Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1353/chn.2023.a898338
F. Pieke
In his seminal work Ideology and Organization in Communist China, first published in 1966, Franz Schurmann presented a comprehensive sociological analysis of the Communist Party of China’s (CPC) revolutionary construction of a “New China”. In his introduction, Schurmann highlights two main points. The first is that ideology and organisation condition each other. In Schurmann’s words, organisations are “structures of differentiated roles which require the ordered exercise of power”, while ideology is a “manner of thinking characteristic of an organization”. The second and even more important point is that ideology and organisation in communist China are different from “culture”, “ethos” or “social system”, which are shorthand for how things are. Ideology and organisation, however, are action-oriented. They form a “rational instrument to do a job”, with the job being the creation of a new system and culture to replace the old ones destroyed during the revolution. During the revolution, ideology and organisation were destructive tools, breaking down the old system and elite; after the revolution, the CPC turned to the same instruments, making them into productive tools in the creation of a new society, culture and elite. Action and power are keywords in Schurmann’s work, and are drawn from an American sociological tradition inspired by Max Weber that prominently includes Talcott Parsons. Schurmann maintains that there is little sense in a pure exegesis of Chinese communist ideological writings. What matters is how ideology is used as a programme of action. Ideology is produced not as statements of truth, but to guide
{"title":"Ideology, Organisational Power and the Naturalisation of the Rule of the Communist Party of China","authors":"F. Pieke","doi":"10.1353/chn.2023.a898338","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2023.a898338","url":null,"abstract":"In his seminal work Ideology and Organization in Communist China, first published in 1966, Franz Schurmann presented a comprehensive sociological analysis of the Communist Party of China’s (CPC) revolutionary construction of a “New China”. In his introduction, Schurmann highlights two main points. The first is that ideology and organisation condition each other. In Schurmann’s words, organisations are “structures of differentiated roles which require the ordered exercise of power”, while ideology is a “manner of thinking characteristic of an organization”. The second and even more important point is that ideology and organisation in communist China are different from “culture”, “ethos” or “social system”, which are shorthand for how things are. Ideology and organisation, however, are action-oriented. They form a “rational instrument to do a job”, with the job being the creation of a new system and culture to replace the old ones destroyed during the revolution. During the revolution, ideology and organisation were destructive tools, breaking down the old system and elite; after the revolution, the CPC turned to the same instruments, making them into productive tools in the creation of a new society, culture and elite. Action and power are keywords in Schurmann’s work, and are drawn from an American sociological tradition inspired by Max Weber that prominently includes Talcott Parsons. Schurmann maintains that there is little sense in a pure exegesis of Chinese communist ideological writings. What matters is how ideology is used as a programme of action. Ideology is produced not as statements of truth, but to guide","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":"21 1","pages":"3 - 7"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46283433","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1353/chn.2023.a898343
Daniel Koss
Abstract:CPC (Communist Party of China) networks in banks lead the way, forging new roles for the Party in economic governance. Drawing on digital traces left by Party-building activities, along with specialised scholarship in Chinese, this article analyses the CPC’s growing presence in everyday banking that has swiftly unfolded since 2015. A central finding is that discipline inspections with a broad mandate have triggered transformative change: Bankers adopt a new discourse submitting to the CPC’s open-ended authority, including extravagant displays of loyalty. Formal rules ranging from revised corporate charters to career incentive systems enshrine the Party’s authority. Banks’ involvement in Xi Jinping’s anti-poverty campaign has also established precedents for politically oriented banking.
{"title":"Discipline Inspections and the Transformation of Party Authority in China’s Banks","authors":"Daniel Koss","doi":"10.1353/chn.2023.a898343","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2023.a898343","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:CPC (Communist Party of China) networks in banks lead the way, forging new roles for the Party in economic governance. Drawing on digital traces left by Party-building activities, along with specialised scholarship in Chinese, this article analyses the CPC’s growing presence in everyday banking that has swiftly unfolded since 2015. A central finding is that discipline inspections with a broad mandate have triggered transformative change: Bankers adopt a new discourse submitting to the CPC’s open-ended authority, including extravagant displays of loyalty. Formal rules ranging from revised corporate charters to career incentive systems enshrine the Party’s authority. Banks’ involvement in Xi Jinping’s anti-poverty campaign has also established precedents for politically oriented banking.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":"21 1","pages":"113 - 92"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48705847","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1353/chn.2023.a898345
Kjeld Erik Brødsgaard
In the wake of the Tiananmen debacle in 1989, many Western scholars believed that the Communist Party of China (CPC) had lost its legitimacy and would soon be relegated to the “dustbin of history”. This belief was reinforced by the collapse of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991. Scholars increasingly looked for signs of centrifugal forces that would weaken the Chinese political system. As a result, the focus of much research shifted to new social strata and groups, non-governmental developments and movements of dissent, tensions in central–local relations, fragmented policymaking and so forth. However, the CPC did not wither away. Instead, it underwent a process of renewal and organisational reform, drawing lessons from studying what had gone wrong in the Soviet Union. Changes were introduced incrementally and were often informed by local experimentation. At the same time, the CPC continued to deliver economic progress and improved income opportunities for the majority of the Chinese population. By the early 2000s, it had become clear that the CPC was not about to collapse. Scholars gradually realised that to do any in-depth study of the functioning of the Chinese body politic and its development trajectory, they had to include research on the CPC. In particular during the era of Xi Jinping, it has become abundantly clear that not only is the CPC at the centre of the Chinese political-economic system, but also that power and functions of the state are increasingly migrating to the Party. In March 2018, at the annual meeting of the National People’s Congress (NPC), an institutional reform programme was adopted. It followed the tradition of introducing major state and government restructuring in a five-year cycle. However, the 2018 programme was unusual as it also involved the Party organisation. For example, the State Administration for Public Service (Gongwuyuan ju) was transferred from the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security to the Party’s Central Organization Department. The bianzhi administration, the office in charge of planning and allocating personnel and organisational resources, was also placed under this department. In combination with the Central Organization Department’s control of the nomenklatura system, these transfers of functions and institutions have considerably increased the
{"title":"Afterword and Reflections","authors":"Kjeld Erik Brødsgaard","doi":"10.1353/chn.2023.a898345","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2023.a898345","url":null,"abstract":"In the wake of the Tiananmen debacle in 1989, many Western scholars believed that the Communist Party of China (CPC) had lost its legitimacy and would soon be relegated to the “dustbin of history”. This belief was reinforced by the collapse of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991. Scholars increasingly looked for signs of centrifugal forces that would weaken the Chinese political system. As a result, the focus of much research shifted to new social strata and groups, non-governmental developments and movements of dissent, tensions in central–local relations, fragmented policymaking and so forth. However, the CPC did not wither away. Instead, it underwent a process of renewal and organisational reform, drawing lessons from studying what had gone wrong in the Soviet Union. Changes were introduced incrementally and were often informed by local experimentation. At the same time, the CPC continued to deliver economic progress and improved income opportunities for the majority of the Chinese population. By the early 2000s, it had become clear that the CPC was not about to collapse. Scholars gradually realised that to do any in-depth study of the functioning of the Chinese body politic and its development trajectory, they had to include research on the CPC. In particular during the era of Xi Jinping, it has become abundantly clear that not only is the CPC at the centre of the Chinese political-economic system, but also that power and functions of the state are increasingly migrating to the Party. In March 2018, at the annual meeting of the National People’s Congress (NPC), an institutional reform programme was adopted. It followed the tradition of introducing major state and government restructuring in a five-year cycle. However, the 2018 programme was unusual as it also involved the Party organisation. For example, the State Administration for Public Service (Gongwuyuan ju) was transferred from the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security to the Party’s Central Organization Department. The bianzhi administration, the office in charge of planning and allocating personnel and organisational resources, was also placed under this department. In combination with the Central Organization Department’s control of the nomenklatura system, these transfers of functions and institutions have considerably increased the","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":"21 1","pages":"136 - 140"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43495304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1353/chn.2023.a898341
Lianjiang Li
Abstract:In the absence of multiparty electoral competition, it is challenging to assess popular support for the Communist Party of China. Existing methods rely on unidimensional measures which are often reduced to a simple dichotomy of high or low support, therefore missing a measure for ambivalence. This study argues that party support in China has two dimensions. The specific dimension is trust in the Party, while the diffuse one is endorsement of one-party rule. The study therefore identifies three attitudes towards the Party—support, ambivalence and dissent— and concludes that popular support for the ruling party is weaker than the Party itself has claimed it to be.
{"title":"Assessing Popular Support for the Communist Party of China","authors":"Lianjiang Li","doi":"10.1353/chn.2023.a898341","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2023.a898341","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In the absence of multiparty electoral competition, it is challenging to assess popular support for the Communist Party of China. Existing methods rely on unidimensional measures which are often reduced to a simple dichotomy of high or low support, therefore missing a measure for ambivalence. This study argues that party support in China has two dimensions. The specific dimension is trust in the Party, while the diffuse one is endorsement of one-party rule. The study therefore identifies three attitudes towards the Party—support, ambivalence and dissent— and concludes that popular support for the ruling party is weaker than the Party itself has claimed it to be.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":"21 1","pages":"51 - 71"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49144313","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The current COVID-19 pandemic has had a huge impact on global health security, and some developed countries have promoted "vaccine nationalism" based on the principle of self-interested supremacy and have adopted the approach of seizing pre-sale opportunities in the procurement of vaccines and competing for the right to distribute vaccines to obstruct fair and reasonable distribution of vaccines worldwide. This article analyses the current situation of and predicament caused by the pandemic in the Middle East which has to bear the brunt of the influence and detrimental impact of vaccine nationalism. By analysing the vaccine cooperation model and mechanism between China and countries in the Middle East, this article investigates how China's vaccine cooperation in the Middle East has transcended vaccine nationalism. Vaccine nationalism has not only affected the availability of vaccines in countries in the Middle East but also threatened the health and safety of the region. The international vaccine cooperation between China and Middle Eastern countries is therefore an effective hedge against the negative impact of vaccine nationalism, highlighting China's fundamental stance to safeguard the attributes of vaccines as public goods and also demonstrating to the international community China's exemplary role in the fight against the pandemic.
{"title":"Beyond \"Vaccine Nationalism\": China's Cooperation with the Middle East in the COVID-19 Vaccine","authors":"Song Niu, Rui-hua Wu","doi":"10.1353/chn.2023.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2023.0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The current COVID-19 pandemic has had a huge impact on global health security, and some developed countries have promoted \"vaccine nationalism\" based on the principle of self-interested supremacy and have adopted the approach of seizing pre-sale opportunities in the procurement of vaccines and competing for the right to distribute vaccines to obstruct fair and reasonable distribution of vaccines worldwide. This article analyses the current situation of and predicament caused by the pandemic in the Middle East which has to bear the brunt of the influence and detrimental impact of vaccine nationalism. By analysing the vaccine cooperation model and mechanism between China and countries in the Middle East, this article investigates how China's vaccine cooperation in the Middle East has transcended vaccine nationalism. Vaccine nationalism has not only affected the availability of vaccines in countries in the Middle East but also threatened the health and safety of the region. The international vaccine cooperation between China and Middle Eastern countries is therefore an effective hedge against the negative impact of vaccine nationalism, highlighting China's fundamental stance to safeguard the attributes of vaccines as public goods and also demonstrating to the international community China's exemplary role in the fight against the pandemic.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":"21 1","pages":"114 - 134"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44974069","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The Communist Party of China enhanced its local presence by establishing a branch in the Theravada Buddhist wat in Dehong. Such direct political engagement in a religious venue, however, does not lead to grievances from the locals. This article finds that if the purely ideological differences can be well managed at the local level, the religion and the Party can cooperate with each other and maintain a harmonious relationship. This article reflects on the state–religion antagonism paradigm and argues that an alternative paradigm—an interests-based paradigm—should be prioritised when studying relations between the state and religion in China.
{"title":"The \"Party Branch Established in the Wat\": Social Cooperation between Local Authorities and Religion in the Theravada Buddhist Community of South-west China","authors":"Hao Xiong","doi":"10.1353/chn.2023.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2023.0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The Communist Party of China enhanced its local presence by establishing a branch in the Theravada Buddhist wat in Dehong. Such direct political engagement in a religious venue, however, does not lead to grievances from the locals. This article finds that if the purely ideological differences can be well managed at the local level, the religion and the Party can cooperate with each other and maintain a harmonious relationship. This article reflects on the state–religion antagonism paradigm and argues that an alternative paradigm—an interests-based paradigm—should be prioritised when studying relations between the state and religion in China.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":"21 1","pages":"45 - 69"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45338153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Yun Liu, Liyang Zhang, An Dong, Junlin Li, Peihua Zhu, Yan Shao, Ryan Ho, Enshen Li, Xifen Lin, Sihong Liu, Y. Chung, Hao Xiong, Wen-hsuan Tsai, Chih-Wei Yu, Sibei Sun, Xiangning Wu, Song Niu, Rui Wu, Jinrui Xi
Abstract:This article examines the untold stories behind the Canada–China grain trade in the 1960–63 period. According to some archived records of Canadian business proceedings that have yet barely been examined, non-state agents in both nations took joint initiatives to deliver these grain sales, demonstrating pragmatic attitudes to de-escalate political tensions. Despite intensive disputes that persistently sabotaged trade normalisation, many actors devoted tireless efforts consistent with the future trend of public diplomacy. Acting on behalf of local civil societies and business associations, Canadian wheat trade agents facilitated effective two-way communication with their Chinese peers. The emphasis on common interests, rather than on ideological assertion, helped to contain political distrust with "de-othering" narratives. Increased engagement by civilian stakeholders thus served to hedge against political risk exposures.
{"title":"Survival through Pragmatic Thinking: Revisiting the Untold Stories behind the Canada–China Grain Trade, 1960–63","authors":"Yun Liu, Liyang Zhang, An Dong, Junlin Li, Peihua Zhu, Yan Shao, Ryan Ho, Enshen Li, Xifen Lin, Sihong Liu, Y. Chung, Hao Xiong, Wen-hsuan Tsai, Chih-Wei Yu, Sibei Sun, Xiangning Wu, Song Niu, Rui Wu, Jinrui Xi","doi":"10.1353/chn.2023.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2023.0000","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article examines the untold stories behind the Canada–China grain trade in the 1960–63 period. According to some archived records of Canadian business proceedings that have yet barely been examined, non-state agents in both nations took joint initiatives to deliver these grain sales, demonstrating pragmatic attitudes to de-escalate political tensions. Despite intensive disputes that persistently sabotaged trade normalisation, many actors devoted tireless efforts consistent with the future trend of public diplomacy. Acting on behalf of local civil societies and business associations, Canadian wheat trade agents facilitated effective two-way communication with their Chinese peers. The emphasis on common interests, rather than on ideological assertion, helped to contain political distrust with \"de-othering\" narratives. Increased engagement by civilian stakeholders thus served to hedge against political risk exposures.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":"21 1","pages":"1 - 113 - 114 - 134 - 135 - 159 - 160 - 176 - 177 - 203 - 204 - 207 - 208 - 209 - 23 - 24 - 44 - 45"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45163835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article sheds light on the indigenous knowledge structure of China's discursive power strategy and foreign policy practices, as they relate to the development of norms and historicised narratives. Previous studies into China's interstate and foreign communication tend to focus on the Communist Party of China's (CPC) preference for authoritarian, top-down control of the revolutionary zero-sum game, thereby overlooking the representational images and internalisation of symbols underlying its normative speech acts. This study finds elements of social continuity in China's localised style of discourse securitisation that are subtly implicit in its public communicative intent. The aim of the article is to facilitate understanding of the sociopolitical processes driving China's foreign affairs-related dialogue repertoire.
{"title":"Instrumentalisation of Local Knowledge? Unravelling the Patterns of China's Discursive Foreign Policy Practices","authors":"Y. Chung","doi":"10.1353/chn.2023.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2023.0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article sheds light on the indigenous knowledge structure of China's discursive power strategy and foreign policy practices, as they relate to the development of norms and historicised narratives. Previous studies into China's interstate and foreign communication tend to focus on the Communist Party of China's (CPC) preference for authoritarian, top-down control of the revolutionary zero-sum game, thereby overlooking the representational images and internalisation of symbols underlying its normative speech acts. This study finds elements of social continuity in China's localised style of discourse securitisation that are subtly implicit in its public communicative intent. The aim of the article is to facilitate understanding of the sociopolitical processes driving China's foreign affairs-related dialogue repertoire.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":"21 1","pages":"24 - 44"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44755292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Liyang Zhang, An Dong, Junlin Li, Peihua Zhu, Yanjiao Shao
Abstract:This article uses 2012–18 China Family Panel Survey (CFPS) panel data to study the impact of government transfer payment receipt on extracurricular tuition expenditure for children of urban families requiring aid. Findings have shown that government transfer payments increase extracurricular tuition spending for children and have a positive impact on total family expenditure with regard to children's education. Heterogeneity tests indicate that the impact is significant in the central and eastern regions of China, among children above seven years old and children in one-child families. The authors attribute the positive effects to parents' increased awareness of the importance of education and to increased opportunities for children from assisted families to participate in extracurricular tuition classes. This article proposes policy recommendations to improve the government transfer payment system in urban China.
{"title":"The Impact of Government Transfer Payments on Extracurricular Tuition Expenditure for Children in Urban China","authors":"Liyang Zhang, An Dong, Junlin Li, Peihua Zhu, Yanjiao Shao","doi":"10.1353/chn.2023.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2023.0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article uses 2012–18 China Family Panel Survey (CFPS) panel data to study the impact of government transfer payment receipt on extracurricular tuition expenditure for children of urban families requiring aid. Findings have shown that government transfer payments increase extracurricular tuition spending for children and have a positive impact on total family expenditure with regard to children's education. Heterogeneity tests indicate that the impact is significant in the central and eastern regions of China, among children above seven years old and children in one-child families. The authors attribute the positive effects to parents' increased awareness of the importance of education and to increased opportunities for children from assisted families to participate in extracurricular tuition classes. This article proposes policy recommendations to improve the government transfer payment system in urban China.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":"21 1","pages":"177 - 203"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46078254","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article reveals how COVID-19 has provoked the enactment of recent emergency regulations and the implications for criminal justice policy and practice in the People's Republic of China (PRC). In what the authors describe as a principle that "special times call for special measures", China's legal approach to the challenges created by COVID-19 resembles the country's enduring crime control "strike hard" strategy. Under the banner of "dynamic zero-COVID", this analysis also demonstrates the practice of cautious law enforcement as seen through the "strike hard" practices. This is encapsulated by the augmentation and specification of "risk-creation" offences as well as the emerging trend that favours charging risk perverse actions as more serious offences when assessing punishment.
{"title":"\"Special Times Call for Special Measures\": China's Regulation of COVID-19 through Criminal Justice Innovation","authors":"Enshen Li, Xifen Lin, Sihong Liu","doi":"10.1353/chn.2023.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2023.0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article reveals how COVID-19 has provoked the enactment of recent emergency regulations and the implications for criminal justice policy and practice in the People's Republic of China (PRC). In what the authors describe as a principle that \"special times call for special measures\", China's legal approach to the challenges created by COVID-19 resembles the country's enduring crime control \"strike hard\" strategy. Under the banner of \"dynamic zero-COVID\", this analysis also demonstrates the practice of cautious law enforcement as seen through the \"strike hard\" practices. This is encapsulated by the augmentation and specification of \"risk-creation\" offences as well as the emerging trend that favours charging risk perverse actions as more serious offences when assessing punishment.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":"21 1","pages":"1 - 23"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43002230","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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