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They Didn't See Us Coming: The Hidden History of Feminism in the Nineties 他们没有看到我们的到来:九十年代女权主义的隐藏历史
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-9061661
T. Carroll
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引用次数: 4
Public kindergarten, maternal labor supply, and earnings in the longer run: Too little too late? 公立幼儿园、产妇劳动力供给、长期收益:太少太晚?
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3504734
Emilia Soldani
| Labour. 2021;35:214–263. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/labr The gap between male and female labor force participation (LFP) in the United States is largely driven by the low participation rate of women who have children. For example, based on American Community Survey data, at age thirty the difference in LFP between women with and without children is about 80% of the 9% points gap between male and female.1 Figure 1 shows that this difference exists in other age ranges as well. Survey evidence attributes the low LFP of mothers to the high opportunity costs of working, and the need to find alternative arrangements for their children while they are at work.2 What portion of the DOI: 10.1111/labr.12195
[j] .劳工。2021;35:214-263。wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/labr美国男女劳动力参与率(LFP)的差距很大程度上是由育有子女的女性参与率低造成的。例如,根据美国社区调查(American Community Survey)的数据,在30岁时,有孩子和没有孩子的女性之间的LFP差异约为男性和女性之间9%差距的80%图1显示了在其他年龄范围中也存在这种差异。调查证据将母亲的低LFP归因于工作的高机会成本,以及在工作期间需要为孩子寻找其他安排DOI: 10.1111/lab .12195的哪一部分
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引用次数: 0
Magnificent Fight: The 1919 Winnipeg General StrikeDirect Action Gets the Goods: A Graphic History of the Strike in Canada1919: A Graphic History of the Winnipeg General Strike 伟大的战斗:1919年温尼伯大罢工直接行动取得了成果:加拿大罢工的图形历史1919年:温尼伯总罢工的图形史
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-05-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-8849400
J. Guard
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引用次数: 0
Binational Gatekeepers 两个民族的守门
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-8767314
Lauren Braun-Strumfels
While the 1891 and 1893 Immigration Acts established inspection protocols that remained in place for decades, less is known about how US agents initially translated gatekeeping laws into the durable policy directives that had a profound effect on the migration of working-class people. Before the “qualitative” restriction of specific racial, social, and economic conditions transitioned to a period of “quantitative” or enumerated exclusion by the 1920s, the US government had to establish a structure to carry out the work of exclusion, but this early era of qualitative gatekeeping is less understood. Italian encounters with federal agents at Ellis Island show how the 1891 and 1893 laws empowered the administrative state to carry out the work of exclusion shadowed by the banality of bureaucratic decision-making. The records of the short-lived Office of Labor Information and Protection for Italians (1894–99), the only outpost of a foreign government allowed to operate in the main processing building on Ellis Island, offers a rare snapshot of the gatekeeping process in its crucial early years. Given that Italians were the single largest ethnic group to be processed at Ellis Island over its sixty-two-year history and the primary target of inspectors in the station’s first decade, their experiences with bureaucratic exclusion illuminate how the United States moved to systematically control working-class migration.
尽管1891年和1893年的《移民法》确立了检查协议,并在几十年的时间里一直有效,但人们对美国特工最初是如何将把关法转化为对工人阶级移民产生深远影响的持久政策指令的,却知之甚少。到20世纪20年代,在对特定种族、社会和经济条件的“定性”限制过渡到“定量”或枚举的排斥时期之前,美国政府不得不建立一种结构来开展排斥工作,但这种早期的定性把关却鲜为人知。意大利人在埃利斯岛与联邦探员的遭遇表明,1891年和1893年的法律如何赋予行政国家权力,使其能够在官僚决策的平庸阴影下开展排除工作。意大利劳工信息和保护办公室(Office of Labor Information and Protection for italy, 1894 - 1899)是唯一一个获准在埃利斯岛的主要处理大楼里运作的外国政府前哨,其记录为关键的早期守门过程提供了罕见的快照。考虑到意大利人是埃利斯岛62年历史上被处理的最大种族群体,也是该站头十年检查员的主要目标,他们被官僚排斥的经历说明了美国是如何系统地控制工人阶级移民的。
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引用次数: 0
Global Labor Migration 全球劳动力迁移
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-8767350
Charles Fanning, N. Piper
This article discusses the roots of the current governance system of global migration in relation to labor mobility from a critical policy and historical perspectives, by assessing the current state of global migration governance and key protection gaps regarding migrant workers, to then consider future avenues for research and advocacy to forward migrants’ human and labor rights. In the authors’ analysis of global migration governance, they center the historic and contemporary role of the International Labor Organization, whose social justice mandate and body of international labor standards extend to migrant and nonmigrant workers, and its shifting position within the international system. The authors argue that shifting geopolitical concerns and competing institutional mandates within the international system have been obstacles to advancing a rights-based approach to the global regulation of labor migration. Nevertheless, they find that the current institutional and political environment may provide opportunities for enhanced cooperation and action at the global level to empower migrant workers.
本文从关键的政策和历史角度讨论了当前全球移民治理体系与劳动力流动的关系,通过评估全球移民治理的现状和移民工人的关键保护差距,然后考虑未来研究和倡导移民人权和劳工权利的途径。在作者对全球移民治理的分析中,他们以国际劳工组织的历史和当代作用为中心,该组织的社会正义授权和国际劳工标准体系延伸到移民和非移民工人,以及其在国际体系中不断变化的地位。作者认为,地缘政治担忧的转变和国际体系内相互竞争的机构授权一直是推进基于权利的全球劳动力移民监管方法的障碍。然而,他们发现,当前的体制和政治环境可能为加强全球一级的合作和行动提供机会,以增强移民工人的能力。
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引用次数: 2
Barring the Gates 大门外
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-8767338
Adam Goodman
When long-term Chicago resident and World War II veteran Rodolfo Lozoya traveled to Mexico in 1957 to visit his ailing mother, he probably did not think that he would face the threat of permanent separation from his US citizen wife and children. But when he tried to reenter the United States, authorities excluded him from the country because of his alleged past membership in the Communist Party. The saga of Lozoya’s exclusion and his family’s separation offer insights into the hypocritical nature of democracy in Cold War America. The case also sheds light on the intertwined lives of citizens and noncitizens, and how immigrant rights groups such as the Midwest Committee for Protection of Foreign Born mobilized to defend people from exclusion and deportation under the McCarran-Walter Act of 1952. Federal censors’ decision to withhold materials on Lozoya more than fifty-five years later, and thirty years after his death, points to the enduring legacy of the Cold War and to the pervasive fear of radical politics in the twenty-first century.
1957年,芝加哥长期居民、二战老兵鲁道夫·洛佐亚前往墨西哥探望生病的母亲时,他可能没有想到自己会面临与美国公民妻子和孩子永久分离的威胁。但当他试图重新进入美国时,当局将他排除在外,因为他被指控过去是共产党党员。洛佐亚被排斥和家人分离的传奇故事让我们深入了解了冷战时期美国民主的虚伪本质。这起案件还揭示了公民和非公民相互交织的生活,以及中西部保护外国出生者委员会等移民权利组织如何动员起来,根据1952年《麦卡伦-沃尔特法案》保护人们免受排斥和驱逐。五十五年多后,也就是洛佐亚去世三十年后,联邦审查机构决定扣留有关洛佐亚的材料,这表明了冷战的持久遗产,以及对21世纪激进政治的普遍恐惧。
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引用次数: 0
Norway’s Democratic Challenge 挪威的民主挑战
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-8643472
Michael K. Honey
This article provides an overview of Norwegian labor history and social democracy, which challenges American capitalism and the labor movement to consider Martin Luther King, Jr.’s call for a “third way,” a more humane system mixing highly regulated and taxed capitalism with a strong social system powered by strong unions and a truce between workers and capitalists. The Nordic model flies in the face of American avaricious capitalism and challenges us to consider how a better society might exist even within capitalism. The author, a specialist in southern labor and civil rights history and Martin Luther King studies, urges historians to explore Norwegian and Scandinavian labor history and social democracy to see what it can teach us.
这篇文章概述了挪威的劳工历史和社会民主,这对美国资本主义和劳工运动提出了挑战,让他们考虑马丁·路德·金对“第三条道路”的呼吁,这是一种更人道的制度,将高度监管和征税的资本主义与由强大工会和工人与资本家休战推动的强大社会制度相结合。北欧模式与美国贪婪的资本主义背道而驰,挑战我们思考如何在资本主义内部建立一个更好的社会。作者是南部劳工和民权史以及马丁·路德·金研究的专家,他敦促历史学家探索挪威和斯堪的纳维亚的劳工史和社会民主,看看它能教会我们什么。
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引用次数: 0
The Precarious Work of Care 护理的艰巨工作
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-8643460
Elizabeth Faue, Josiah Rector
This article examines a series of Service Employees’ International Union (SEIU) campaigns for protection from needlestick injuries, led by women health-care workers, from the dawn of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in the 1980s through battles over the 1992 OSHA standard on blood-borne pathogens and the Needlestick Safety and Prevention Act of 2000. We argue that these campaigns developed in response to the growing physical precarity of women health-care workers in the era of “managed care,” caused by the intensification and flexibilization of health-care labor and the deregulation and underfunding of OSHA and the CDC. We show how women workers challenged employers, OSHA, and elected federal officials to address workplace health hazards, through unions like SEIU and women’s, gay rights, and public health organizations. More broadly, we argue that the occupational hazards of health-care workers are a crucial but underexplored facet of workplace studies and the history of women workers in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.
本文探讨了由女性医护人员领导的国际服务业雇员联盟(SEIU)的一系列防止针刺伤害的运动,从20世纪80年代艾滋病毒/艾滋病流行之初,到1992年OSHA关于血液传播病原体的标准和2000年《针针安全和预防法》的斗争。我们认为,这些运动是为了应对“有管理的护理”时代女性医护人员日益增长的身体不稳定而发展起来的,这是由于医护人员的强化和灵活性,以及职业安全与健康管理局和疾病预防控制中心的放松管制和资金不足造成的。我们展示了女性工人如何通过SEIU等工会以及妇女、同性恋权利和公共卫生组织,挑战雇主、OSHA和民选联邦官员,以解决工作场所的健康危害。更广泛地说,我们认为,保健工作者的职业危害是20世纪末和21世纪初工作场所研究和女工历史的一个关键但未得到充分探索的方面。
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引用次数: 0
Starting from Home 从家开始
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-8643484
E. Boris
These are powerful accounts of starting from home and coming to labor history Emma Amador, Max Fraser, Naomi R Williams, and Stacey L Smith underscore the living pasts of a field once pronounced as dead that increasingly has become as central to the historical project as the invisibilized working class that has emerged as essential during the COVID-19 pandemic In recounting the origins of their research, these new voices reinforce the link between scholarship and social commentary in ways that further extend the boundaries of the field Originally presented during the 2019 LAWCHA conference at a session organized by this journal, these personal narratives share major themes They show a continual expansion of the subject of labor history, providing fresh perspectives on who counts as working class and what constitutes work They belong to a larger trend of scrambling categories at
这些都是关于从家开始进入劳动史的有力描述Emma Amador、Max Fraser、Naomi R Williams,史黛西·L·史密斯(Stacey L Smith)强调了一个曾经被宣布为死亡的领域的生活史,这个领域越来越成为历史项目的核心,就像在新冠肺炎大流行期间出现的隐形工人阶级一样,这些新的声音加强了学术和社会评论之间的联系,从而进一步扩展了该领域的边界。这些个人叙事最初是在2019年LAWCHA会议上由本杂志组织的一次会议上提出的,它们有着共同的主题。它们显示了劳动史主题的不断扩展,为谁是工人阶级以及什么构成工作提供了新的视角他们属于一个更大的混乱类别的趋势
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引用次数: 19
Steven Universe 史蒂文宇宙
IF 0.6 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/15476715-8643544
Bryan J. McCann
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Labour-England
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