Pub Date : 2024-03-01DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2017.a923482
Li Yi, Han Li, Yingyi Li, Juejue Mu
The tonal-pattern of Lanzhou dialect is experiencing a change demonstrated in two aspects: a) Yin-ping 阴平 (T1a) has two variants, falling and level, and the former is being replaced by the latter; b) Shang-sheng 上声 (T2) and Qu-sheng 去声 (T3) are merging. We propose that the tonal change of T1a is partially a result of language contact, and the sandhi T1a from initial position of disyllabic combination also plays a role in extending the level tone to the citation T1a, the change of T1a then further triggers the merger of T2 and T3. Yet whether it is the change of sandhi T1a in the initial position or the change of the surface representation of citation T1a, or the merger of T2 and T3, all the directionality of tonal change is in line with the “clockwise tone shift circle” (Zhu et al. 2015; Yang and Xu 2019). We argue that tone changes are mainly due to internal factors. Although there are external stimuli, the path of tone change follows rules. The illustration of the ongoing tonal-pattern change in Lanzhou dialect will shed light on the understanding of the rules.
兰州方言的声调模式正在发生变化，表现在两个方面：a) 阴平（T1a）有两个变体，即落调和平调，前者正在被后者所取代；b) 上声（T2）和去声（T3）正在合并。我们认为，T1a 的声调变化部分是语言接触的结果，而双音节组合初始位置的沙地 T1a 也起到了将平声扩展到引文 T1a 的作用，T1a 的变化又进一步引发了 T2 和 T3 的合并。然而，无论是初始位置沙地 T1a 的变化，还是引文 T1a 表层表征的变化，抑或是 T2 和 T3 的合并，所有声调变化的方向性都符合 "顺时针声调转换圈"（Zhu et al. 2015; Yang and Xu 2019）。我们认为，音调变化主要是由内部因素引起的。虽然有外部刺激，但音调变化的路径是遵循规律的。通过对兰州方言正在发生的声调模式变化的说明，将有助于对规则的理解。
{"title":"An Ongoing Tonal-Pattern Change: Lanzhou Dialect","authors":"Li Yi, Han Li, Yingyi Li, Juejue Mu","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.a923482","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.a923482","url":null,"abstract":"The tonal-pattern of Lanzhou dialect is experiencing a change demonstrated in two aspects: a) Yin-ping 阴平 (T1a) has two variants, falling and level, and the former is being replaced by the latter; b) Shang-sheng 上声 (T2) and Qu-sheng 去声 (T3) are merging. We propose that the tonal change of T1a is partially a result of language contact, and the sandhi T1a from initial position of disyllabic combination also plays a role in extending the level tone to the citation T1a, the change of T1a then further triggers the merger of T2 and T3. Yet whether it is the change of sandhi T1a in the initial position or the change of the surface representation of citation T1a, or the merger of T2 and T3, all the directionality of tonal change is in line with the “clockwise tone shift circle” (Zhu et al. 2015; Yang and Xu 2019). We argue that tone changes are mainly due to internal factors. Although there are external stimuli, the path of tone change follows rules. The illustration of the ongoing tonal-pattern change in Lanzhou dialect will shed light on the understanding of the rules.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140270687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-01DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2017.a923476
Xiaojuan Hu
The postverbal locative prepositional phrase “Prep+DemLoc” of Lianhua Gan Chinese has been grammaticalized as a postverbal durative marker and a sentence-final mood particle. This study examines the syntactic and semantic properties as well as the grammaticalization of these two uses. The postverbal durative “Prep+DemLoc” is attached to some resultative verb compounds with phase complements that have the semantic features of [+dynamic], [–durative], and [+telic], and expresses the durativity of the resultant states expressed by these RVCs. It forms a contrastive distribution with the perfective marker li . The sentence-final “Prep+DemLoc” fits with the distributional and functional properties of a typical sentence-final particle in Chinese. It takes the preceding clause in its scope and can co-occur with other sentence-final particles in a restricted order. It is used to express the subjective mood meaning of emphasizing the existence of the state of affairs expressed by the preceding clause and facilitate the conversation by taking on the discourse function of gaining strength to the speaker’s communicative intention that can be implicit or explicit in the conversation. Based on the synchronic data, I reconstruct two probable pathways of the postverbal “Prep+DemLoc” in Lianhua Gan, i.e., “Locative > Durative > Mood” and “Locative > Mood”. The significance of this study mainly lies in its implications for cross-dialectal comparative studies on the counterparts of the postverbal “Prep+DemLoc” in other Chinese dialects.
{"title":"Grammaticalized Uses of the Postverbal Locative Prepositional Phrase in Lianhua Gan","authors":"Xiaojuan Hu","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.a923476","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.a923476","url":null,"abstract":"The postverbal locative prepositional phrase “Prep+DemLoc” of Lianhua Gan Chinese has been grammaticalized as a postverbal durative marker and a sentence-final mood particle. This study examines the syntactic and semantic properties as well as the grammaticalization of these two uses. The postverbal durative “Prep+DemLoc” is attached to some resultative verb compounds with phase complements that have the semantic features of [+dynamic], [–durative], and [+telic], and expresses the durativity of the resultant states expressed by these RVCs. It forms a contrastive distribution with the perfective marker li . The sentence-final “Prep+DemLoc” fits with the distributional and functional properties of a typical sentence-final particle in Chinese. It takes the preceding clause in its scope and can co-occur with other sentence-final particles in a restricted order. It is used to express the subjective mood meaning of emphasizing the existence of the state of affairs expressed by the preceding clause and facilitate the conversation by taking on the discourse function of gaining strength to the speaker’s communicative intention that can be implicit or explicit in the conversation. Based on the synchronic data, I reconstruct two probable pathways of the postverbal “Prep+DemLoc” in Lianhua Gan, i.e., “Locative > Durative > Mood” and “Locative > Mood”. The significance of this study mainly lies in its implications for cross-dialectal comparative studies on the counterparts of the postverbal “Prep+DemLoc” in other Chinese dialects.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140273931","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-01DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2017.a923478
Zhaole Yang
In this article, it is argued that a purely functional and semantically bleached shì in Mandarin could in many contexts be best analyzed as a complementizer. As such, i t is comparable to English that and functions as an (optional) introducer of the clausal arguments. Our survey shows that the morpheme shì as a complementizer occurs after quite a number of clause introducing operators, for instance, epistemic modals, clausal adverbs, clausal conjunctions, and verbs taking clausal objects like psych verbs and speech act verbs. Like in some other languages, e.g., the West African language Twi and Dutch, the complementizer can merge with a preceding element and the two elements are turned into one frozen combination involving reanalysis and constituency rebracketing . We argue that Mandarin shì has gone through similar developments as complementizer in many frozen combinations such as shuōshì . As a piece of additional evidence, we find that in Gangou dialect, a Mandarin variant, shì can also take on a complementizer function. In the end, based on the fact that shì is used as a demonstrative pronoun in Pre Qin times, we argue that Mandarin indeed has complementizers from two different sources out of the five major sources across languages listed by Chappell (2017), i.e., shuō , the complementizer (as argued by many) originally from a verb of saying, and shì , originally a demonstrative.
{"title":"Shì as a Complementizer","authors":"Zhaole Yang","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.a923478","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.a923478","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, it is argued that a purely functional and semantically bleached shì in Mandarin could in many contexts be best analyzed as a complementizer. As such, i t is comparable to English that and functions as an (optional) introducer of the clausal arguments. Our survey shows that the morpheme shì as a complementizer occurs after quite a number of clause introducing operators, for instance, epistemic modals, clausal adverbs, clausal conjunctions, and verbs taking clausal objects like psych verbs and speech act verbs. Like in some other languages, e.g., the West African language Twi and Dutch, the complementizer can merge with a preceding element and the two elements are turned into one frozen combination involving reanalysis and constituency rebracketing . We argue that Mandarin shì has gone through similar developments as complementizer in many frozen combinations such as shuōshì . As a piece of additional evidence, we find that in Gangou dialect, a Mandarin variant, shì can also take on a complementizer function. In the end, based on the fact that shì is used as a demonstrative pronoun in Pre Qin times, we argue that Mandarin indeed has complementizers from two different sources out of the five major sources across languages listed by Chappell (2017), i.e., shuō , the complementizer (as argued by many) originally from a verb of saying, and shì , originally a demonstrative.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140281201","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-01DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2017.a923481
Ping Wang, Xiaowen Wang
This paper makes a comprehensive investigation and comparison of the prosodic and perceptual performance of the interrogative pronoun " shen me " when indicating question, free reference and negation. The results show that the prosodic performance of the sentence using " shen me " to indicate a question is similar to the prosody of an interrogative sentence; the sentence using " shen me " to indicate free reference has the intonation of a declarative sentence with the focus stress on “ dou ”; and the sentence using " shen me " to indicate negation has the intonation of an exclamatory sentence with focus stress on " shen me " or the predicative verb “ suan ”. The results of these perceptual experiments show that the acoustic differences of " shen me " won’t affect the listener’s judgement of the mood of the original sentence, but will affect the judgement of its naturalness to a certain extent. Combining acoustic and perceptual performance, “shen me” indicating a question and free reference carries natural stress, and " shen me " indicating negation carries emphatic stress. The three functions of " shen me " should be discriminated using multi-dimensional standards, that is, both prosody and perception. Additionally, the prosodic standard should include pitch, duration and intensity.
本文对疑问代词 "申我 "在表示疑问、自由指称和否定时的拟声和知觉表现进行了全面的考察和比较。结果表明，用 "申我 "表示疑问的句子的拟声表现类似于疑问句的拟声；用 "申我 "表示自由指称的句子的语调类似于陈述句的语调，重音在 "斗 "上；用 "申我 "表示否定的句子的语调类似于感叹句的语调，重音在 "申我 "或谓语动词 "倜 "上。这些感知实验的结果表明，"shen me "的声学差异不会影响听者对原句语气的判断，但会在一定程度上影响对原句自然程度的判断。综合听觉和感觉的表现，表示疑问和自由指的 "shen me "带有自然重音，表示否定的 "shen me "带有强调重音。对于 "shen me "的三种功能，应采用多维标准进行判别，即既要考虑到拟声，又要考虑到感知。此外，拟声标准还应包括音高、持续时间和强度。
{"title":"A Prosodic and Perceptional Study on the Chinese Interrogative Pronoun “Shen Me” When Indicating Inquiry, Free Reference and Negation (in Chinese)","authors":"Ping Wang, Xiaowen Wang","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.a923481","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.a923481","url":null,"abstract":"This paper makes a comprehensive investigation and comparison of the prosodic and perceptual performance of the interrogative pronoun \" shen me \" when indicating question, free reference and negation. The results show that the prosodic performance of the sentence using \" shen me \" to indicate a question is similar to the prosody of an interrogative sentence; the sentence using \" shen me \" to indicate free reference has the intonation of a declarative sentence with the focus stress on “ dou ”; and the sentence using \" shen me \" to indicate negation has the intonation of an exclamatory sentence with focus stress on \" shen me \" or the predicative verb “ suan ”. The results of these perceptual experiments show that the acoustic differences of \" shen me \" won’t affect the listener’s judgement of the mood of the original sentence, but will affect the judgement of its naturalness to a certain extent. Combining acoustic and perceptual performance, “shen me” indicating a question and free reference carries natural stress, and \" shen me \" indicating negation carries emphatic stress. The three functions of \" shen me \" should be discriminated using multi-dimensional standards, that is, both prosody and perception. Additionally, the prosodic standard should include pitch, duration and intensity.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140268023","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-01DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2017.a923479
Shen-An Chen, Marc Allassonière-Tang, Yung-Ping Liang, One-Soon Her
The grammatical feature of sortal classifiers, common in East and Southeast Asian languages, is also found in 15 of the 65 Altaic languages we have examined, though the classifiers are far fewer and used optionally. These observations suggest that the Altaic classifier systems are not indigenous. Based on the Single Origin Hypothesis that Chinese is the only language with an indigenous classifier system in Eurasia, we propose that the rise of classifiers in Altaic is due to the influence of neighboring classifier languages. Having first confirmed that the putative classifiers in these 15 languages are genuine classifiers, we then examine the phonological and semantic characteristics of the classifiers identified in each language and detect the influence from either Chinese or Persian. Taking historical and geographical factors into consideration, we suggest that classifier languages east of Uyghur were influenced by Chinese, while those to the west are influenced by Persian; Uyghur itself was influenced by both. Assuming that Persian classifiers are not indigenous either, these findings suggest that the Single Origin Hypothesis is applicable to classifier languages in Altaic.
{"title":"On the Distribution and Origin of Sortal Classifiers in Altaic Languages (in Chinese)","authors":"Shen-An Chen, Marc Allassonière-Tang, Yung-Ping Liang, One-Soon Her","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.a923479","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.a923479","url":null,"abstract":"The grammatical feature of sortal classifiers, common in East and Southeast Asian languages, is also found in 15 of the 65 Altaic languages we have examined, though the classifiers are far fewer and used optionally. These observations suggest that the Altaic classifier systems are not indigenous. Based on the Single Origin Hypothesis that Chinese is the only language with an indigenous classifier system in Eurasia, we propose that the rise of classifiers in Altaic is due to the influence of neighboring classifier languages. Having first confirmed that the putative classifiers in these 15 languages are genuine classifiers, we then examine the phonological and semantic characteristics of the classifiers identified in each language and detect the influence from either Chinese or Persian. Taking historical and geographical factors into consideration, we suggest that classifier languages east of Uyghur were influenced by Chinese, while those to the west are influenced by Persian; Uyghur itself was influenced by both. Assuming that Persian classifiers are not indigenous either, these findings suggest that the Single Origin Hypothesis is applicable to classifier languages in Altaic.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140271073","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-01DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2017.a923477
Chi Wang
A sentence medial intoneme is argued to be responsible for typing Mandarin A-NOT-A questions. In narrow syntax, it is merged higher than deontic modals and lower than Tense; after spell out, it is realized phonetically as a high low intonation starting from the left edge of the A-NOT-A predicate. Th is proposal is supported by a sentence medial segmental particle in Chinese dialects, which further corroborates the Intonation Particle Hypothesis by showing that typing particles in non sentence final positions are also variants of intonations. Besides, the Mandarin nu clear stress rule derives two prosodic features of A-NOT-A questions : No intonational breaks within the A-NOT-A predicate and destressing of the negation word. The two features follow from the requirement that only one intonation is allowed in the nuclear stress domain and instantiate interaction among different stresses
{"title":"A Sentence Medial Clause Typing Intoneme in Mandarin A-NOT-A Questions","authors":"Chi Wang","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.a923477","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.a923477","url":null,"abstract":"A sentence medial intoneme is argued to be responsible for typing Mandarin A-NOT-A questions. In narrow syntax, it is merged higher than deontic modals and lower than Tense; after spell out, it is realized phonetically as a high low intonation starting from the left edge of the A-NOT-A predicate. Th is proposal is supported by a sentence medial segmental particle in Chinese dialects, which further corroborates the Intonation Particle Hypothesis by showing that typing particles in non sentence final positions are also variants of intonations. Besides, the Mandarin nu clear stress rule derives two prosodic features of A-NOT-A questions : No intonational breaks within the A-NOT-A predicate and destressing of the negation word. The two features follow from the requirement that only one intonation is allowed in the nuclear stress domain and instantiate interaction among different stresses","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140400639","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-01DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2017.a923480
Yan Liu, Yichen Wei, Yongxian Luo
A controversy exists regarding whether there are tense-lax vowels in Lahu and whether tense-lax phonation should be accorded phonological status, an issue that is closely related to the physiological movement of the larynx. This study presents an experimental analysis of the acoustic features of the Lahu dialect of Yunshan, using electroglottography to collect acoustic and physiological data and employing VoiceSauce and Eggworks to extract glottal features to explore laryngeal mode of motion. The study demonstrates a distinct tense-lax phonation contrast in Yunshan Lahu, which is characterized by multiple types of phonation, differences between front and back parts of tense vowels, and equal importance of tense-lax contrast and vowel length. To contribute to a systematic description of Tibeto-Burman language, this paper proposes to treat tense-lax contrast as the main feature in phonological induction, using length as its accompanying feature for explanation. From the perspective of the path of historical evolution, tenseness comes from the loss of plosive codas, and is also closely related to voiced, aspirated initials. In the process of transforming tense-lax features to tones, tense vowels retained their features of tenseness as a result of falling tones.
{"title":"Tense and Lax Vowels in the Lahu Dialect of Yunshan: A Laboratory Phonological Study","authors":"Yan Liu, Yichen Wei, Yongxian Luo","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.a923480","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.a923480","url":null,"abstract":"A controversy exists regarding whether there are tense-lax vowels in Lahu and whether tense-lax phonation should be accorded phonological status, an issue that is closely related to the physiological movement of the larynx. This study presents an experimental analysis of the acoustic features of the Lahu dialect of Yunshan, using electroglottography to collect acoustic and physiological data and employing VoiceSauce and Eggworks to extract glottal features to explore laryngeal mode of motion. The study demonstrates a distinct tense-lax phonation contrast in Yunshan Lahu, which is characterized by multiple types of phonation, differences between front and back parts of tense vowels, and equal importance of tense-lax contrast and vowel length. To contribute to a systematic description of Tibeto-Burman language, this paper proposes to treat tense-lax contrast as the main feature in phonological induction, using length as its accompanying feature for explanation. From the perspective of the path of historical evolution, tenseness comes from the loss of plosive codas, and is also closely related to voiced, aspirated initials. In the process of transforming tense-lax features to tones, tense vowels retained their features of tenseness as a result of falling tones.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140277692","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-01DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2024.a919402
桂兰 李
摘要: 江西吉水方言的“做”有普通话“和”的介词和连词功能，可引出协同对象、言谈对象、比较对象和并列对象。连-介词“做”的功能一般可以用“做伴(/嘙/得)”替换。文章以“做”为代表观察“做”及双音节形式的功能后指出，“做”是“做伴”语音弱化的结果，伴随介词“做伴[ʦɿ31–51 phon512–20]”源于相伴义动词“做伴[ʦɿ31–33 phon512]”，即在突显协同对象的连谓结构中，动词前的“做伴”发展出伴随介词功能，并发展出其他功能。考察发现，连-介词“做”及双音节形式也见于吉水周边的赣方言、吴方言和徽语，汉语方言中广泛存在相伴义动词发展出连-介词功能这种现象。① ABSTRACT: Similar with he or ken in Mandarin, ʦɿ 31-512 (做) of Jishui dialect in Jiangxi functions as comitative, animate directional and comparative preposition as well as coordinator, which can be substituted by the disyllabic functional words ʦɿ31–51 phon512–20 (做伴), ʦɿ31–51 pho20 (做嘙) or ʦɿ31–51 te20 (做得). This paper explores the functions of ʦɿ 31-512 as well as its disyllable and explores their semantic sources and pathway of semantic changes. It claims that the comitative ʦɿ 31-51 p h on 512-20 originates from verb ʦɿ 31-33 p h on 512meaning accompany , and it is reanalyzed with tonal change in the situation where ʦɿ 31-33 p h on 512 acts as the first verb with a prominent animate object of a serial verb construction. Then, on the one hand, the comitative ʦɿ 31-51 p h on 512-20 undergoes erosion into ʦɿ 31-51 p h o 512-20 or even into ʦɿ 3-512, and the latter one constitutes a compound disyllabic with suffix te 0. On the other hand, the disyllabic and monosyllabic comitatives are extended into other situations with other kinds of verb where they are reanalyzed into animate directional and comparative prepositions. Simultaneously, the comitatives are grammaticalized into coordinators, when the two participants make similar contributions to an event and hold equal status. Then it reveals that cognates of the preposition and coordinator ʦuo (做) or its compounds spread widely around Jishui dialect in Jiangxi as well as some Wu and Hui dialects, and it is common for verbs meaning accompany to develop into comitatives and coordinators.
摘要：江西吉水方言的 "做 "有普通话 "和 "的介词和连词功能，可引出协同对象、言谈对象、比较对象和并列对象。连-介词 "做 "的功能一般可以用 "做伴(/嘙/得) "替换。介词“做”的功能一般可以用“做伴(/嘙/得)”替换。文章以“做”为代表观察“做”及双音节形式的功能后指出，“做”是“做伴”语音弱化的结果，伴随介词“做伴[ʦɿ31–51 phon512–20]”源于相伴义动词“做伴[ʦɿ31–33 phon512]”，即在突显协同对象的连谓结构中，动词前的“做伴”发展出伴随介词功能，并发展出其他功能。考察发现，连-介词 "做 "及双音节形式也见于吉水周边的赣方言、吴方言和徽语，汉语方言中广泛存在相伴义动词发展出连-介词功能这种现象：江西吉水方言中的ʦɿ 31-512（做），与普通话中的他、肯类似，都具有状语、动名词、方向介词、比较介词和状语的功能、做伴）、ʦɿ31-51 pho20（做嘙）或ʦɿ31-51 te20（做得）代替。本文探讨了ʦɿ 31-512 及其双音节的功能，并探讨了它们的语义来源和语义变化途径。该研究认为，512-20 上的连词ʦɿ 31-51 p h 源自 512 上的动词ʦɿ 31-33 p h，意思是陪伴，并在 512 上的ʦɿ 31-33 p h 作为连动结构中第一个动词的情况下，通过声调变化对其进行了重新分析。那么，一方面，连词ʦɿ 31-51 p h on 512-20 被侵蚀成ʦɿ 31-51 p h o 512-20，甚至变成ʦɿ 3-512，后者构成一个带后缀 te 0 的复合双音节。另一方面，双音节和单音节的连词被扩展到其他情况下与其他类型的动词一起使用，在那里它们被重新分析为有生命的方向介词和比较介词。同时，当两个参与者对某一事件的贡献相似且地位相等时，连词被语法化为协调词。研究还发现，介词和协调词ʦuo（做）或其复合词的同源词广泛分布于江西吉水方言以及一些吴方言和回族方言中，而表示陪伴的动词发展为连词和协调词也很常见。
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Pub Date : 2024-01-01DOI: 10.1353/jcl.2024.a919403
庆文 张, 翠 江
摘要: 作为吴语西部地区的分支方言，江西上饶广丰话在表达无定语法意义时与其他方言有很大不同：除了常见的“一量名”短语和省略数词“一”形成的“量名”短语外，广丰话还可使用“个量名”短语。从音系、句法和语义三个角度对“一量名”和“个量名”短语的观察发现，虽然广丰话中的“一”和“个”还保留了数词“一”的解读，但就语法性质而言，它们都基本上演化为了不定冠词。从“个量名”的句法表现可以推测，“个”的不定冠词用法是通用量词语法化的结果，这与之前发现的“量名”短语在许多方言中表有定意义、量词正逐渐演化为准定冠词的情况完全不同，可看作是对汉语方言指称系统和量词语法研究的重要补充。“一量名”和“个量名” 短语目前在广丰话中处于两者共存，相互竞争的局面，这一情况应该是广丰话同时受到上饶话和闽北、闽中地区方言影响的结果。 ABSTRACT: As a variety of west Wu dialect, Guangfeng dialect of Shangrao, Jiangxi is distinctive from others in indefiniteness encoding: Aside from “ ieʔ 5 ‘one’-Classifier-N” and “Classifier-N” phrases frequently observed in other dialects, Guangfeng dialect also takes “ kɤʔ 5 (个)-Classifier-N” phrases to encode indefiniteness. Phonological, syntactic and semantic examinations of the three types indefinite noun phrases suggest that ieʔ 5 ‘one’ and kɤʔ 5 are indefinite articles though their quantity interpretations remain. What is striking is that kɤʔ 5 (个) in “ kɤʔ 5 (个)-Classifier-N” has been grammaticalized into an indefinite article from a general classifier, which is in contrast with the previous findings that “Classifier-N” phrases are used to encode definiteness and classifiers in this structure is being changed into a quasi-definite article. This finding is an important supplement to the studies of the referentiality system of Chinese dialects and the grammatical properties of classifiers. Currently, “ ieʔ 5+classifier+noun” and “ kɤʔ 5+classifier+noun” phrases co-exist in Guangfeng dialect and are competing with each other. Such a situation is assumed to be the consequence of language contact among Guangfeng dialect, Shangrao dialect and dialects in northern central areas of Fujian.
摘要: 作为吴语西部地区的分支方言，江西上饶广丰话在表达无定语法意义时与其他方言有很大不同：除了常见的“一量名”短语和省略数词“一”形成的“量名”短语外，广丰话还可使用“个量名”短语。从音系、句法和语义三个角度对“一量名”和“个量名”短语的观察发现，虽然广丰话中的“一”和“个”还保留了数词“一”的解读，但就语法性质而言，它们都基本上演化为了不定冠词。从“个量名”的句法表现可以推测，“个”的不定冠词用法是通用量词语法化的结果，这与之前发现的“量名”短语在许多方言中表有定意义、量词正逐渐演化为准定冠词的情况完全不同，可看作是对汉语方言指称系统和量词语法研究的重要补充。“一量名”和“个量名” 短语目前在广丰话中处于两者共存，相互竞争的局面，这一情况应该是广丰话同时受到上饶话和闽北、闽中地区方言影响的结果。 ABSTRACT: As a variety of west Wu dialect, Guangfeng dialect of Shangrao, Jiangxi is distinctive from others in indefiniteness encoding: Aside from“ ieʔ 5 ‘one’-Classifier-N” and “Classifier-N” phrases frequentlyobserved in other dialects, Guangfeng dialect also takes “ kɤʔ 5 (个)-Classifier-N” phrases to encodeindefiniteness. Phonological, syntactic and semantic examinations of the three types indefinite noun phrases suggest that ieʔ 5 ‘one’ and kɤʔ 5 are indefinite articles though their quantity interpretations remain. What is striking is that kɤʔ 5(个) in “ kɤʔ 5 (个)-Classifier-N” has been grammaticalized into an indefinite article from a general classifier, which is in contrast with the previous findings that “Classifier-N” phrases are used to encode definiteness andclassifiers in this structure is being changed into a quasi-definite article. This finding is an important supplement to the studies of thereferentiality system of Chinese dialects and the grammatical properties of classifiers. Currently, “ ieʔ 5+classifier+noun” and “ kɤʔ 5+classifier+noun” phrases co-exist in Guangfeng dialect and are competing with eachother. Such a situation is assumed to be the consequence of language contact among Guangfeng dialect, Shangrao dialect and dialects in northern centralareas of Fujian.
{"title":"不定冠词“个”与江西上饶广丰话的三种无定名词短语","authors":"庆文 张, 翠 江","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2024.a919403","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2024.a919403","url":null,"abstract":"摘要: 作为吴语西部地区的分支方言，江西上饶广丰话在表达无定语法意义时与其他方言有很大不同：除了常见的“一量名”短语和省略数词“一”形成的“量名”短语外，广丰话还可使用“个量名”短语。从音系、句法和语义三个角度对“一量名”和“个量名”短语的观察发现，虽然广丰话中的“一”和“个”还保留了数词“一”的解读，但就语法性质而言，它们都基本上演化为了不定冠词。从“个量名”的句法表现可以推测，“个”的不定冠词用法是通用量词语法化的结果，这与之前发现的“量名”短语在许多方言中表有定意义、量词正逐渐演化为准定冠词的情况完全不同，可看作是对汉语方言指称系统和量词语法研究的重要补充。“一量名”和“个量名” 短语目前在广丰话中处于两者共存，相互竞争的局面，这一情况应该是广丰话同时受到上饶话和闽北、闽中地区方言影响的结果。 ABSTRACT: As a variety of west Wu dialect, Guangfeng dialect of Shangrao, Jiangxi is distinctive from others in indefiniteness encoding: Aside from “ ieʔ 5 ‘one’-Classifier-N” and “Classifier-N” phrases frequently observed in other dialects, Guangfeng dialect also takes “ kɤʔ 5 (个)-Classifier-N” phrases to encode indefiniteness. Phonological, syntactic and semantic examinations of the three types indefinite noun phrases suggest that ieʔ 5 ‘one’ and kɤʔ 5 are indefinite articles though their quantity interpretations remain. What is striking is that kɤʔ 5 (个) in “ kɤʔ 5 (个)-Classifier-N” has been grammaticalized into an indefinite article from a general classifier, which is in contrast with the previous findings that “Classifier-N” phrases are used to encode definiteness and classifiers in this structure is being changed into a quasi-definite article. This finding is an important supplement to the studies of the referentiality system of Chinese dialects and the grammatical properties of classifiers. Currently, “ ieʔ 5+classifier+noun” and “ kɤʔ 5+classifier+noun” phrases co-exist in Guangfeng dialect and are competing with each other. Such a situation is assumed to be the consequence of language contact among Guangfeng dialect, Shangrao dialect and dialects in northern central areas of Fujian.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140527292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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