Pub Date : 2020-02-03DOI: 10.1093/wentk/9780190843670.003.0002
D. Wright
When and where did Buddhism begin? Like Christianity and Islam, the last two of the five major world religions to emerge, Buddhism has an identifiable founder, Siddhartha Gautama, who came to be called the Buddha. Gautama was born in a village in the low Himalayan...
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Pub Date : 2020-02-03DOI: 10.1093/wentk/9780190843670.003.0006
D. Wright
Is Buddhism a religion, and if so in what sense? This question has perplexed Westerners ever since their first encounters with Buddhism in the eighteenth century. Early missionaries, merchants, and government officials living in Asia wrote home in confusion. On the surface, Buddhism certainly seemed...
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Pub Date : 2020-01-15DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780195393521-0263
The study of Korean Buddhist art and architecture is a relatively young field compared to the long-held study of Japanese and Chinese art. A major exhibition of Koryŏ period (918–1392) Buddhist painting at the Yamato Bunkakan in 1978 led to an intensified study of the approximately 160 remaining Koryŏ Buddhist paintings as well as several dozen extant Buddhist sculptures in Japanese and other foreign collections. In the early 1980s, the study of Korean Buddhist art and architecture developed into an independent field of study at Korean universities, with scholars such as Kim Lena and Mun Myungdae leading the field. The earliest Anglophone studies on Korean Buddhist art were published in the late 1980s (see Pak 1987–1988, cited under Illuminated Manuscripts, and Sorensen 1989, under Buddhist Painting of the Chosŏn Period). Notable scholars following the aforementioned pioneers include Koryŏ painting experts Chung Woothak and Ide Seinosuke, as well as sculpture experts Ch’oe Sŏng-un and Jeong Eun-woo. In the late 1990s and 2000s, a research shift occurred when the South Korean Cultural Heritage Administration began to conduct and publish several surveys on Korean Buddhist art, focusing on late Chosŏn period (1392–1910) material in South Korean temples and museums (for example, see Han’guk ŭi purhwa, under Reference Works). Such newly recognized Chosŏn period paintings became the main field of study for scholars such as Kim Junghee, Lee Yongyun, and Park Eunkyoung. The latest research trend was encouraged by a special exhibition on pokchang (consecration deposits enshrined inside sculptures and paintings) held at Sudŏksa (Sudŏk Monastery) in 2004 (Sudŏksa Kŭnyŏk Sŏngbogwan 2004, under Exhibition Catalogues). Since then, the study of pokchang has developed into one of the most popular fields in Korean Buddhist art in South Korea (Lee 2013, under Consecration Deposits inside Sculptures/Paintings. Arranged chronologically and thematically within each time period, publications introduced in this annotated bibliography were selected for their innovative arguments and methodological breadth, focusing on the two main fields: painting and sculpture. Unless a specific romanization of a Korean scholar’s name is already established in Anglophone publications, Korean scholars’ names were transcribed using McCune-Reischauer Romanization, with an alternative rendering of the name provided in parentheses if available. No commas are provided between last name and first name for Korean, Chinese, and Japanese names.
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Pub Date : 2019-11-26DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780195393521-0262
Valerie J. Roebuck
The Buddhist texts known as Dhammapada (Pali) or Dharmapada (Sanskrit and other Indic languages), “Words/Verses of the Teaching,” are collections of wisdom verses, regarded as having been spoken by the Buddha himself. Their equivalents in Mahayanist literature are often called Udānavarga, “Collection of Inspired Utterances [of the Buddha],” effectively a synonymous term. From the large number of versions that are now known, it appears likely that each of the early Buddhist sects had a Dharmapada among its canonical texts. However these different versions are not variations of one original: “Dhammapada” or “Udānavarga” seems to have been more of an idea or template than a single text. Certain characteristics are common to all known versions: the verses are arranged in chapters, each with a key word as title, such as “Pairs,” “Flowers,” or “The Brahmin.” However, they are not necessarily the same chapters, and even when the same titles are used they are not in the same order. Versions vary widely in length, and although there is generally a great deal of overlap in their content, there are many verses that do not occur in every version, or are placed in different chapters in different versions. Some verses or sequences are shared with other canonical Buddhist texts, and indeed with Hindu and Jain texts. Although the various known versions would have belonged to different early Buddhist schools, the differences between them do not seem to reflect doctrinal disagreements. In fact, few of the verses would be controversial to any Buddhist, concerned as they are with the basics of Buddhist teaching. The style is generally simple and straightforward, and clearly aimed at a lay audience as much as at monks and nuns.
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Pub Date : 2019-07-31DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780195393521-0261
T. Lewis
A work covering the Buddha’s life titled Sugata Saurabha (The Sweet Fragrance of the Buddha) was written by Chittadhar Hridaya (b. 1906–d. 1982), 20th-century Nepal’s most famous and accomplished writer in the Tibeto-Burman language, Nepal Bhasa (Newari in Western sources; Newa in now preferred contemporary use). This long work in nineteen chapters (spanning 354 printed pages) was originally published in 1948 and reissued after the poet’s death in 1982. During the early 1940s, Hridaya was arrested by the Rana government for publishing a poem regarded as subversive; while jailed for this, he wrote this poetic masterpiece, which he had to smuggle out of prison, at times using gaps in the metal storage boxes that families provided to supply provisions for the imprisoned. Features of the text convey the richness of intention and poetic ambition in Sugata Saurabha, and the genius of Hridaya is evident in the blending of both traditional and modern-Western influences. The work is an epic in kāvya style, yet written in Newari—albeit with a vast Sanskrit vocabulary. The kāvya center of Sugata Saurabha is clear in its other core features: stanzas composed in over twenty-five classical Sanskrit meters, the elaborate forms of ornamentation in verse and word choices (alamkāra), the constant reliance on similes and tropes from the Sanskrit tradition (e.g., “lotus-like feet”), and the use of puns (śleṣa) conveying dual meanings. The poet, through many traditional conventions, also seeks to convey a deep feeling for the subject matter by evoking basic aesthetic ideals or rasas. And yet while varying the number of syllables placed in each line, according to Sanskrit rhythmic forms, Hridaya followed the Western poetic tradition of ending each couplet with rhyming suffixes, a possibility that the vowel endings of Newari and Sanskrit words facilitated. The other mark of Western influence in Sugata Saurabha is the use of punctuation and indentation to mark quotations and the ends of couplets, mixed with more traditional devanāgari forms. Hridaya’s Sugata Saurabha conveys major events in the great teacher’s life, yet simultaneously, through his treatment of characters, the description of natural spaces, and by filling in the place and ethnic details that remain unmentioned or underdeveloped in the canonical accounts, the narrative also celebrates his own Newar cultural traditions. In places, the author expresses his own views on political issues, ethical principles, literary life, gender discrimination, economic policy, and social reform. Sugata Saurabha reflects the breadth and wealth of Buddhist ideas in circulation among Newar Buddhists in the first half of the 20th century—a contending realm of Newar Mahayana incorporating tantric practices; a reformist and missionary Theravadin faction in touch with advocates in Sri Lanka and India; a more subdued presence of Tibetan Buddhism mediated by Newar Lhasa traders; and the intellectual, modernist scholarly presence of
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Pub Date : 2019-07-31DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780195393521-0260
C. B. Jones
During the revolutionary period in which China moved from imperial rule to republicanism, many new political leaders deprecated all religion as superstition and urged the government to confiscate religious property for new secular use. While many traditionalist religious leaders simply sought to counter such moves, some, such as Taixu (b. 1890–d. 1947), were more progressive. Agreeing that Buddhism in China had fallen behind the times, Taixu worked and wrote to help Buddhists create new organizations and bring their teachings and practices more into line with the needs of the modern world. Perhaps more than anything else, he is known as the founder of a form of Buddhism called “Buddhism for Human Life” (rensheng fojiao) and “Buddhism for the Human Realm” (renjian fojiao), terms often rendered into English both as “Engaged Buddhism” and “Humanistic Buddhism.” Only recently have scholars begun to acknowledge that Taixu kept much of the Buddhist tradition intact even as he tried to reorient it toward engagement with contemporary social and political problems. However, his successors (such as Sheng Yen and Thich Nhat Hanh) have moved even further away from premodern concepts and “escapist” goals in order to focus Buddhist attention on this-worldly issues such as environmental degradation, women’s issues, and human rights. Because of the increased recent attention to the more traditional elements of Taixu’s Buddhist belief and practice, those who use the items in the following article for research should pay attention to the date of the material. Studies published prior to 1990 will invariably present Taixu strictly as a modernizer and declare wrongly that he opposed such things as ritualism and Pure Land devotions, and place him in opposition to another Buddhist faction labeled “traditionalist” or “conservative.” More recent studies will note his own devotion to Maitreya and aspiration for rebirth in that future buddha’s abode, his rich ritual life, and his friendly relations with many of those deemed “conservative.” To date, not many studies on Taixu have appeared, and so the following bibliography is not extensive.
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Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.1080/14639947.2018.1521604
A. Skilton
ABSTRACT This article examines the term kammaṭṭhāna in three contexts. It begins by looking at the rare usage in the Pali canon where it denotes secular work, but is extended to include the work of the ascetic. It then looks at its usage in the commentarial period to denote the meditation subjects for samatha meditation, and where extensions of this to include vipassanā also occur. Finally, the article looks at kammaṭṭhāna in early modern Southeast Asia (primarily Siam) in the context of a variety of pre-modern meditation, boran kammathan, where the number of meditation subjects is increased, the patterns of their usage has changed with a new emphasis on experiencing nimitta, and kammathan is employed as a general term for meditation per se. The article also considers some ancillary features of boran kammathan texts, offering suggestions to enhance the search for new boran kammathan texts in manuscript archives and libraries.
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Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.1080/14639947.2019.1666342
A. Skilton, K. Crosby, P. Kyaw
Despite the remarkable rise in publications on the subject of meditation practices derived from Theravada Buddhism, the representation of Theravada meditation itself, in all its rich diversity, has...
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Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.1080/14639947.2018.1530836
Phibul Choompolpaisal
ABSTRACT This article focuses on a range of meditation practices in Siam and Laos from the early sixteenth century to the present, using primarily published materials from the early twentieth century, especially a survey of traditional or boran meditation published in 1936 by the Thammayut monk Phramahachoti Jai Yasothararat (1897–1963). The works he compiled stem from high-ranking Lao and Siamese clerics including three Supreme Patriarchs: Sivisuddhisom (Laos; sixteenth century), Suk (Siam; 1733–1822) and Don (Siam; 1771–1852). All are examples of what might be called the boran kammatthan, i.e. a traditional and somewhat technical form of meditation that had flourished widely prior to the encroachment of monastic and social reforms, eventually losing out to Burmese Vipassana and Thai Forest tradition meditation techniques. To facilitate the comparison, the study focuses on nimitta and other visual aspects of meditation in the systems, revealing considerable diversity even within boran kammatthan. Continuities with contemporary meditation systems amongst three living traditions are then explored. These include meditation lineages at Wat Ratchasittharam, Wat Pradusongtham and the network of temples that adopt Sodh Candasaro’s (1884–1959) Dhammakaya meditation method.
摘要本文利用二十世纪初出版的主要材料，特别是泰国僧人Phramahachoti Jai Yasotharraat（1897-1963）于1936年出版的一份关于传统或婆罗教冥想的调查报告，重点介绍了16世纪初至今暹罗和老挝的一系列冥想实践。他编纂的著作源于老挝和暹罗的高级神职人员，包括三位最高牧首：Sivisuddhisom（老挝；16世纪）、Suk（暹罗；1733-1822）和Don（暹罗，1771-1852）。所有这些都是可能被称为婆罗经的例子，即一种传统的、有点技术性的冥想形式，在修道院和社会改革之前广泛发展，最终输给了缅甸的内观和泰国森林传统冥想技术。为了便于比较，这项研究重点关注了系统中冥想的尼米塔和其他视觉方面，揭示了即使在波兰·卡马坦内部也存在相当大的多样性。然后探索了三种生活传统中与当代冥想系统的连续性。其中包括Ratchasittharam寺、Pradusontham寺的冥想谱系，以及采用Sodh Candasaro（1884–1959）法身冥想方法的寺庙网络。
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Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.1080/14639947.2019.1666343
A. Skilton, P. Kyaw, K. Crosby
The Cavendish banana has already been evoked as an analogy for therapeutic mindfulness, alluding to the consequences of restricting commercial production to this single variety.1 One might extend t...
卡文迪许香蕉已经被用作治疗正念的类比，暗指将商业生产限制在这个单一品种的后果。。。
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