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India and the Gulf: Regional security and India's multialignment policy 印度与海湾:区域安全与印度的多重结盟政策
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-26 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.12682
Md. Muddassir Quamar

In the 21st century, India significantly enhanced its engagements with the Gulf region driven by domestic economic and security considerations. New Delhi followed a policy of strengthening bilateral ties and maintained neutrality on intraregional disputes, tensions, and rivalries. Hence, the Gulf policy followed the fine print of a multialigned foreign policy, a concept frequently used to describe the post-Cold War shifts in India's external relations. However, given the transitions in the regional security scenario both because of regional developments and systemic factors, India's multialigned policy in the Gulf faces serious challenges. The Indian response reveals that despite different regional and international factors pulling in different directions, the Gulf policy continues to be guided by multialignment.

在21世纪,出于国内经济和安全考虑,印度显著加强了与海湾地区的接触。新德里奉行加强双边关系的政策,在地区内部争端、紧张局势和对抗问题上保持中立。因此,海湾政策遵循了多方位外交政策的蓝图,这一概念经常被用来描述冷战后印度对外关系的转变。然而,鉴于地区发展和系统性因素导致的地区安全形势的转变,印度在海湾地区的多方位政策面临着严峻挑战。印度的回应表明,尽管不同的地区和国际因素朝着不同的方向发展,但海湾政策仍以多重结盟为指导。
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引用次数: 0
Strategies of Authoritarian Survival and Dissensus in Southeast Asia: Weak Men Versus Strongmen by Sokphea, Young,Palgrave Macmillan, 2021. Sokphea,Young,Palgrave Macmillan,2021,《东南亚威权主义生存和异议的策略:弱者与强者》。
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-22 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.12687
Im Soksamphoas
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引用次数: 0
Maritime disputes in northeast Asia: Regional challenges and cooperation, by Suk-kyoon Kim.Leiden, The Netherlands:Brill-Nijhoff, 2017. 253 pp. 《东北亚的海洋争端:区域挑战与合作》,Suk-kyoon Kim著。荷兰莱顿:Brill Nijhoff,2017。253页。
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-20 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.12681
Kyu-hyun Jo
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引用次数: 0
Challenge the strong wind: Canada and East Timor, 1975−99, David WebsterVancouver: UBC Press. 2020. ISBN: 9780774862974, $89.95 (Hardcover), ISBN: 9780774862981 (Paperback), $32.95. 挑战强风:加拿大和东帝汶,1975-99,大卫·韦伯斯特温哥华:UBC出版社。2020年。ISBN:9780774862974美元(硬封面),ISBN:9780774862981美元(平装本),32.95美元。
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-20 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.12684
Wu-Ling Chong
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引用次数: 1
Future forward: The rise and fall of a Thai political Party, McCargo Duncan. Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2020. 未来展望:一个泰国政党麦卡戈·邓肯的兴衰。哥本哈根:NIAS出版社,2020年。
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-20 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.12686
Mark S. Cogan
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引用次数: 0
Acknowledgment of APP reviewers for 2022 2022年APP审核人鸣谢
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-18 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.12680
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引用次数: 0
Seoul in India's (new) middle order convergence 首尔在印度(新)中产阶级融合中
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-17 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.12673
Jagannath Panda

As both India and South Korea build their ties on the basis of democratic partnership and ASEAN centrality, the need for Seoul to emerge as a strong partner in India's Indo-Pacific initiatives is vital. India's quest for a more serious multilateral network is continuously growing in the security sphere, and Korea's induction in the same via the “Plus” framework of the quadrilateral hints at potential for successful connects with other multilateral frameworks or bodies like the AIIB to balance economic assistance and development. Ultimately, the natural upgradation of India-South Korea relations relies intensely upon the degree to which Seoul will embrace the Indo-Pacific account that India's AEP is pitching. The merging of soft and hard power by the middle and rising power is critical to India to ensure a rules-based international order; finding a formal place for Seoul in its Indo-Pacific prism must emerge as a necessary focus of New Delhi.

随着印度和韩国在民主伙伴关系和东盟中心地位的基础上建立关系,首尔需要成为印度印太倡议中的强大伙伴,这一点至关重要。印度在安全领域寻求建立一个更严肃的多边网络的努力正在不断增加,而韩国通过四边形的“+”框架引入了同样的网络,这暗示着与亚投行等其他多边框架或机构成功建立联系以平衡经济援助和发展的潜力。最终,印度与韩国关系的自然升级在很大程度上取决于首尔对印度AEP所倡导的印太账户的接受程度。中等和新兴大国的软实力和硬实力的融合对印度确保基于规则的国际秩序至关重要;为首尔在印度-太平洋棱镜中找到一个正式的位置,必须成为新德里的一个必要重点。
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引用次数: 3
A relational approach to Indo-Pacific strategies: South Korea's role in a networked regional architecture 印度-太平洋战略的关系方法:韩国在网络化区域架构中的作用
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-17 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.12678
Andrew Yeo, Kuyoun Chung

How do regional actors perceive South Korea's role in the Indo-Pacific? Using South Korea as a reference point, this introductory paper to the Special Issue adopts the analogy of “network structures” to examine how the network of Indo-Pacific relations shapes actors' perceptions and interactions with other states in the region. South Korea's relationship with other actors in the Indo-Pacific is not just a function of bilateral relations. It is influenced by the larger strategic environment and the dynamic relationships that exist among network actors. By analyzing the Indo-Pacific strategies of several states comparatively, we aim to better understand South Korea's role and place within the broader regional strategic network. We advocate a relational approach to understanding regional dynamics in the Indo-Pacific that moves past traditional international relations paradigms.

地区行动者如何看待韩国在印太地区的角色?以韩国为参考点,这篇《特刊》的介绍性论文采用了“网络结构”的类比,来考察印太关系网络如何塑造行动者与该地区其他国家的看法和互动。韩国与印太地区其他行为者的关系不仅仅是双边关系的一个功能。它受到更大的战略环境和网络参与者之间存在的动态关系的影响。通过比较分析几个国家的印太战略,我们旨在更好地了解韩国在更广泛的区域战略网络中的作用和地位。我们主张用一种超越传统国际关系范式的关系方法来理解印太地区的动态。
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引用次数: 0
Relational peace versus pacific primacy: Configuring US strategy for Asia's regional order 关系和平与太平洋优先:为亚洲地区秩序配置美国战略
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-13 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.12675
Van Jackson

This article challenges the presumption that American commitment to the greater Indo-Pacific region has positive effects on regional stability. It argues that the degree to which America's strategic choices in Asia embrittle or consolidate peace depends on how they intersect with relational configurations of regional order. An accommodative strategy of restraint and mutual threat reduction offers the greatest stability with the least risk either when China's ties to a unified Asia are predatory or when Asia is fractured but China's ties to it are cooperative. A balance-of-power strategy offers the greatest stability and least risk when China's ties to a fractured Asia are confrontational or predatory. And an institutional strategy offers the greatest stability with the least risk when China enjoys broadly cooperative ties to Asia regardless of whether Asian states are unified or fractured. Crucially, a strategy of primacy or containment embrittles regional peace because it conflicts with every foreseeable configuration of relational order. America's role as a Pacific Power should adapt to local relational conditions if it is to serve the greater purpose of regional peace.

这篇文章挑战了美国对大印太地区的承诺对地区稳定有积极影响的假设。它认为,美国在亚洲的战略选择在多大程度上破坏或巩固和平,取决于它们如何与地区秩序的关系格局相交。当中国与统一的亚洲的关系是掠夺性的,或者当亚洲破裂但中国与之的关系是合作性的时,克制和相互减少威胁的宽松战略提供了最大的稳定性和最小的风险。当中国与分裂的亚洲的关系是对抗性或掠夺性的时,力量平衡战略提供了最大的稳定性和最小的风险。当中国与亚洲建立广泛的合作关系时,无论亚洲国家是统一的还是分裂的,制度战略都能提供最大的稳定性和最小的风险。至关重要的是,首要或遏制战略会破坏地区和平,因为它与关系秩序的每一种可预见的配置都相冲突。如果要为地区和平的更大目标服务,美国作为太平洋大国的角色应该适应当地的关系条件。
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引用次数: 1
South Korea in the ASEAN-centered regional network 韩国在以东盟为中心的区域网络中
IF 0.9 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-13 DOI: 10.1111/aspp.12676
Sarah Teo

Relying on a networked perspective, this article argues that South Korea is an actor of relative importance in ASEAN's regional network, but it ultimately does not occupy a place that is more crucial than the association's other dialogue partners. In the context of ASEAN seeking to maintain its network power in an evolving Indo-Pacific, South Korea has played a supportive role in ASEAN's pursuit of social access, brokerage links and minimizing its exit potential from the Indo-Pacific network. South Korea's role, however, has been a comparably limited one rooted in specific functional areas and focused on certain ASEAN member states. While these efforts would certainly reinforce ASEAN's network power to some extent, the relatively thin network links between ASEAN and South Korea in other sectors suggest that there is little potential to expand cooperation beyond a functional and socioeconomic trajectory.

本文从网络化的角度出发,认为韩国是东盟地区网络中相对重要的参与者,但它最终并没有占据比东盟其他对话伙伴更重要的位置。在东盟寻求在不断发展的印太地区保持其网络力量的背景下,韩国在东盟寻求社会准入、经纪联系和最大限度地减少其退出印太网络的潜力方面发挥了支持作用。然而,韩国的作用相对有限,植根于特定的功能领域,并专注于某些东盟成员国。虽然这些努力肯定会在一定程度上加强东盟的网络力量,但东盟和韩国在其他部门的网络联系相对薄弱,这表明在功能和社会经济轨道之外扩大合作的潜力很小。
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引用次数: 3
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Asian Politics & Policy
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