Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2022.2120659
M. Delgado
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2022.2112711
Russell Belk
regional focus on Abya Yala/Afro/Latino América, Escobar’s decolonial lens and focus on the (re)localization of action invite any reader to extrapolate his ideas to other contexts. Nevertheless, the book’s greatest strength is also its greatest weakness: it raises a plentitude of intriguing and extremely relevant questions that it does not intend to answer. This even evokes a slight sense of dissonance within Escobar’s main argument and his commitment to ‘the kinds of politics that defend a deeply relational understanding of life’ (xiii): On the one hand, the book aims to make radical claims by shifting towards radical relationality. On the other hand, it then compromises this radicality by continuing to accommodate political designs that may not sufficiently grasp the interconnectedness of life and the resulting necessity to see all forms of (in)justice as interdependent. If ‘pluriversal politics itself involves ... inhabiting a spectrum from the radically relational to the modernist liberal’ (xvii), one cannot help but wonder if this is a pluriverse that the planet wants and needs. Hence, a tension remains as to whether Pluriversal Politics is actually radical enough. Finally, returning to the main goal of the book and Escobar’s explicit request to evaluate it ‘by the extent to which it succeeds in opening up the... imagination to... an ontological politics towards the pluriverse’ (x), it certainly accomplishes its aim. Even more so, it invites the reader to re-imagine pluriversal politics not as the mere designs for pluriversal transitions (xvi) but as the strategies that foreground an acknowledgement of a multiplicity and hierarchy of worlds and, consequently, a redistribution of power. Such a step may require what Latour called a metaphysical ‘bomb’, referring to Viveiros de Castro’s work, rather than an exclusively relational lens. But, who knows; in the spirit of imagining possibility differently, perhaps there is indeed another ‘possible’ possible beyond the one(s) presented by Escobar?
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2022.2112722
Halil İbrahim Ergül
became available in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. This marked a shift like that which Alonso discusses regarding the liturgy after the 2nd Vatican Council: from grace through the actions of the priest (ex opere operantis) to those that occur from the work performed (ex opere operato). Yet both changes also accompanied a marked increase in individualism, which Alonso attributes to the rise of free market capitalism. The second proof of marketing’s power offered by Alonso is Thomas Frank’s short chapter, ‘Why Johnny Can’t Dissent’ (Frank and Weiland 1997), expanded upon in Frank’s (1997) The Conquest of Cool and Heath and Potter’s (2004) Nation of Rebels. The thesis is that marketing turns our dissent into a commodity like the car for countercultural rebels or ‘indie’ music or hipster beer and sells it back to us. Such opportunistic commodification sounds the death knell for resistance in Alonso’s view. Americans have long said you can’t fight City Hall and Alonso concedes that today you can’t fight consumer culture. And so, Alonso concludes, we must get over it. His liturgic real politik involves an updating of liturgies without condoning excess. We can put a Christmas tree in the narthex, but Santa is perhaps a bridge too far. But there is more. A final parable offered by Alonso is arguably his most telling. It lies in the observations fromWalter Benjamin’s (1999) unfinished Arcades project. Writing in the 1930s, Benjamin wandered through the former flaneur’s paradise of the Paris arcades where strollers could once gaze at the shoppers who gazed at each other and the glittering attractions of French consumer culture in full swing just a decade or two earlier. But the shoppers and the goods had moved on to department stores and high-end boutiques.What was left were fragments and the debris of a commodity culture. Benjamin saw in these leftovers ‘traces of people’s deepest hopes and desires.’ In one of the chapters of the posthumously assembled translation of The Arcades Project, Benjamin muses on the dreams these fashions, advertising, and buildings must have evoked. He called it an awakening from sleep and compared it to Proust’s rich memories after the familiar taste of petite Madeleines and lime blossom tea. So, the awakening is also a reawakening and a remembering of dreams past. In these glimmers fromprior dreams of a consumer utopia, Alonso senses not only the refuse of a consumer culture; he also hears cries of hope. We are reminded of the cries to awake in the wake of George Floyd’s murder in 2021. The resulting cry for woke culture has reverberated round the world. If a single death can have this impact, just maybe there can be a similar reawakening in Christian culture.
在14世纪末和15世纪初开始使用。这标志着一种转变，就像阿隆索在第二次梵蒂冈大公会议后讨论的礼仪一样:从通过牧师的行为(ex opere operantis)获得的恩典，到通过所做的工作(ex opere operato)产生的恩典。然而，这两种变化也伴随着个人主义的显著增加，阿隆索将其归因于自由市场资本主义的兴起。阿隆索提供的营销力量的第二个证据是托马斯·弗兰克的简短章节，“为什么约翰尼不能异议”(弗兰克和韦兰1997年)，在弗兰克(1997年)的《征服酷和希斯》和波特(2004年)的《叛逆者的国家》中进行了扩展。这个论点是，营销把我们的异议变成一种商品，就像反主流文化叛逆者的汽车、“独立”音乐或潮人啤酒一样，然后再卖给我们。在阿隆索看来，这种机会主义的商品化为抵抗敲响了丧钟。长期以来，美国人一直说你无法与市政厅抗争，而阿隆索承认，今天你无法与消费文化抗争。因此，阿隆索总结道，我们必须克服它。他的礼仪真正的政治包括更新礼仪，但不纵容过度。我们可以在走廊里放一棵圣诞树，但圣诞老人可能是一座太过遥远的桥。但还有更多。阿隆索提供的最后一个寓言可以说是他最能说明问题的。它存在于walter Benjamin(1999)未完成的拱廊项目的观察中。本雅明写于20世纪30年代，他漫步在巴黎拱廊廊这个曾经是闲逛者天堂的地方，在这里，漫步者曾经可以凝视着彼此凝视的购物者，也可以欣赏到十年前或二十年前法国消费文化的璀璨魅力。但购物者和商品已经转向百货公司和高端精品店。留下的是商品文化的碎片和碎片。本杰明在这些残羹剩饭中看到了人们最深切的希望和欲望的痕迹。在他死后整理的《拱廊计划》译本的其中一章中，本杰明沉思着这些时尚、广告和建筑一定唤起了人们的梦想。他称这是一种从睡梦中醒来的感觉，并将其比作普鲁斯特在品尝了小玛德琳蛋糕和酸橙花茶之后的丰富记忆。所以，觉醒也是对过去梦想的再觉醒和回忆。在这些来自先前消费乌托邦梦想的微光中，阿隆索不仅感觉到消费文化的拒绝;他也听到了希望的呼喊。这让我们想起了2021年乔治·弗洛伊德(George Floyd)被谋杀后，人们要求醒来的呼声。由此产生的对觉醒文化的呼唤在全世界回荡。如果一个人的死亡能产生这样的影响，也许在基督教文化中也会有类似的觉醒。
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2022.2112749
Hanan Merheb
European context, but also particularly within the North American one. Often, policy circles seem to suggest that multiculturalism is disdained for its increased emphasis on racial, ethnic, and religious diversity, yet that is not the full motivation according to Demir. She argues that an emphasis on diversity has made it possible for the diaspora to talk back against the metropole, which is seen as a path for minorities to weaken the White nationalist, hegemonic, and supremacist understanding of the power structure. In fact, this book relates to the notion of racializing White working class communities as the main groups that are being left behind, rather than utilizing class and the experiences with empire to identify socio-economic marginalization for many diverse groups.Diaspora as translation and decolonization is exceptionally thought-provoking, as Demir’s work encourages new productive pathways for scholars interested in rethinking decolonizing activities and translations among diasporas.
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2022.2098724
E. van Ree
ABSTRACT This article argues that people locked in extreme conditions involving life-and-death risks on a long-term basis, often undergo a process of ‘self-heroization’. Self-heroization includes the adoption of a heroic ethos and of an ‘epic consciousness’, i.e. people come to experience themselves as heroes living out an epic they themselves ‘write’ through their actions. The process will be explored at the hand of modern armed-struggle revolutionaries. Four closely entangled mechanisms will be explored. First, cognitively, the revolutionaries’ heroic self-understanding reflects their violent and high-risk (heroic) lifestyle. Second, the modern revolutionaries’ heroic ethos (a hybrid of courage and sacrifice; knowledge; and organization) emotionally endows them with a fighting spirit that allows them to perform their violent work. Third, self-heroization helps revolutionaries coping with their physically and existentially challenged, uprooted lives, by forging a sense of a higher, more glorious personality. And fourth, the adoption of an epic consciousness helps revolutionaries, who are mostly the weaker party in the conflict with the state, in boosting themselves for victory.
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Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2022.2112732
M. Gergan
because even though Sells does a good job of delving into historical parameters of what constituted sacralised politics of the regime, his analysis seems insufficient regarding how nationalism’s flirt with the religion took place in that context. Partly due to analytical restrictions and shortage of literature on the specific geography being studied, Sells ends up giving a historical account of Wahhabism, pan-Islamism, and Saudi-Western relations. Lastly, analyses throughout the book could have been methodically more diverse so that the societal aspects of some presumptuous arguments like ‘for many contemporary Hindus nationalism has overtaken the function of faith’ (p. 20) would be backed by solid empirical evidence provided by representative surveys, interviews, and whatnot. Setting these details aside, this book’s sophisticated theoretical framework and its richness of cases discussed from various parts of the world are powerful enough to gain novel insights concerning the relations between state, society, communal attachments, and pervasive religious beliefs. Its interdisciplinary investigation of how and to what extent sacralization in the political domain takes place has the potential to open new research interests in the field.
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Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2022.2091087
Sher Afgan Tareen
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Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2022.2083783
J. Quijada
populism and authoritarianism that have been resurgent in recent years. Kaminski’s conclusion is that Islam and liberalism have fundamental ontological incompatibilities. They are fundamentally divided on the conceptualization and hierarchy between the religious and the worldly (dīnī and dunyāwī). Secularism, a core condition of possibility for liberalism, is completely alien from Islam and even the Arabic language (except as a modern loan word). In the end, liberalism is inextricable from its Enlightenment origins, which will never be compatible with a religion that remains tied to its founding miraculous moment in the past. What is to be done in the face of these intractable, core disagreements about the nature of reality and the source of moral knowledge? Kaminski closes by calling for a more generalized ethos of tolerance. Without becoming liberals, Muslims would do well to recognize the historical fact of pluralism and not expect universal adherence to Islam to be the precondition for pursuing justice and cooperation in the world. Indeed, both Kaminski’s opening salvo and conclusion are more liberal than perhaps the general tenor of the book would suggest. He closes by calling for greater individual commitment to practices of toleration and pluralism based on the view that ‘moral progress is ultimately made at the individual level and this begins by recognizing everyone’s inherent moral worth,’ averring that this would be the position of both John Rawls and the Prophet Muh ammad. Indeed, his basic stance on the encounter between Islam and liberalism seems to be that since ‘generalized lower-order similarities between Islam and liberalism should be seen primarily as incidental to rather than indicative of any deeper discursive congruence’ we should avoid the search for a foundational metaphysical agreement between Islam and liberalism and instead search for tangible, concrete, and specific points of consensus and conciliation. This is, without a doubt, both reflective of common sense but also the most we can hope for if both liberals and Muslims are going to retain a coherent, integral, and defensible understanding of and commitment to their own traditions.
近年来死灰复燃的民粹主义和威权主义。卡明斯基的结论是，伊斯兰教和自由主义具有根本的本体论不相容。他们在宗教和世俗之间的概念化和等级上存在根本性的分歧(d ā n ā和dunyāwī)。世俗主义是自由主义可能性的核心条件，它与伊斯兰甚至阿拉伯语(除了作为一个现代借词)完全格格不入。最后，自由主义与启蒙运动的起源是分不开的，它永远不会与一个与过去奇迹般的创始时刻联系在一起的宗教相容。面对这些关于现实本质和道德知识来源的棘手的核心分歧，我们该怎么做?最后，卡明斯基呼吁一种更普遍的宽容精神。在不成为自由主义者的情况下，穆斯林最好认识到多元主义的历史事实，不要指望普遍信奉伊斯兰教是在世界上追求正义与合作的先决条件。的确，卡明斯基的开篇和结语都比本书的主旨所暗示的更为自由。他最后呼吁更大的个人承诺实践宽容和多元主义基于这样的观点"道德进步最终是在个人层面上实现的这始于认识到每个人内在的道德价值"他断言这将是约翰·罗尔斯和先知Muhammad的立场。事实上，他对伊斯兰教和自由主义之间相遇的基本立场似乎是，既然“伊斯兰教和自由主义之间普遍的低阶相似性应该主要被视为偶然的，而不是任何更深层次的话语一致性的指示”，我们应该避免寻找伊斯兰教和自由主义之间基本的形而上学协议，而是寻找切实的、具体的、具体的共识和和解点。毫无疑问，这既是常识的反映，也是我们所能期望的，如果自由主义者和穆斯林都将对自己的传统保持连贯、完整和可辩护的理解和承诺。
{"title":"The Future of Immortality: Remaking Life and Death in Contemporary Russia","authors":"J. Quijada","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2022.2083783","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2022.2083783","url":null,"abstract":"populism and authoritarianism that have been resurgent in recent years. Kaminski’s conclusion is that Islam and liberalism have fundamental ontological incompatibilities. They are fundamentally divided on the conceptualization and hierarchy between the religious and the worldly (dīnī and dunyāwī). Secularism, a core condition of possibility for liberalism, is completely alien from Islam and even the Arabic language (except as a modern loan word). In the end, liberalism is inextricable from its Enlightenment origins, which will never be compatible with a religion that remains tied to its founding miraculous moment in the past. What is to be done in the face of these intractable, core disagreements about the nature of reality and the source of moral knowledge? Kaminski closes by calling for a more generalized ethos of tolerance. Without becoming liberals, Muslims would do well to recognize the historical fact of pluralism and not expect universal adherence to Islam to be the precondition for pursuing justice and cooperation in the world. Indeed, both Kaminski’s opening salvo and conclusion are more liberal than perhaps the general tenor of the book would suggest. He closes by calling for greater individual commitment to practices of toleration and pluralism based on the view that ‘moral progress is ultimately made at the individual level and this begins by recognizing everyone’s inherent moral worth,’ averring that this would be the position of both John Rawls and the Prophet Muh ammad. Indeed, his basic stance on the encounter between Islam and liberalism seems to be that since ‘generalized lower-order similarities between Islam and liberalism should be seen primarily as incidental to rather than indicative of any deeper discursive congruence’ we should avoid the search for a foundational metaphysical agreement between Islam and liberalism and instead search for tangible, concrete, and specific points of consensus and conciliation. This is, without a doubt, both reflective of common sense but also the most we can hope for if both liberals and Muslims are going to retain a coherent, integral, and defensible understanding of and commitment to their own traditions.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"38 1","pages":"248 - 251"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82895645","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21567689.2022.2082416
M. Islam
ABSTRACT The ‘ulama have an important position in Muslim society. They hold influence not only in the socio-religious domain but also in the political domain. This article aims to examine the religio-political roles of the ‘ulama in Bangladesh. The examination has been done through an exhaustive and critical content analysis of published secondary literature about the ‘ulama and politics. The article argues that the Bangladeshi ‘ulama are diverse and have shown their religio-political flexibility throughout recent history. The ‘ulama have also played effective religio-political roles in times of sociopolitical change. Their roles have also varied from time to time in accordance with the sociopolitical conditions. The article also shows that the ‘ulama have gained influence under center-right Governments and lost it under center-left Governments in post-independent Bangladesh.
{"title":"Faithful Participation: The ‘Ulama in Bangladeshi Politics","authors":"M. Islam","doi":"10.1080/21567689.2022.2082416","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2022.2082416","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The ‘ulama have an important position in Muslim society. They hold influence not only in the socio-religious domain but also in the political domain. This article aims to examine the religio-political roles of the ‘ulama in Bangladesh. The examination has been done through an exhaustive and critical content analysis of published secondary literature about the ‘ulama and politics. The article argues that the Bangladeshi ‘ulama are diverse and have shown their religio-political flexibility throughout recent history. The ‘ulama have also played effective religio-political roles in times of sociopolitical change. Their roles have also varied from time to time in accordance with the sociopolitical conditions. The article also shows that the ‘ulama have gained influence under center-right Governments and lost it under center-left Governments in post-independent Bangladesh.","PeriodicalId":44955,"journal":{"name":"Politics Religion & Ideology","volume":"26 1","pages":"177 - 203"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76815643","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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