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Global Labor Migration 全球劳动力迁移
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-8767350
Charles Fanning, N. Piper
This article discusses the roots of the current governance system of global migration in relation to labor mobility from a critical policy and historical perspectives, by assessing the current state of global migration governance and key protection gaps regarding migrant workers, to then consider future avenues for research and advocacy to forward migrants’ human and labor rights. In the authors’ analysis of global migration governance, they center the historic and contemporary role of the International Labor Organization, whose social justice mandate and body of international labor standards extend to migrant and nonmigrant workers, and its shifting position within the international system. The authors argue that shifting geopolitical concerns and competing institutional mandates within the international system have been obstacles to advancing a rights-based approach to the global regulation of labor migration. Nevertheless, they find that the current institutional and political environment may provide opportunities for enhanced cooperation and action at the global level to empower migrant workers.
本文从关键的政策和历史角度讨论了当前全球移民治理体系与劳动力流动的关系,通过评估全球移民治理的现状和移民工人的关键保护差距,然后考虑未来研究和倡导移民人权和劳工权利的途径。在作者对全球移民治理的分析中,他们以国际劳工组织的历史和当代作用为中心,该组织的社会正义授权和国际劳工标准体系延伸到移民和非移民工人,以及其在国际体系中不断变化的地位。作者认为,地缘政治担忧的转变和国际体系内相互竞争的机构授权一直是推进基于权利的全球劳动力移民监管方法的障碍。然而,他们发现,当前的体制和政治环境可能为加强全球一级的合作和行动提供机会,以增强移民工人的能力。
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引用次数: 2
Barring the Gates 大门外
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-8767338
Adam Goodman
When long-term Chicago resident and World War II veteran Rodolfo Lozoya traveled to Mexico in 1957 to visit his ailing mother, he probably did not think that he would face the threat of permanent separation from his US citizen wife and children. But when he tried to reenter the United States, authorities excluded him from the country because of his alleged past membership in the Communist Party. The saga of Lozoya’s exclusion and his family’s separation offer insights into the hypocritical nature of democracy in Cold War America. The case also sheds light on the intertwined lives of citizens and noncitizens, and how immigrant rights groups such as the Midwest Committee for Protection of Foreign Born mobilized to defend people from exclusion and deportation under the McCarran-Walter Act of 1952. Federal censors’ decision to withhold materials on Lozoya more than fifty-five years later, and thirty years after his death, points to the enduring legacy of the Cold War and to the pervasive fear of radical politics in the twenty-first century.
1957年,芝加哥长期居民、二战老兵鲁道夫·洛佐亚前往墨西哥探望生病的母亲时,他可能没有想到自己会面临与美国公民妻子和孩子永久分离的威胁。但当他试图重新进入美国时,当局将他排除在外,因为他被指控过去是共产党党员。洛佐亚被排斥和家人分离的传奇故事让我们深入了解了冷战时期美国民主的虚伪本质。这起案件还揭示了公民和非公民相互交织的生活,以及中西部保护外国出生者委员会等移民权利组织如何动员起来,根据1952年《麦卡伦-沃尔特法案》保护人们免受排斥和驱逐。五十五年多后,也就是洛佐亚去世三十年后,联邦审查机构决定扣留有关洛佐亚的材料,这表明了冷战的持久遗产,以及对21世纪激进政治的普遍恐惧。
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引用次数: 0
Norway’s Democratic Challenge 挪威的民主挑战
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-8643472
Michael K. Honey
This article provides an overview of Norwegian labor history and social democracy, which challenges American capitalism and the labor movement to consider Martin Luther King, Jr.’s call for a “third way,” a more humane system mixing highly regulated and taxed capitalism with a strong social system powered by strong unions and a truce between workers and capitalists. The Nordic model flies in the face of American avaricious capitalism and challenges us to consider how a better society might exist even within capitalism. The author, a specialist in southern labor and civil rights history and Martin Luther King studies, urges historians to explore Norwegian and Scandinavian labor history and social democracy to see what it can teach us.
这篇文章概述了挪威的劳工历史和社会民主,这对美国资本主义和劳工运动提出了挑战,让他们考虑马丁·路德·金对“第三条道路”的呼吁,这是一种更人道的制度,将高度监管和征税的资本主义与由强大工会和工人与资本家休战推动的强大社会制度相结合。北欧模式与美国贪婪的资本主义背道而驰,挑战我们思考如何在资本主义内部建立一个更好的社会。作者是南部劳工和民权史以及马丁·路德·金研究的专家,他敦促历史学家探索挪威和斯堪的纳维亚的劳工史和社会民主,看看它能教会我们什么。
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引用次数: 0
The Precarious Work of Care 护理的艰巨工作
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-8643460
Elizabeth Faue, Josiah Rector
This article examines a series of Service Employees’ International Union (SEIU) campaigns for protection from needlestick injuries, led by women health-care workers, from the dawn of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in the 1980s through battles over the 1992 OSHA standard on blood-borne pathogens and the Needlestick Safety and Prevention Act of 2000. We argue that these campaigns developed in response to the growing physical precarity of women health-care workers in the era of “managed care,” caused by the intensification and flexibilization of health-care labor and the deregulation and underfunding of OSHA and the CDC. We show how women workers challenged employers, OSHA, and elected federal officials to address workplace health hazards, through unions like SEIU and women’s, gay rights, and public health organizations. More broadly, we argue that the occupational hazards of health-care workers are a crucial but underexplored facet of workplace studies and the history of women workers in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.
本文探讨了由女性医护人员领导的国际服务业雇员联盟(SEIU)的一系列防止针刺伤害的运动,从20世纪80年代艾滋病毒/艾滋病流行之初,到1992年OSHA关于血液传播病原体的标准和2000年《针针安全和预防法》的斗争。我们认为,这些运动是为了应对“有管理的护理”时代女性医护人员日益增长的身体不稳定而发展起来的,这是由于医护人员的强化和灵活性,以及职业安全与健康管理局和疾病预防控制中心的放松管制和资金不足造成的。我们展示了女性工人如何通过SEIU等工会以及妇女、同性恋权利和公共卫生组织,挑战雇主、OSHA和民选联邦官员,以解决工作场所的健康危害。更广泛地说,我们认为,保健工作者的职业危害是20世纪末和21世纪初工作场所研究和女工历史的一个关键但未得到充分探索的方面。
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引用次数: 0
Starting from Home 从家开始
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-8643484
E. Boris
These are powerful accounts of starting from home and coming to labor history Emma Amador, Max Fraser, Naomi R Williams, and Stacey L Smith underscore the living pasts of a field once pronounced as dead that increasingly has become as central to the historical project as the invisibilized working class that has emerged as essential during the COVID-19 pandemic In recounting the origins of their research, these new voices reinforce the link between scholarship and social commentary in ways that further extend the boundaries of the field Originally presented during the 2019 LAWCHA conference at a session organized by this journal, these personal narratives share major themes They show a continual expansion of the subject of labor history, providing fresh perspectives on who counts as working class and what constitutes work They belong to a larger trend of scrambling categories at
这些都是关于从家开始进入劳动史的有力描述Emma Amador、Max Fraser、Naomi R Williams,史黛西·L·史密斯(Stacey L Smith)强调了一个曾经被宣布为死亡的领域的生活史,这个领域越来越成为历史项目的核心,就像在新冠肺炎大流行期间出现的隐形工人阶级一样,这些新的声音加强了学术和社会评论之间的联系,从而进一步扩展了该领域的边界。这些个人叙事最初是在2019年LAWCHA会议上由本杂志组织的一次会议上提出的,它们有着共同的主题。它们显示了劳动史主题的不断扩展,为谁是工人阶级以及什么构成工作提供了新的视角他们属于一个更大的混乱类别的趋势
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引用次数: 19
Steven Universe 史蒂文宇宙
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-8643544
Bryan J. McCann
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引用次数: 3
Blue and Green: The Drive for Justice at America’s Port by Scott L. Cummings 《蓝与绿:美国港口的正义运动》,斯科特·l·卡明斯著
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-8349501
Brian K. Obach
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引用次数: 0
“Bread and Roses” 《面包和玫瑰》
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2020-05-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-8114769
T. Juravich
This paper traces the history of the song “Bread and Roses” to examine labor culture and the role of song in the labor movement. In the late 1930s and early 1940s, “Bread and Roses” was included in several of the first generation song books produced by unions that reflected an expansive and inclusive labor culture closely connected with the Left. With the ascendance of business unionism and the blacklisting of the Left after the war, labor culture took a heavy blow, and labor songbooks became skeletons of the full-bodied versions they had once been. Unions began to see singing not as part of the process of social change but as a vehicle to bring people together, and songs such as “Bread and Roses” and other more class-based songs were jettisoned in favor of a few labor standards and American sing-along songs. “Bread and Roses” was born anew to embody a central concept in the women’s movement and rode the wave of new music, art, and film that were part of new social movements and new constituencies that challenged business unionism and reshaped union culture in the 1980s.
本文追溯了《面包与玫瑰》这首歌的历史,来考察劳动文化以及歌曲在劳工运动中的作用。在20世纪30年代末和40年代初,《面包与玫瑰》被收录在工会制作的几本第一代歌曲书中,这些歌曲反映了与左翼密切相关的广泛而包容的劳工文化。战后,随着商业联合主义的兴起和左派的黑名单,劳工文化受到了沉重打击,劳工歌曲集成为了曾经的丰满版本的骨架。工会开始将唱歌视为一种工具,而不是社会变革过程的一部分,《面包与玫瑰》等歌曲和其他更基于阶级的歌曲被抛弃,取而代之的是一些劳工标准和美国人的歌曲。《面包与玫瑰》在20世纪80年代重新诞生,体现了妇女运动的一个核心概念,并顺应了新音乐、艺术和电影的浪潮,这些都是新社会运动和新选民的一部分,挑战了商业工会主义,重塑了工会文化。
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引用次数: 1
King and the Other America: The Poor People’s Campaign and the Quest for Economic Equality by Sylvie Laurent 金与另一个美国:穷人运动与经济平等的追求
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2020-05-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-8114854
G. D. Jong
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引用次数: 0
Remapping the American Left 重塑美国左派
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2020-05-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-8114733
J. Gregory
Is the American Left reemerging as a political force? Suddenly there are socialists in Congress, socialists on city councils, socialists in the Democratic Party, and much of the media has taken up the question of whether the Democratic Party is swinging to the left. If we are indeed seeing a new surge to the left and new phase of American radicalism, it would not be the first time. This is something that has happened repeatedly in the past century. The particulars are new, but the cycles of movement reinvention appear to be a feature of American politics, one that historians have not adequately explored. American radicalism has been a vexing subject for many years. It was not long ago that historians could do little more than grieve, framing the subject as a story of failures and asking whynot questions. Why was there no revolution? Why wasn’t the US Left more like the European Left or the Canadian Left? Why did the Socialist Party fall apart? Why did the New Left fade? No longer. Books by Paul Buhle, Richard Flacks, Michael Kazin, Doug Rossinow, Howard Brick, Christopher Phelps, Rhodri JeffreyJones, and Dawson Barrett have changed the tone, examining accomplishments as well as limitations, arguing that the Left has initiated significant transformations, especially involving the rights of previously excluded populations, while a century of radical action has also changed the dimensions of the civic sphere and democratic practice by fostering a culture of activism. The newer books do so in
美国左派正在重新成为一股政治力量吗?突然之间,国会里出现了社会主义者,市议会里出现了社会主义者,民主党里出现了社会主义者,许多媒体都开始关注民主党是否在向左转。如果我们确实看到了左翼的新浪潮和美国激进主义的新阶段,那也不是第一次了。这种事情在过去的一个世纪里反复发生。这些细节都是新的,但运动重塑的周期似乎是美国政治的一个特征,而历史学家们并没有充分探索这个特征。多年来,美国激进主义一直是一个令人烦恼的话题。就在不久之前,历史学家们所能做的只是悲伤,将这个主题描述为一个失败的故事,并提出为什么不这样做的问题。为什么没有革命?为什么美国的左派不像欧洲的左派或加拿大的左派?为什么社会党会分崩离析?新左派为什么会衰落?不再。保罗·布尔、理查德·弗拉克斯、迈克尔·卡津、道格·罗西诺、霍华德·布里克、克里斯托弗·菲尔普斯、罗德里·杰弗里·琼斯和道森·巴雷特等人的著作改变了这种说法,他们审视了左派的成就和局限性,认为左派已经发起了重大变革,特别是涉及到以前被排斥的人群的权利,而一个世纪的激进行动也通过培养一种激进主义文化改变了公民领域和民主实践的维度。较新的书都是这样
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引用次数: 1
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Labour-England
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