential event implicitly, the use of <i>tso</i> is more constrained than <i>tşe</i><i>55</i>.</p>","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"50 1","pages":"475 - 508"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41443563","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT:Families immigrating to English-speaking countries, such as Chinese families in the USA, typically undergo language shift to English within three generations. In principle, however, language shift can be reversed, as documented in the case of certain endangered languages. In a case study of a three-generation Chinese American family, we show how heritage language attrition and inter-generational language shift can be reversed. The birth of a third generation motivates the second-generation parents to resume speaking and acquiring Chinese. Awareness of the advantages of bilingualism and recognition of a Chinese American identity lead the second-generation parents to transmit Chinese language and culture to the third generation.摘要:移民至英语国家的家庭，比如在美华裔家庭，通常会在三代人的时间 内就不再传承母语，转而使用英语。然而这种趋势并非不可逆转，如 某些濒危语言研究所示。本文通过一个在美华裔家庭三代人的案例研 究，阐述如何扭转继承语磨蚀的趋势和第二、第三代的语言转向。第 三代的出生促使第二代重拾母语，增加母语的使用，继而提升其母语 能力。同时，第二代对拥有双语能力优势的体认以及他们对华裔身分 的认同，也更进一步促使汉语语言文化代代相传。
ABSTRACT: Families immigrating to English speaking countries, such as Chinese families in the USA, typically under language shift to English within three generations In principle, how, language shift can be reversed, as documented in the case of received languages In a case study of a three generation Chinese American family, we show how inheritance language attrition and inter generative language shift can be reversed The birth of a third generation motivates the second generation parents to resume speaking and acquiring Chinese Awareness of the advantages of bilingualism and recognition of a Chinese American identity leading the second generation parents to transmit Chinese language and culture to the third generation. However, this trend is not irreversible, as shown by some endangered language studies. This article elaborates on how to reverse the trend of inheritance language erosion and the language shift of the second and third generations through a case study of three generations of Chinese American families. The birth of the third generation prompts the second generation to regain their mother tongue, increase their use of mother tongue, and thus enhance their mother tongue abilities. At the same time, the second generation's recognition of bilingualism and their recognition of Chinese identity further promotes the transmission of Chinese language and culture from generation to generation.
{"title":"Turning the tide: Reversing heritage language attrition and shift in a Chinese American family","authors":"Y. Li, S. Matthews","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0012","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:Families immigrating to English-speaking countries, such as Chinese families in the USA, typically undergo language shift to English within three generations. In principle, however, language shift can be reversed, as documented in the case of certain endangered languages. In a case study of a three-generation Chinese American family, we show how heritage language attrition and inter-generational language shift can be reversed. The birth of a third generation motivates the second-generation parents to resume speaking and acquiring Chinese. Awareness of the advantages of bilingualism and recognition of a Chinese American identity lead the second-generation parents to transmit Chinese language and culture to the third generation.摘要:移民至英语国家的家庭，比如在美华裔家庭，通常会在三代人的时间 内就不再传承母语，转而使用英语。然而这种趋势并非不可逆转，如 某些濒危语言研究所示。本文通过一个在美华裔家庭三代人的案例研 究，阐述如何扭转继承语磨蚀的趋势和第二、第三代的语言转向。第 三代的出生促使第二代重拾母语，增加母语的使用，继而提升其母语 能力。同时，第二代对拥有双语能力优势的体认以及他们对华裔身分 的认同，也更进一步促使汉语语言文化代代相传。","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"50 1","pages":"291 - 322"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47069457","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
摘要:小句链和副动词是语言类型学中比较独特的从句组合形式。现代藏语 是小句链和副动词结构极其发达的语言，在藏缅语中也极具特色。东 纳藏语的小句链和副动词结构在藏语中具有代表性，其形态句法特征 主要体现为四个方面：根据小句指称的异同区分小句链结构和副动词 结构；副动词和中间动词形态根据小句叙实性与否分为两类；副动词 和中间动词要采用非限定式，而主句则采用限定式；副动词从句和中 间小句与主句主语指称可以自由互换。东纳藏语的小句链和副动词结 构，与连动结构和并列结构在一系列形态句法上区别开来。ABSTRACT:Clause-chains and converbs represent typologically distinctive ways of clause combination. Modern Tibetan has highly elaborated clause-chain and converbial structures, which are also quite unique among Tibeto-Burman languages. The clause-chain and converbial structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are representative in Tibetan, and their morphosyntactic features are mainly reflected in four aspects. In Mdungnag Tibetan, there are different markers for converbial and medial clauses depending on whether the clause is realis or irrealis. Converbial clauses and medial clauses are non-finite, while the matrix clauses are finite. Converb clauses and medial clauses can switch reference freely. The clause-chain and converbial structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are morphosyntactically distinct from conjunctive structures as well as juxtaposed structures.
Abstract: The combination of clause chains and adverbs is a unique form of clause combination in language typology. Modern Tibetan is a language with highly developed sentence chains and adverbial structures, and it is also highly distinctive in Tibetan Burmese. The small sentence chain and adverb structure of Dongna Tibetan language are representative in Tibetan, and their morphological and syntactic characteristics are mainly reflected in four aspects: distinguishing small sentence chain structure and adverb structure based on the similarities and differences of small sentence references; The forms of adverbs and intermediate verbs are divided into two categories based on the factual nature of clauses; The adverbs and intermediate verbs should be in non finite form, while the main sentence should be in finite form; The adverbial clause, middle clause, and subject reference of the main clause can be freely interchanged. The small sentence chain and adverb structure in Dongna Tibetan language are distinguished from the continuous verb structure and coordinate structure in a series of morphological and syntactic aspects. ABSTRACT: Clause chains and conversions representative typologically distinct ways of clause combination Modern Tibetans have highly reinforced clause chains and transitional structures, which are also quite unique among Tibeto Burman languages The clause chain and transitional structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are representative in Tibetan, and their morphostatic features are mainly reflected in four aspects In Mdungnag Tibetan, there are different markers for transitional and media clauses depending on where the clause is realis or irrealis Transitional clauses and media clauses are non fine, while the matrix clauses are fine Convert clauses and media clauses can switch reference freely The clause chain and transitional structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are morphosyntactically distinct from transitional structures as well as juxtaposed structures
{"title":"The Clause-Chain and Converb In Tibetan","authors":"Mingyuan Shao","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0016","url":null,"abstract":"摘要:小句链和副动词是语言类型学中比较独特的从句组合形式。现代藏语 是小句链和副动词结构极其发达的语言，在藏缅语中也极具特色。东 纳藏语的小句链和副动词结构在藏语中具有代表性，其形态句法特征 主要体现为四个方面：根据小句指称的异同区分小句链结构和副动词 结构；副动词和中间动词形态根据小句叙实性与否分为两类；副动词 和中间动词要采用非限定式，而主句则采用限定式；副动词从句和中 间小句与主句主语指称可以自由互换。东纳藏语的小句链和副动词结 构，与连动结构和并列结构在一系列形态句法上区别开来。ABSTRACT:Clause-chains and converbs represent typologically distinctive ways of clause combination. Modern Tibetan has highly elaborated clause-chain and converbial structures, which are also quite unique among Tibeto-Burman languages. The clause-chain and converbial structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are representative in Tibetan, and their morphosyntactic features are mainly reflected in four aspects. In Mdungnag Tibetan, there are different markers for converbial and medial clauses depending on whether the clause is realis or irrealis. Converbial clauses and medial clauses are non-finite, while the matrix clauses are finite. Converb clauses and medial clauses can switch reference freely. The clause-chain and converbial structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are morphosyntactically distinct from conjunctive structures as well as juxtaposed structures.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"50 1","pages":"419 - 442"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48976206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: Both the Mandarin copula "shi" and the Cantonese copula "shi" can be used for affirmative responses. From a cross linguistic perspective, it is not uncommon for conjunctions to simultaneously serve as responsive components. This article first argues that "shi" and "shi" should be considered as anaphoric components when used as affirmative response auxiliary words, supporting Krifka's (2013) analysis of corresponding answer auxiliary words. This article further points out that "shi" and "shi" can serve as anaphoric components and be used for affirmative responses, which is inseparable from the nature of their copulas. The connection between the two functions reflects the cyclic evolution of the process of grammaticalization of copulas (Lohndal 2009).
{"title":"Response particles hai6 in Cantonese","authors":"L. Cheng","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0020","url":null,"abstract":"摘要:普通话系词\"是\"和粤语系词\"係\"均可用于肯定应答。从跨语言的 角度看，系词同时可以充当应答成分的现象并不多见。本文首先论证 \" 是\" 和\" 係\" 作肯定应答助词时应被看作回指成分， 支持 Krifka(2013)对应答助词的分析。本文进一步指出\"是\"和\"係\"可 以充当回指成分并用于肯定应答，这与二者的系词性质密不可分，两 种功能间的联系体现了系词语法化过程中的循环演变(Lohndal 2009)。","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"50 1","pages":"532 - 544"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46398865","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper argues that tso in Changde dialect is a sentence final particle and its use may trigger an implied clause. It is observed that tso is only allowed in a suggestive imperative, restricted to co-occurring with the adverb ɕian先 ‘first’. Besides, xa下or ta哒alternately appears in a tso-suffixed sentence. A comparison of tso in Changde dialecct to zhe in Mandarin on the one hand and to tşe in Longhui dialect on the other hand shows that tso has similarities to and differences from both. While zhe is an aspectual particle, it may also trigger an implicit meaning in [V+zhe] construction. Although both of tso and tşe can be used as sentence final particles to introduce a sequential event implicitly, the use of tso is more constrained than tşe.
{"title":"Triggering an Implied Clause: Insights from Tso in Changde Dialect","authors":"Qing Tang, Liu Han, J. Han","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0115","url":null,"abstract":"This paper argues that tso in Changde dialect is a sentence final particle and its use may trigger an implied clause. It is observed that tso is only allowed in a suggestive imperative, restricted to co-occurring with the adverb ɕian先 ‘first’. Besides, xa下or ta哒alternately appears in a tso-suffixed sentence. A comparison of tso in Changde dialecct to zhe in Mandarin on the one hand and to tşe in Longhui dialect on the other hand shows that tso has similarities to and differences from both. While zhe is an aspectual particle, it may also trigger an implicit meaning in [V+zhe] construction. Although both of tso and tşe can be used as sentence final particles to introduce a sequential event implicitly, the use of tso is more constrained than tşe.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43910885","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores the compositionality of [dà NP de] construction in Chinese. The NP should be a direct time-denoting NPTIME or an indirect time-denoting NPITIME. Following Kayne (2016), we assume there is a silent TIME following de. Meanwhile, a less-discussed use of de—that is, the equational/appositional use of de (Chao 1968), has been revived to link the silent TIME and NPTIME/NPITIME. This analysis of de helps explain why the NP is preferably time-related, as it is easier for a time-denoting NP to establish an equational/appositional relation with the silent TIME. Dà ‘big’ is neither a size-denoting adjective, nor an evaluative morpheme. It is analyzed as an element like the restrictive adjective very (e.g., the very book) in English. Dà modifies the appositive conjunction phrase [NP de TIME], bringing emphasis to the construction, which in turn imposes certain semantic and pragmatic constraints on its subsequent clauses.
本文探讨了汉语[dondonnp de]结构的组合性。NP应该是直接表示时间的NPTIME或间接表示时间的NPITIME。根据Kayne(2016)的观点，我们假设de之后有一个无声的TIME。与此同时，de的一种较少讨论的用法，即de的等号/对位用法(Chao 1968)被重新使用，将无声的TIME与NPTIME/NPITIME联系起来。这种对de的分析有助于解释为什么NP最好是与时间相关的，因为时间表示的NP更容易与沉默的时间建立相等/对应的关系。“big”既不是表示大小的形容词，也不是评价语素。它是作为一个元素来分析的，就像英语中的限制性形容词very(例如，这本书)一样。d修饰同位语连词[NP de TIME]，强调结构，这反过来又对其后续从句施加一定的语义和语用限制。
{"title":"On the big silent appositive time in dà NP de construction in Chinese: A compositional approach.","authors":"Changsong Wang","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0114","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the compositionality of [<em>dà</em> NP <em>de</em>] construction in Chinese. The NP should be a direct time-denoting NP<sub>TIME</sub> or an indirect time-denoting NPI<sub>TIME</sub>. Following Kayne (2016), we assume there is a silent TIME following <em>de</em>. Meanwhile, a less-discussed use of <em>de</em>—that is, the equational/appositional use of <em>de</em> (Chao 1968), has been revived to link the silent TIME and NP<sub>TIME</sub>/NPI<sub>TIME</sub>. This analysis of <em>de</em> helps explain why the NP is preferably time-related, as it is easier for a time-denoting NP to establish an equational/appositional relation with the silent TIME. <em>Dà</em> ‘big’ is neither a size-denoting adjective, nor an evaluative morpheme. It is analyzed as an element like the restrictive adjective very (e.g., <em>the very book</em>) in English. <em>Dà</em> modifies the appositive conjunction phrase [NP <em>de</em> TIME], bringing emphasis to the construction, which in turn imposes certain semantic and pragmatic constraints on its subsequent clauses.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43374247","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As is well known, all relative clauses in Modern Chinese are marked with de. Compared with Modern Chinese, Archaic Chinese seems to have a richer encoding for relative clauses. It has three possible relative markers: zhe, zhi and suo. In this article, we will approach to Archaic Chinese relatives from the perspective of formal syntax. We will argue that zhe is a subject relative pronoun and suo a VP internal relative pronoun, and that zhe- and suo- relatives are derived from the A’-movement of the relevant relative pronoun to the peripheral position, creating an operator-variable relation at LF. Simultaneously, we will use Cecchetto and Donati’s labeling theory to account for a peculiar phenomenon that the same relative pronoun can form both headless and headed relatives. We will further argue that the relative marker zhi, as English that, is an invariant relativizer occupying the C position, and that zhi-relatives involve null operator movement. That is to say, like English type of languages, Archaic Chinese actually involves two separate relativizing strategies: through a relative pronoun or a null operator. The article also contributes to the debate on the analysis of relatives: data from Archaic Chinese favors an Adjunction Analysis to the Raising Analysis (or Complementation Analysis) à la Kayne.
{"title":"Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese","authors":"Chen Zhao, Futong Zhang","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0111","url":null,"abstract":"As is well known, all relative clauses in Modern Chinese are marked with de. Compared with Modern Chinese, Archaic Chinese seems to have a richer encoding for relative clauses. It has three possible relative markers: zhe, zhi and suo. In this article, we will approach to Archaic Chinese relatives from the perspective of formal syntax. We will argue that zhe is a subject relative pronoun and suo a VP internal relative pronoun, and that zhe- and suo- relatives are derived from the A’-movement of the relevant relative pronoun to the peripheral position, creating an operator-variable relation at LF. Simultaneously, we will use Cecchetto and Donati’s labeling theory to account for a peculiar phenomenon that the same relative pronoun can form both headless and headed relatives. We will further argue that the relative marker zhi, as English that, is an invariant relativizer occupying the C position, and that zhi-relatives involve null operator movement. That is to say, like English type of languages, Archaic Chinese actually involves two separate relativizing strategies: through a relative pronoun or a null operator. The article also contributes to the debate on the analysis of relatives: data from Archaic Chinese favors an Adjunction Analysis to the Raising Analysis (or Complementation Analysis) à la Kayne.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49245264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：