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‘Horn Please’: The evolution and regulation of traffic in twentieth-century India “请按喇叭”:20世纪印度交通的演变和管制
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/00194646231200331
Purbasha Das
The article explores the changes in behaviours and norms that followed the arrival of modern transport: trams, motor cars, buses and motor lorries. The article examines how new forms of behaviours such as the regulation of speed of motor cars, use of traffic lights, or newer methods of using streets such as walking on footpaths impacted the interaction between the authorities and people living within cities. The article shows that ideas of modern behaviour, centred on maintaining discipline and order on the streets were endorsed by the government but were contested and reluctantly adapted by the people. It also highlights the existence of social biases in administrative decisions connected to street use. This is evident in the analysis of accidents when the Indian driver and his lack of physical strength is equated with his incapability to drive a tram. This essentialisation takes place at both ends. Such debates occurred on the lines of race and class. For instance, the industrial workforce which migrated from rural areas had to learn new skills to navigate different spaces in the city. Apart from the factory, their activities on the streets were also scrutinised, such as when their inability to understand traffic rules was attributed to their rural background. Thus, in certain cases, transport mobility is incompatible with social mobility.
这篇文章探讨了随着有轨电车、汽车、公共汽车和卡车等现代交通工具的到来,人们的行为和规范发生了变化。这篇文章研究了新的行为形式,如机动车速度的调节,交通信号灯的使用,或在人行道上行走等新的街道使用方法,如何影响当局与城市居民之间的互动。这篇文章表明,以维持街头纪律和秩序为中心的现代行为观念得到了政府的认可,但却受到了人民的质疑和不情愿。它还强调了在与街道使用有关的行政决策中存在的社会偏见。这在事故分析中很明显,当印度司机和他缺乏体力等同于他无法驾驶有轨电车时。这种本质化发生在两端。这样的辩论以种族和阶级为界限。例如,从农村迁移过来的工业劳动力必须学习新的技能来适应城市的不同空间。除了工厂外,他们在街上的活动也受到了密切关注,比如当他们不懂交通规则被归咎于农村背景时。因此,在某些情况下,运输流动性与社会流动性是不相容的。
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引用次数: 0
The limits of the ethnographic state in British India: The case of ‘foreign Asiatic vagrants’, c. 1860–1900 英属印度民族志国家的界限:以1860-1900年“外国亚洲移民”为例
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/00194646231200358
Claude Markovits
This article looks afresh at the notion of the British–Indian colonial state as an ‘ethnographic state’, as formulated by Nicholas Dirks. It does so through a case study of gangs of ‘foreign Asiatic vagrants’ whose forays into British India during the last decades of the nineteenth century created panic among colonial officials and further argues that such panic was due to the difficulty of identifying the members of these gangs. Ethnography proved of little help in the process, as the people involved did not easily fit into the disciplinary grid of colonial ethnography, with its preference for settled communities neatly divided into discrete castes over semi-nomadic groups with shifting habits and habitats. The resulting uncertainties translated themselves into a kind of bureaucratic anarchy, as various officials took different views of the nature and composition of these groups. Eventually, their mobilities were controlled through police measures, with no significant contribution from ethnographic knowledge.
本文重新审视了尼古拉斯·德克斯(Nicholas Dirks)提出的英属印度殖民国家作为“民族志国家”的概念。它通过对19世纪最后几十年闯入英属印度的“外国亚洲流浪者”团伙的案例研究来证明这一点,并进一步认为这种恐慌是由于难以识别这些团伙的成员。事实证明,民族志在这一过程中帮助不大,因为所涉及的人不容易融入殖民地民族志的学科网格,它更倾向于将定居社区整齐地划分为离散的种姓,而不是习惯和栖息地不断变化的半游牧群体。由于不同的官员对这些团体的性质和组成持不同的看法,由此产生的不确定性演变成了一种官僚主义的无政府状态。最终,他们的流动受到警察措施的控制,没有民族志知识的重大贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Salt, smuggling and citizenship: Redefining princely sovereignty through salt in Baroda, 1870–1920 盐、走私和公民身份:巴罗达通过盐重新定义君主主权,1870-1920
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/00194646231200327
Kate Boehme
The centrality of salt within the political and economic history of India is well established in recent scholarship. Its significance was particularly profound in the western region of Gujarat; long before the arrival of the British, the princely state of Baroda had a tradition of salt manufacturing. With both government-owned pans and widespread ‘home manufacturing’ operating within the state, salt was undeniably critical to the local economy. It also held a cultural significance. In the mid-1800s, with the introduction of the British salt monopoly, these industries were officially subsumed by the colonial state. However, in their efforts to enforce the monopoly and suppress ‘illicit’ production, the British continued to face considerable resistance from all levels of the Baroda administration into the twentieth century. This article examines the contestations that occurred between the colonial and princely authorities over the issue of salt, particularly on the frontiers where jurisdiction was uncertain. It asserts that, through these processes, salt came to represent a crucial battleground for debates concerning legal sovereignty, subjecthood and economic autonomy.
盐在印度政治和经济史上的中心地位在最近的学术研究中得到了很好的确立。它的意义在古吉拉特邦西部地区尤为深远;早在英国人到来之前,巴罗达王邦就有制盐的传统。不可否认,盐业对当地经济至关重要,因为这里既有政府拥有的盐田,也有广泛的“国内制造”。它还具有文化意义。在19世纪中期,随着英国盐业垄断的引入,这些行业正式被殖民国家纳入。然而,在他们加强垄断和镇压“非法”生产的努力中,英国人在进入20世纪后继续面临来自巴罗达政府各级的相当大的阻力。本文考察了在盐的问题上,特别是在管辖权不确定的边界上,殖民地和王室当局之间发生的争论。它断言,通过这些过程,盐成为关于法律主权、主体性和经济自治的辩论的关键战场。
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引用次数: 0
Untouchability, caste, and the electorate: Revisiting legacies of the Poona Pact in Pakistan 贱民、种姓和选民:重新审视巴基斯坦普纳条约的遗产
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-22 DOI: 10.1177/00194646231201112
Sadia Mahmood
Soon after partition, Pakistan proposed separate electorates for religious minorities, including the Scheduled Castes (SC), with hopes of establishing an Islamic democracy. This article analyses the Pakistani state’s efforts to give distinct electorates to SC, which resulted in the retention of caste as a constitutional category, primarily among ‘Hindus’. It also looks on East Pakistani politicians' unwillingness to bridge political divides in the early years of Pakistan's history. By drawing on fresh archival sources, this exploration sheds insight on the shift/transformation in East Pakistan’s conceptualisation of the nation immediately following the partition. It argues that the colonial classifications of majority, minority, caste and SC were maintained by the post-colonial state for nation-building programmes and power politics. East Pakistani leaders, on the other hand, repudiated this continuity as they sought to oppose West Pakistan's political dominance. This article also demonstrates that there is a historical discontinuity between the post-partition and the contemporary politics of the Scheduled Castes in Pakistan.
印巴分治后不久,巴基斯坦提议为宗教少数群体(包括表列种姓(SC))单独选举,希望建立一个伊斯兰民主国家。本文分析了巴基斯坦政府为最高种姓提供不同选民的努力,这导致种姓保留为宪法类别,主要是在“印度教徒”中。它还关注了东巴基斯坦政治家在巴基斯坦历史早期不愿意弥合政治分歧。通过利用新的档案资料,这一探索揭示了东巴基斯坦在分裂后对国家概念的转变/转变。它认为,多数、少数、种姓和种姓的殖民分类是后殖民国家为了国家建设计划和权力政治而维持的。另一方面,东巴基斯坦领导人拒绝这种连续性,因为他们试图反对西巴基斯坦的政治主导地位。本文还论证了巴基斯坦表列种姓在分治后与当代政治之间存在着历史上的不连续性。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Santosh Kumar Rai, Weaving Hierarchies: Handloom Weavers in Early Twentieth Century United Provinces 书评:Santosh Kumar Rai,《编织等级:20世纪早期美国各省的手工织布机编织者》
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/00194646231186020
Tirthankar Roy
Santosh Kumar Rai, Weaving Hierarchies: Handloom Weavers in Early Twentieth Century United Provinces. Primus Books, 2021, 540 pp.
桑托什·库马尔·雷,《编织等级:20世纪早期美国各省的手工织布机编织者》。Primus Books, 2021, 540页。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Muzaffar Alam, The Mughals and the Sufis: Islam and Political Imagination in India, 1500–1750 书评:穆扎法尔·阿拉姆:《莫卧儿王朝与苏菲派:1500-1750年印度的伊斯兰教与政治想象》
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/00194646231186017
Alexandre Papas
Muzaffar Alam, The Mughals and the Sufis: Islam and Political Imagination in India, 1500–1750. SUNY Press, 2021, 468 pp.
穆扎法尔·阿拉姆:《莫卧儿王朝与苏菲派:1500-1750年印度的伊斯兰教与政治想象》。纽约州立大学出版社,2021,468页。
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引用次数: 1
Book review: Aditya Pratap Deo, Kings, Spirits and Memory in Central India: Enchanting the State 书评:Aditya Pratap Deo,《印度中部的国王、精神和记忆:让国家着迷》
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/00194646231185997
Budhaditya Das
Aditya Pratap Deo, Kings, Spirits and Memory in Central India: Enchanting the State. Routledge, 2022, 197 pp.
Aditya Pratap Deo,印度中部的国王,精神和记忆:迷人的国家。劳特利奇,2022,197页。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Blain Auer, In the Mirror of Persian Kings: The Origins of Perso-Islamic Courts and Empires in India 书评:Blain Auer,《在波斯国王的镜子里:印度人-伊斯兰法庭和帝国的起源》
2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/00194646231186047
Corinne Lefèvre
Blain Auer, In the Mirror of Persian Kings: The Origins of Perso-Islamic Courts and Empires in India. Cambridge University Press, 2021, 232 pp.
Blain Auer,《波斯国王之镜》:印度波斯-伊斯兰法院和帝国的起源》,剑桥大学出版社,2021 年,232 页。剑桥大学出版社,2021 年,232 页。
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引用次数: 0
Messianism, rationalism and inter-Asian connections: The Majalis-i Jahangiri (1608–11) and the socio-intellectual history of the Mughal ‘ulama 弥赛亚主义、理性主义和亚洲间的联系:贾汉吉里家族(1608 - 1611)和莫卧儿乌拉玛的社会思想史
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/0019464617710744
Corinne Lefèvre
Relying on the Majalis-i Jahangiri (1608–11) by ʿAbd al-Sattar b. Qasim Lahauri, this essay explores some of the discussions the Mughal Emperor Jahangir (r. 1605–27) conducted with a wide range of scholars, from Brahmans and ʿulama to Jesuit padres and Jewish savants. By far the most numerous, the debates bearing on Islam and involving Muslim intellectuals are especially significant on several accounts. First, because they illuminate how, following in the steps of his father Akbar (r. 1556–605), Jahangir was able to conciliate his messianic claims with a strong engagement with reason and to turn this combination into a formidable instrument for confession and state building. These conversations also provide promising avenues to think afresh the socio-intellectual history of the Mughal ʿulama inasmuch as they capture the challenges and adjustments attendant on imperial patronage, depict the jockeying for influence and positions among intellectuals (particularly between Indo-Muslim and Iranian lettrés), and shed light on relatively little known figures or on unexplored facets of more prominent individuals. In addition, the specific role played by scholars hailing from Iran—and, to a lesser extent, from Central Asia—in the juridical-religious disputes of the Indian court shows how crucial inter-Asian connections and networks were in the fashioning of Mughal ideology but also the ways in which the ongoing flow of émigré ʿulama was disciplined before being incorporated into the empire.
本文以卡西姆·拉豪里(Qasim Lahauri)的《Majalis-i Jahangiri》(1608-11)为依据,探讨了莫卧儿皇帝贾汉吉尔(1605-27)与众多学者(从婆罗门、乌拉玛到耶稣会教士和犹太学者)的一些讨论。到目前为止,关于伊斯兰教和涉及穆斯林知识分子的辩论数量最多,在几个方面尤为重要。首先,因为它们阐明了贾汉吉尔是如何跟随他的父亲阿克巴尔(1556-605)的脚步,通过与理性的强烈接触来调和他的弥赛亚主张,并将这种结合转变为忏悔和国家建设的强大工具。这些对话也为重新思考莫卧儿乌拉玛的社会思想史提供了有希望的途径,因为它们捕捉到了帝国庇护下的挑战和调整,描绘了知识分子之间的影响力和地位的争夺(特别是印度穆斯林和伊朗的lettracims之间),并揭示了相对不为人知的人物或更杰出的个人未被探索的方面。此外,来自伊朗的学者——在较小程度上也来自中亚——在印度法庭的司法和宗教纠纷中所扮演的特殊角色表明,亚洲之间的联系和网络在塑造莫卧儿意识形态的过程中是多么重要,同时也表明,在被纳入帝国之前,不断流动的移徙者和苏拉玛是如何受到纪律约束的。
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引用次数: 2
Book Review: Toby E. Huff, Intellectual Curiosity and the Scientific Revolution: A Global Perspective 书评:托比·e·赫夫,《求知欲与科学革命:全球视角》
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2012-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/0019464612463830
Anjana Singh
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Indian Economic and Social History Review
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