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Virtues, Violence, and Passion of the Puritans 清教徒的美德、暴力与激情
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-28 DOI: 10.1353/jowh.2023.a905196
E. Bouldin
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引用次数: 0
Deprovincializing the Feminine/Feminist Cameroonian Nationalism of the 1950s: The UDEFEC and Pluriversal Black Feminism 20世纪50年代女性主义/女权主义喀麦隆民族主义的非省级化:UDEFEC和多元黑人女权主义
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-28 DOI: 10.1353/jowh.2023.a905190
Rose Ndengue, S. C. Kaplan
Abstract:This article seeks to enrich the production of knowledge about Black feminisms by documenting the mobilizations of the Cameroonian nationalist activists of the Democratic Union of Cameroonian Women, or UDEFEC, in the middle of the 1950s. I will center the contributions of African women to movements for women’s equality. To this end, I consider the emancipatory speeches and practices elaborated by female activists coming from rural zones within the frame of the reorganization of the nationalist public space in order to understand how their participation in the fight for liberation reveals a Black feminist practice. This approach outlines the contours of a political project as the vector for a holistic, equitable emancipation, focused on the margins and founded on the dismantling of the coloniality of gender and female citizenship, on the one hand, and the establishment of a democratic society that values popular sovereignty, on the other.
摘要:本文旨在通过记录20世纪50年代中期喀麦隆妇女民主联盟(udefc)的喀麦隆民族主义活动家的动员,丰富黑人女权主义的知识生产。我将集中介绍非洲妇女对争取妇女平等运动的贡献。为此,我在民族主义公共空间重组的框架内考察来自农村地区的女性活动家所阐述的解放演讲和实践,以了解她们参与解放斗争是如何揭示黑人女权主义实践的。这一方法勾勒出一个政治计划的轮廓,作为全面、公平解放的载体,以边缘为重点,以拆除性别和女性公民身份的殖民性为基础,另一方面建立一个重视人民主权的民主社会。
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引用次数: 0
Political Discrimination as a Way of Life and Art in Communist Cuba 政治歧视:共产主义古巴的一种生活方式和艺术
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/jowh.2023.a899545
Lillian Guerra
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引用次数: 0
“All Wives are Not Created Equal”: Women Organizing in the Late Twentieth-Century Men’s Rights Movement “生而不平等”:二十世纪末女权运动中的女性组织
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/jowh.2023.a899539
Theresa M. Iker
Abstract:The roots of the modern men’s rights movement can be traced back to 1960s agitation for divorce reform and later surges of fathers’ rights activism. An overlooked feature of the movement’s growth is the activism of women. Using organizational papers, press coverage, and advice literature, this article examines self-identified “second wives,” female activists married to men who first mobilized following acrimonious divorces and child custody battles. Second wives constituted a sizable minority of men’s rights movement membership and held key leadership roles. As with women’s activism in other conservative and antifeminist political movements throughout the late twentieth century, second wives responded to both their movement’s surface demands and, at a deeper level, a threatened gender order. Second wives’ vital organizing roles also made it possible for the men’s rights movement to gain public respectability, allowing its ideology to enter the mainstream by the mid-1990s.
摘要:现代男性权利运动的根源可以追溯到20世纪60年代的离婚改革运动和后来的父亲权利运动。该运动发展过程中被忽视的一个特点是妇女的积极性。这篇文章利用组织文件、新闻报道和咨询文献,审视了自称“第二任妻子”的女性活动家,她们嫁给了在激烈的离婚和孩子监护权争夺战后首次动员起来的男性。第二任妻子在男性权利运动成员中占相当大的少数,并发挥着关键的领导作用。与20世纪末其他保守派和反女权主义政治运动中的女性激进主义一样,第二任妻子既回应了她们运动的表面要求,也在更深层次上回应了受到威胁的性别秩序。第二任妻子的重要组织作用也使男性权利运动有可能获得公众的尊重,使其意识形态在20世纪90年代中期进入主流。
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引用次数: 0
What War and Resistance Can Do: The Rebirth of Feminism in France, 1945–1970 战争和抵抗能做什么:1945年至1970年法国女权主义的复兴
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/jowh.2023.a899541
L. Greenwald
Abstract:Two generations of postwar feminists constructed feminist political theory through their participation in and encounter with women’s double exploitation in World War II and the Algerian War. These two generations, together with a third born out of the events of 1968, created a feminism that was both theoretically sophisticated and intensely pragmatic. They showed the ways in which women’s sex and women’s gender were exploited by men on any side of a conflict. Men were willing to forgo their insistence that women remain in the private sphere if it meant more bombs could be planted clandestinely by using the trope of women’s “natural” roles as mothers and wives. Men were willing to defend their women as sacred to the national fabric and simultaneously torture them or strip them of rights based on their gender and national identity. By the 1970s this analysis received significant feminist support in France and a far more radical feminism was born.
摘要:战后两代女权主义者通过参与和遭遇二战和阿尔及利亚战争中的女性双重剥削,建构了女性主义政治理论。这两代人,加上1968年事件中诞生的第三代人,创造了一种理论上既复杂又务实的女权主义。他们展示了在冲突的任何一方,女性的性别和女性的性别被男性利用的方式。如果这意味着可以利用女性作为母亲和妻子的“自然”角色来秘密放置更多的炸弹,男性愿意放弃对女性留在私人领域的坚持。男性愿意捍卫自己的女性,认为她们是国家结构的神圣之物,同时基于她们的性别和国家身份对她们进行酷刑或剥夺她们的权利。到20世纪70年代,这一分析在法国得到了女权主义的大力支持,一个更激进的女权主义诞生了。
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引用次数: 0
What’s in a First Name? The Correlation of Personal Identity with Economic Autonomy in Medieval Flanders 名字里有什么?中世纪佛兰德斯人的身份认同与经济自治的关系
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/jowh.2023.a899537
Ellen E. Kittell
Abstract:A comparison of late-fourteenth-century mortmain payments from Courtrai (a small commercial city) with those from Tielt (a nearby rural community) in the county of Flanders reveals that the bailiff of Courtrai routinely identified women using a personal name, while the bailiff of Tielt slotted them, unnamed, into the relational categories of wife, widow, and daughter. This article argues that the marked difference in identificatory patterns between Courtrai and Tielt indexes—albeit in surprisingly distinct ways—the degree of agency enjoyed by women within each community. Whereas Tielt’s practice of identifying women primarily by their familial affiliation, leaving most of them nameless, likely reflects the embedding of women within the household, with its concomitant diminution in personal autonomy, first-name usage in Courtrai correlates with a degree of relative economic and social agency.
摘要:对14世纪晚期来自Flanders县Courtrai(一个小商业城市)和Tielt(一个附近的农村社区)的按揭付款的比较表明,Courtrai的法警通常使用个人姓名来识别女性,而Tielt的法警则将未命名的女性划分为妻子、寡妇和女儿的关系类别。这篇文章认为,Courtrai和Tielt指数之间的识别模式的显著差异——尽管是以令人惊讶的不同方式——是女性在每个社区中享有的代理程度。蒂尔特的做法主要是通过女性的家庭关系来识别她们,让她们中的大多数人没有名字,这可能反映了女性在家庭中的嵌入,伴随着个人自主权的减少,而在Courtrai中,使用名字与一定程度的相对经济和社会代理相关。
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引用次数: 0
Sailing against Headwinds: The KANU Regime, Kenyan Women, and the UN Women’s Decade, 1975–1985 逆风航行:卡努政权、肯尼亚妇女和联合国妇女十年,1975-1985
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/jowh.2023.a899542
Phoebe Musandu
Abstract:This article focuses on the UN Decade for Women in Kenya, from 1975 to the two international meetings that its capital city, Nairobi, hosted in 1985 to mark its end. By utilizing newly accessible archival sources, the analyses of the overt and covert tactics the ruling party deployed during this period demonstrate that it suppressed women’s voices that posed a challenge to the sociopolitical and economic status quo. Instead, the administration focused on utilizing the decade to project a positive image internationally as well as for its short- and long-term financial hosting benefits from which the political class stood to benefit most. The result of the administration’s activities was the deliberate sidelining of the decade’s objectives and action plans. This article demonstrates exactly how and why an administration can undermine women’s rights even as it makes policy statements to the contrary and makes a show of supporting women-focused initiatives.
摘要:本文重点介绍了联合国在肯尼亚的妇女十年,从1975年到1985年在肯尼亚首都内罗毕举办的两次国际会议。通过利用新获得的档案资源,对执政党在这一时期采用的公开和隐蔽策略的分析表明,它压制了对社会政治和经济现状构成挑战的妇女的声音。相反,奥巴马政府专注于利用这十年在国际上树立一个积极的形象,以及政治阶层从中获益最多的短期和长期金融主办利益。行政当局活动的结果是故意使十年的目标和行动计划退居次要地位。这篇文章准确地展示了政府如何以及为什么会破坏妇女的权利,即使它做出相反的政策声明,并表现出支持以妇女为中心的倡议。
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引用次数: 0
Love, Infidelity, and Correspondence in Spanish Texas, 1734–1737 西班牙得克萨斯的爱情、不忠和通信,1734-1737
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/jowh.2023.a899540
Lizeth Elizondo
Abstract:This article uses love letters to investigate matters of intimacy and affection in extramarital affairs. Two women committed adultery with a missionary and a governor in Spanish San Antonio. Their missives reveal how they circumvented restrictions and carved out a space for love outside their marital beds. The drama that unfolded after a political vendetta terminated the relationships exposes this community’s posture regarding “illicit” sexual liaisons. It confirms that in this frontier region local customs allowed greater tolerance concerning expected gender roles and behavior when compared to other areas of Spanish America. These missives, preserved as evidentiary material in the trials, also reveal important clues about access to literacy and the networks that assisted letter writers in sustaining their extramarital unions.
摘要:本文用情书来考察婚外情中的亲密关系和情感问题。在西班牙圣安东尼奥,两名妇女与一名传教士和一名总督通奸。他们的信件揭示了他们如何绕过限制,在婚床之外开辟出爱的空间。一场政治仇杀终止了两人的关系,这一戏剧性事件暴露了这个社区对“非法”性关系的态度。它证实,与西班牙裔美洲其他地区相比,在这个边境地区,当地习俗对预期的性别角色和行为有更大的宽容。这些在审判中作为证据材料保存下来的信件,也揭示了一些重要的线索,这些线索涉及识字的途径,以及帮助写信人维持其婚外结合的网络。
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引用次数: 0
Race, Freedom, and the Intimate Worlds of Women 种族、自由与女性的亲密世界
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/jowh.2023.a899543
Tamika Y. Nunley
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引用次数: 0
Martha Parker’s Trials: Women’s Networks in the East India Company Trade 玛莎·帕克的审判:东印度公司贸易中的妇女网络
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/jowh.2023.a899538
A. Brock
Abstract:This article examines how an entrepreneurial woman, Martha Parker, worked a private trade network within a globalizing world by using her connections and the East India Company’s structure to her advantage. Rather than viewing women’s independent commercial activity as a reaction to patriarchal institutions, this article pays attention to the gendered agentic expectations of early modern society, which influenced how a woman’s place in the economy was understood. Martha’s experience is supported by evidence from more than one thousand petitions to the East India Company from women, which underlines how women like Martha challenged norms and institutions. They thereby contributed to the emergence of new business practices and networks that would shape the structure and significance of private trade within the East India Company’s activities. This adds significantly to our understanding of women’s relationships to both private and corporate activity within Britain’s emerging trade and empire in Asia.
摘要:本文考察了企业家玛莎·帕克如何利用自己的人脉和东印度公司的结构,在全球化的世界中建立起一个私人贸易网络。本文没有将女性独立的商业活动视为对父权制度的一种反应,而是关注了早期现代社会的性别代理期望,这种期望影响了人们对女性在经济中的地位的理解。玛莎的经历得到了一千多份女性向东印度公司请愿书的支持,这些请愿书强调了像玛莎这样的女性是如何挑战规范和制度的。因此,他们促成了新的商业实践和网络的出现,这些商业实践和网络将在东印度公司的活动中塑造私人贸易的结构和意义。这大大增加了我们对英国在亚洲新兴贸易和帝国中女性与私人和企业活动关系的理解。
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Journal of Womens History
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