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Free Speech Skepticism. 言论自由怀疑论。
IF 1.4 4区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/ken.2021.0008
Susan J Brison

If the free speech clause of the First Amendment is interpreted to mean that speech is to be granted special protection not accorded to other forms of conduct, then a free speech principle, distinct from a principle of general liberty, must be posited and must receive a distinct justification. A defense of a free speech principle must explain why the harm principle either does not apply in the case of speech or applies with less force than in the case of all other forms of human conduct. In this article, I argue that none of the defenses of the right to free speech on offer succeeds in showing why even significantly harmful speech is deserving of special protection not afforded non-speech conduct. More work needs to be done to justify a free speech principle and, until such work is done, the belief in the existence of a free speech principle that undergirds and justifies our current free speech practices is no more than an article of faith.

如果《第一修正案》的言论自由条款被解释为言论应受到不给予其他形式的行为的特殊保护,那么必须提出一个不同于一般自由原则的言论自由原则,并且必须有一个明确的理由。对言论自由原则的辩护必须解释为什么伤害原则要么不适用于言论,要么比适用于所有其他形式的人类行为的力度更小。在这篇文章中,我认为没有一个对言论自由权的辩护能够成功地说明为什么即使是非常有害的言论也值得特别保护,而不是给予非言论行为。需要做更多的工作来证明言论自由原则的正当性,在这些工作完成之前,对言论自由原则的存在的信念,作为我们目前言论自由实践的基础和理由,只不过是一种信仰。
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引用次数: 1
The Evolving Social Purpose of Academic Freedom. 学术自由的社会目的演变。
IF 1.4 4区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/ken.2021.0012
Shannon Dea

In the face of the increasing substitution of free speech for academic freedom, I argue for the distinctiveness and irreplaceability of the latter. Academic freedom has evolved alongside universities in order to support the important social purpose universities serve. Having limned this evolution, I compare academic freedom and free speech. This comparison reveals freedom of expression to be an individual freedom, and academic freedom to be a group-differentiated freedom with a social purpose. I argue that the social purpose of academic freedom behooves an inclusive approach to group differentiation.

面对言论自由对学术自由的日益替代,我认为后者具有独特性和不可替代性。学术自由随着大学的发展而发展,以支持大学服务的重要社会目标。在描述了这种演变之后,我比较了学术自由和言论自由。这种比较揭示了言论自由是一种个体自由,而学术自由是一种具有社会目的的群体分化自由。我认为,学术自由的社会目的需要一种包容性的方法来区分群体。
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引用次数: 0
Structural Stigma, Legal Epidemiology, and COVID-19: The Ethical Imperative to Act Upstream 结构性污名、法律流行病学和COVID-19:采取上游行动的道德必要性
IF 1.4 4区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-11-14 DOI: 10.1353/ken.2020.0018
D. Goldberg
ABSTRACT:The primary claim of this paper is that COVID-19 stigma must be understood as a structural phenomenon. Doing so will inform the interventions we select and prioritize for the amelioration of such stigma, which is an ethical priority. Thinking about stigma as a macrosocial determinant of health driven by structural factors suggests that downstream remedies are unlikely to be effective in significantly reducing stigma. This paper develops and defends this claim, setting up a recommendation to use a “bundle” of legal and policy levers at meso- and macro- levels to reduce the adverse and inequitable impact of COVID-19 stigma. In Section II, this commentary offers a basic account of the concept of stigma in general, the justification for conceptualizing it as a structural phenomenon, and some of the basic advantages of doing so. Section III moves on to frame infectious and communicable disease stigma in Western history not only as a way of demonstrating its structural features, but also to highlight the use of laws and policies as levers for public health change. Section IV urges explicit adoption of insights and methods from legal epidemiology and offers examples of specific legal and policy recommendations for addressing these stigmas. Section V concludes.
摘要:本文的主要主张是,新冠肺炎耻辱必须被理解为一种结构性现象。这样做将为我们选择并优先考虑的干预措施提供信息,以改善这种污名化,这是道德上的优先事项。将污名视为由结构性因素驱动的健康的宏观社会决定因素表明,下游补救措施不太可能有效减少污名。本文发展并捍卫了这一主张,提出了一项建议,即在微观和宏观层面使用“一揽子”法律和政策杠杆,以减少新冠肺炎耻辱的不利和不公平影响。在第二节中,本评论对污名的概念进行了一般性的基本描述,将其概念化为一种结构性现象的理由,以及这样做的一些基本优势,但也要强调利用法律和政策作为公共卫生变革的杠杆。第四节敦促明确采用法律流行病学的见解和方法,并举例说明解决这些污名的具体法律和政策建议。第五节结束。
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引用次数: 1
Continued Confinement of Those Most Vulnerable to COVID-19 继续限制最易感染COVID-19的人
IF 1.4 4区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-11-14 DOI: 10.1353/ken.2020.0021
S. Hurst, Eva Maria Belser, C. Burton-Jeangros, Pascal Mahon, C. Hummel, Settimio Monteverde, T. Krones, Stéphanie Dagron, C. Bensimon, Bianca Schaffert, Alexander H. Trechsel, Luca Chiapperino, Laure Kloetzer, T. Zittoun, R. Jox, Marion Fischer, A. D. Ave, P. G. Kirchschlaeger, S. Moon
ABSTRACT:Countries deciding on deconfinement measures after initial lock-downs in response to the COVID-19 pandemic often include the continued confinement of those most vulnerable to the disease in these plans as a matter of course. Such continued confinement, however, is neither innocuous nor obviously justified. In this paper, we examine more systematically the requirements for the protection of vulnerable persons, the situation in institutions, legal implications, requirements to sustain vulnerable persons, and self-determination. Based on this exploration, we recommend that continued confinement cannot be the only measure in place to protect vulnerable persons. Protections are needed to enable participation in the public sphere and the exercise of rights for persons particularly vulnerable to fatal courses of COVID-19. The situation in long-term care homes warrants particular caution and in some cases immediate mitigation of lock-down measures that have isolated residents from their caregivers, advocates, and proxies. Vulnerable persons should retain the choice to place themselves at risk, as long as they do not impose risks on others. Vulnerable persons who choose to remain in confinement should be protected against loss of their jobs or income, and against the risk of discrimination in the labor market. Risk and crisis communication stresses the importance of listening to the people and setting up participatory approaches. Associations and lobbies representing the views of groups of those particularly vulnerable to COVID-19 (e.g., the elderly, those with diseases placing them at particular risk) should be consulted and involved in outlining deconfinement measures. Moreover, most vulnerable persons are autonomous and competent and should be allowed to voice their own opinion.
摘要:为应对新冠肺炎疫情,各国在最初封锁后决定解除限制措施,通常会理所当然地在这些计划中继续限制最易感染该疾病的人。然而,这种持续的监禁既不无害,也显然是合理的。在本文中,我们更系统地研究了保护弱势群体的要求、机构中的情况、法律影响、维持弱势群体的需求以及自决。基于这一探索,我们建议继续监禁不能成为保护弱势群体的唯一措施。需要提供保护,使特别容易感染新冠肺炎致命疾病的人能够参与公共领域并行使权利。长期护理院的情况需要特别谨慎,在某些情况下,需要立即缓解将居民与照顾者、倡导者和代理人隔离的封锁措施。弱势群体应保留将自己置于危险之中的选择权,只要他们不将风险强加给他人。选择继续监禁的弱势群体应受到保护,以免失去工作或收入,并避免在劳动力市场受到歧视的风险。风险和危机沟通强调倾听人民意见和制定参与性方法的重要性。应咨询代表特别容易感染新冠肺炎群体(如老年人、患有使他们面临特殊风险的疾病的人)意见的协会和游说团体,并让他们参与制定解除限制措施。此外,大多数弱势群体都是自主和有能力的,应该允许他们发表自己的意见。
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引用次数: 2
Justice and Intellectual Disability In A Pandemic 大流行中的正义与智障
IF 1.4 4区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-11-14 DOI: 10.1353/ken.2020.0017
Ryan H. Nelson, L. Francis
ABSTRACT:Much of the discussion of care prioritization during the COVID-19 pandemic has focused on access to high-technology, intensive care under crisis conditions. This is understandable in light of initial fears that widespread triage and rationing measures would become necessary. However, as observations about the interplay between social determinants of health and COVID-19 infection rates and outcomes have become increasingly clear, attention has also been directed to inequalities in health and healthcare in the US. In this paper, we address another less-discussed set of issues: problems of discrimination and injustice involving people with intellectual disabilities confronted by COVID-19 that go beyond those seen in policies governing triage and rationing. After discussing the proper role of quality of life judgments in healthcare, we consider a range of issues relevant to people with intellectual disabilities, including staffing and structures in group-home facilities, the need for adaptive communication, and the role of support persons during care. Addressing some of these issues will require policy changes that may be widely beneficial; adjustments particular to individuals will also need to be evaluated from the perspective of whether they create undue risks. To address these issues, we draw insights from disability anti-discrimination law as it interfaces with the ethics of patient care, especially the distinction between accommodations for individual patients and modifications of policies addressing access to services and healthcare.
摘要:在COVID-19大流行期间,关于护理优先级的讨论大多集中在危机条件下获得高科技重症监护的问题上。这是可以理解的,因为人们最初担心有必要采取广泛的分诊和配给措施。然而,随着对健康社会决定因素与COVID-19感染率和结果之间相互作用的观察越来越清晰,人们也将注意力转向了美国健康和医疗保健方面的不平等。在本文中,我们讨论了另一组较少讨论的问题:涉及2019冠状病毒病所面临的智障人士的歧视和不公正问题,这些问题超出了分诊和配给政策中所看到的问题。在讨论了生活质量判断在医疗保健中的适当作用之后,我们考虑了一系列与智障人士相关的问题,包括集体家庭设施的人员配备和结构、适应性沟通的需求以及护理期间支持人员的角色。解决其中一些问题需要改变政策,这可能会带来广泛的好处;还需要从是否会造成不当风险的角度来评估针对个人的调整。为了解决这些问题,我们从残疾人反歧视法中获得见解,因为它与患者护理的道德规范有关,特别是对个别患者的住宿和解决获得服务和医疗保健的政策修改之间的区别。
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引用次数: 1
Should I Do as I’m Told? Trust, Experts, and COVID-19 我应该照别人说的做吗?信托、专家和新冠肺炎
IF 1.4 4区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-11-14 DOI: 10.1353/ken.2020.0014
M. Bennett
ABSTRACT:The success of public health responses to the COVID-19 pandemic is sensitive to public trust in experts. Despite a great deal of attention to attitudes towards experts in the context of such crises, one significant feature of public trust remains underexamined. When public policy claims to follow the science, citizens are asked not just to believe what they are told by experts, but to follow expert recommendations. I argue that this requires a more demanding form of trust, which I call recommendation trust. I argue for three claims about recommendation trust: recommendation trust is different from both epistemic and practical trust; the conditions for well-placed recommendation trust are more demanding than the conditions for well-placed epistemic trust; and many measures that have been proposed to cultivate trust in experts do not give the public good reasons to trust in expert-led policy.
摘要:COVID-19大流行公共卫生应对的成功与公众对专家的信任息息相关。尽管在这种危机背景下对专家的态度引起了大量关注,但公众信任的一个重要特征仍未得到充分研究。当公共政策声称遵循科学时,公民不仅要相信专家告诉他们的,而且要遵循专家的建议。我认为这需要一种更严格的信任形式,我称之为推荐信任。笔者对推荐信任提出了三点主张:推荐信任既不同于认知信任,也不同于实践信任;推荐信任的条件比认知信任的条件要求高;而且,许多旨在培养对专家信任的措施,并没有给公众充分的理由去信任专家主导的政策。
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引用次数: 30
The Predictable Inequities of COVID-19 in the US: Fundamental Causes and Broken Institutions 2019冠状病毒病在美国的可预见不平等:根本原因和破碎的制度
IF 1.4 4区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-11-14 DOI: 10.1353/ken.2020.0012
S. Valles
ABSTRACT:The COVID-19 pandemic in the US has inspired conversations about which features of the pandemic’s impacts were(n’t) unexpected, as well as why and how. Looming in the background of these discussions are political questions about the blameworthiness of particular institutions and leaders therein, and what COVID-19 disasters within US institutions mean for future discussions about how to reform those institutions. This paper will argue that the inequitable harms of the COVID-19 pandemic in four especially hard-hit US institutions—jails and prisons, meat processing plants, hospitals, and eldercare facilities—were: (1) not so unpredictable as claimed by some commentators, (2) traceable to institutional flaws known prior to the pandemic, and (3) can be fruitfully understood through the lens of “fundamental cause theory,” which offers a model for why and how social resources and deprivations create predictable patterns of harms from health hazards, even when the hazards are new.
摘要:2019冠状病毒病(COVID-19)在美国的流行引发了人们对疫情影响的哪些特征是(或不是)出乎意料的,以及为什么和如何出人意料的讨论。在这些讨论的背景下,隐现着有关特定机构及其领导人应受指责的政治问题,以及美国机构内的COVID-19灾难对未来如何改革这些机构的讨论意味着什么。本文将论证2019冠状病毒病大流行对美国四个受影响特别严重的机构(监狱和监狱、肉类加工厂、医院和老年护理机构)造成的不公平伤害:(1)不像一些评论家所说的那样不可预测;(2)可以追溯到大流行之前已知的制度缺陷;(3)可以通过“根本原因理论”的视角得到有效理解。“根本原因理论”提供了一个模型,说明社会资源和匮乏为什么以及如何造成健康危害的可预测模式,即使危害是新的。
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引用次数: 1
Anarchist Responses to a Pandemic: The COVID-19 Crisis as a Case Study in Mutual Aid 无政府主义者对大流行的反应:以互助为例研究COVID-19危机
IF 1.4 4区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-11-14 DOI: 10.1353/ken.2020.0019
N. Jun, M. Lance
ABSTRACT:When central authority fails in socially crucial tasks, mutual aid, solidarity, and grassroots organization frequently arise as people take up slack on the basis of informal networks and civil society organizations. We can learn something important about the possibility of horizontal organization by studying such experiments. In this paper we focus on the rationality, care, and effectiveness of grassroots measures to respond to the pandemic and show how they illustrate core elements of anarchist thought. We do not argue for the correctness of any version of anarchist politics, nor claim that the bulk of this grassroots work was done with anarchist ideas explicitly in mind. Nonetheless, the current pandemic, like many social crises before it, serves as a sort experiment in political implementation.
摘要:当中央权力机构在社会关键任务上失败时,随着人们在非正式网络和民间社会组织的基础上放松下来,互助、团结和基层组织经常出现。通过研究这样的实验,我们可以了解到关于横向组织的可能性的一些重要信息。在本文中,我们关注基层应对疫情措施的合理性、关怀和有效性,并展示它们如何说明无政府主义思想的核心要素。我们并不主张任何版本的无政府主义政治的正确性,也不声称大部分基层工作都是在明确考虑无政府主义思想的情况下完成的。尽管如此,与之前的许多社会危机一样,当前的疫情是政治实施的一次试验。
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引用次数: 11
From the Issue Co-Editors 来自期刊联合编辑
IF 1.4 4区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-11-14 DOI: 10.1353/ken.2020.0011
Quill R Kukla, Travis N. Rieder
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引用次数: 0
Surging Solidarity: Reorienting Ethics for Pandemics 高涨的团结:重新定位流行病的伦理
IF 1.4 4区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-11-14 DOI: 10.1353/ken.2020.0022
Jordan Pascoe, Mitch Stripling
ABSTRACT:Public discourse about ethics in the COVID-19 pandemic has tended to focus on scarcity of resources and the protection of civil liberties. We show how these preoccupations reflect an established disaster imaginary that orients the ethics of response. In this paper, we argue that pandemic ethics should instead be oriented through a relational account of persons as vulnerable vectors embedded in existing networks of care. We argue for the creation of a new disaster imaginary to shape our own understandings of the interrelated social, political, and economic hardships under conditions of social distancing. We develop a pandemic ethics framework rooted in uBuntu and care ethics that makes visible the underlying multidimensional structural inequities of the pandemic, attending to the problems of resource scarcity and inequities in mortality while insisting on a response that surges existing and emergent forms of solidarity.
摘要:在新冠肺炎疫情中,公众对道德的讨论往往集中在资源稀缺和公民自由保护上。我们展示了这些关注如何反映出一种既定的灾难想象,这种想象引导了应对的伦理。在这篇论文中,我们认为,流行病伦理应该通过将人作为弱势媒介嵌入现有护理网络的关系描述来引导。我们主张创造一种新的灾难想象,以塑造我们自己对社交距离条件下相互关联的社会、政治和经济困难的理解。我们制定了一个植根于uBuntu的流行病伦理框架和护理伦理,使人们看到了流行病潜在的多层面结构不平等,关注资源短缺和死亡率不平等的问题,同时坚持采取应对措施,加强现有和新出现的团结形式。
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引用次数: 9
期刊
Kennedy Institute of Ethics Journal
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