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Positioning member states in EU-NATO security cooperation: towards a typology 欧盟-北约安全合作中成员国的定位:走向类型
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-26 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2022.2076558
Nele Marianne Ewers-Peters
ABSTRACT With the growing density and the plethora of security organisations on the regional and international level, the research programme on interorganisational relations has received increasing scholarly attention. The complexity of European security – in light of the Ukraine conflict since 2014, Russia’s more assertive foreign policy behaviour, and on-going crisis management operations in the Africa, the Mediterranean Sea and Middle East – has revived EU-NATO cooperation. The analysis from the perspective of member states and how they can be positioned in the EU-NATO interorganisational relations, however, has received little exploration. This article, therefore, addresses the roles and positions of member states within the relations between the EU and NATO as Europe’s prime security organisations. Member states have numerous political strategies at their disposal to trigger, strengthen or obstruct interorganisational relations, ranging from forum-shopping to hostage-taking and brokering. Drawing on insights from regime theory, network analysis, organisation theory and interorganisationalism, this article proposes a typology of member states in EU-NATO cooperation. Against the backdrop of this special relationship, the typology is developed which aims to detect and illustrate member states’ positions and strategies.
摘要随着地区和国际安全组织的日益密集和过多,组织间关系研究项目越来越受到学术界的关注。欧洲安全的复杂性——鉴于2014年以来的乌克兰冲突、俄罗斯更加自信的外交政策行为,以及正在非洲、地中海和中东进行的危机管理行动——重振了欧盟与北约的合作。然而,从成员国的角度进行的分析以及如何在欧盟-北约组织间关系中定位,却很少得到探索。因此,本文论述了成员国作为欧洲主要安全组织在欧盟和北约关系中的作用和立场。会员国有许多政治战略可供选择,以触发、加强或阻碍组织间关系,从论坛购物到劫持人质和中介。本文借鉴了制度理论、网络分析、组织理论和组织间主义的观点,提出了欧盟-北约合作中成员国的类型。在这种特殊关系的背景下,发展了类型学,旨在发现和说明成员国的立场和战略。
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引用次数: 4
Risk vs. threat-based cybersecurity: the case of the EU 基于风险与威胁的网络安全:以欧盟为例
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-09 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2022.2069464
Sarah Backman
ABSTRACT In a relatively short time, cybersecurity has risen to become one of the EU’s security priorities. While the institutionalisation of EU-level cybersecurity capacities has been substantial since the first EU cybersecurity strategy was published, previous research has also identified resistance from member states to allow the EU to have more control over their cybersecurity activities. Despite a growing literature on EU cybersecurity governance, there are currently extensive gaps in the understanding of this tension. This study suggests that an explanatory factor can be found in the so-far overlooked dynamic of the relative prevalence of risk vs. threat-based security logics in the EU cybersecurity approach. By distinguishing between risk and threat-based logics in the development of the EU cybersecurity discourse over time, this study highlights a shift towards an increasing threat-based security logic in the EU cybersecurity approach. The identified development highlights securitising moves enacting to a larger extent than before objects and subjects of security traditionally associated with national security. The study identifies specific areas of member state contestation accompanying this shift and concludes with a discussion on the findings in relation to the development of the EU as a security actor in the wider international cybersecurity landscape.
摘要在相对较短的时间内,网络安全已成为欧盟的安全重点之一。尽管自第一份欧盟网络安全战略发布以来,欧盟层面的网络安全能力的制度化程度一直很高,但之前的研究也发现了成员国对允许欧盟对其网络安全活动进行更多控制的抵制。尽管关于欧盟网络安全治理的文献越来越多,但目前对这种紧张局势的理解存在很大差距。这项研究表明,在欧盟网络安全方法中,风险与基于威胁的安全逻辑的相对普遍性这一迄今被忽视的动态中,可以找到一个解释因素。随着时间的推移,通过区分欧盟网络安全话语发展中的风险和基于威胁的逻辑,本研究强调了欧盟网络安全方法中向日益增长的基于威胁的安全逻辑的转变。所确定的事态发展突出了证券化举措,这些举措比以前更大程度地制定了传统上与国家安全相关的安全目标和主体。该研究确定了伴随这一转变而来的成员国争论的具体领域,并以讨论与欧盟作为更广泛的国际网络安全格局中的安全行为者的发展有关的发现作为结束。
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引用次数: 5
From prescriptive rules to responsible organisations – making sense of risk in protective security management – a study from Norway 从规定性规则到负责任的组织——理解保护性安全管理中的风险——来自挪威的一项研究
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-09 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2022.2070006
Anne Heyerdahl
ABSTRACT Protective security management aims at protecting against malicious acts. It has, in a relatively short period, undergone substantial changes. One such change is the introduction of risk management. This article investigates a debate about a standard for security risk assessment (SRA) in Norway. It focuses on sense-making by security professionals, drawing on a unique interview material. The analysis utilises Michael Power’s theory on risk governance, as well as insights from security studies. A central finding is that the SRA approach was introduced to create more analytical security management. The importance of analysing one’s values (assets) makes it key to scrutinise the organisation’s characteristics, goals and vulnerabilities, regarded as moving security management in the direction of corporate governance. The article investigates how understanding of risk assessment and security interplay, and identifies a tension between risk (assessment) and the goal of protection, which makes security management risk averse. A requirement of creating sound security is viewed as a potential for burdensome organisational responsibility and blame. The analysis identifies elements of what is often described as resilience (attention towards vulnerabilities), but without the political reading (neo-liberal abdication of the state), thus contributing to the literature on resilience.
摘要保护性安全管理旨在防范恶意行为。它在相对较短的时间内发生了实质性的变化。其中一个变化就是引入了风险管理。本文调查了挪威关于安全风险评估标准的争论。它以一份独特的采访材料为基础,重点关注安全专业人员的感知能力。该分析利用了Michael Power的风险治理理论以及安全研究的见解。一个核心发现是,引入SRA方法是为了创建更具分析性的安全管理。分析一个人的价值观(资产)的重要性使得仔细审查组织的特征、目标和漏洞成为关键,这被视为将安全管理推向公司治理的方向。本文研究了对风险评估和安全的理解是如何相互作用的,并确定了风险(评估)和保护目标之间的紧张关系,这使得安全管理风险规避。建立健全安全的要求被视为可能带来繁重的组织责任和指责。该分析确定了通常被描述为韧性(关注脆弱性)的要素,但没有政治解读(新自由主义放弃国家),从而为韧性文献做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 2
Discourses of blame in strategic narratives: the case of Russia’s 5G stories 战略叙事中的指责话语:以俄罗斯5G故事为例
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-12 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2022.2057188
Sten Hansson, Mari-Liis Madisson, A. Ventsel
ABSTRACT Governments spread strategic narratives via media to influence foreign audiences and policy makers. A frequent but understudied feature of strategic narratives is the discursive construction of blame. In this article, we use the coverage of the adoption of 5G cellular technology in Russian state-funded news portals as an example to show how to interpret blame narratives about international security issues. We combine methods and insights from the discourse-analytic studies of blame and the research into the uses of strategic narratives in international relations to reveal how various articulations of blame are used to (de)legitimise particular actors and actions, sow discord, and foster alliances. Our analysis sheds new light on blame discourses that are more sophisticated and indirect than straightforward accusations and may serve multiple strategic goals at once. It also contributes to scholarship on Russia’s strategic communication about China as well as the United States and its allies.
摘要各国政府通过媒体传播战略叙事,以影响外国受众和政策制定者。战略叙事的一个常见但研究不足的特点是对指责的散漫建构。在这篇文章中,我们以俄罗斯国家资助的新闻门户网站采用5G蜂窝技术的报道为例,展示如何解读有关国际安全问题的指责叙事。我们结合了对指责的话语分析研究和对国际关系中战略叙事使用的研究的方法和见解,揭示了各种指责的表述是如何被用来使特定行为者和行动合法化、挑拨离间和建立联盟的。我们的分析为指责话语提供了新的视角,这些指责话语比直接的指责更复杂、更间接,可能同时为多个战略目标服务。它还为研究俄罗斯对中国以及美国及其盟友的战略沟通做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 2
Beyond the “lowest common denominator”? Mutually binding commitments in European security and defence cooperation: the case of the Nordic states 除了“最小公分母”之外?欧洲安全和防务合作中的相互约束承诺:北欧国家的例子
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-24 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2022.2052724
Tine Elisabeth Brøgger
ABSTRACT Literature on European security and defence cooperation usually asserts that differences in national security interests and security cultures prevent agreement beyond the “lowest common denominator”. I propose that it is possible for states to agree on mutually binding commitments also in this policy field. Using Nordic security and defence cooperation as a case study, I examine what characterises their mutual commitments and how we might account for them. The article adds to the literature on European security and defence cooperation by suggesting that binding commitments in security and defence would not have come about in the Nordic context without a sense of “Nordic togetherness”. This conclusion is important because it demonstrates that a shared sense of identity and norms is significant for understanding how security and defence cooperation between states is possible.
关于欧洲安全和防务合作的文献通常断言,国家安全利益和安全文化的差异阻碍了“最低公分母”之外的协议。我建议,各国也有可能在这一政策领域商定相互约束的承诺。我以北欧安全和防务合作为例,研究了它们共同承诺的特点,以及我们如何解释它们。这篇文章补充了关于欧洲安全和防务合作的文献,它表明,如果没有“北欧团结”的感觉,北欧在安全和防务方面的约束性承诺就不会出现。这一结论很重要,因为它表明,共同的认同感和规范对于理解国家间如何开展安全和防务合作具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 1
Understanding the public response: a strategic narrative perspective on France’s Sahelian operations 理解公众反应:法国萨赫勒行动的战略叙事视角
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-02 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2022.2038568
Gordon D. Cumming, Roel van der Velde, T. Chafer
ABSTRACT Strategic narratives now face unrealistic expectations as to what they can achieve in the military field. This article asks when and how such narratives lose traction during protracted military interventions. To address these questions, which are crucial at a time when so much modern warfare takes place in the “fourth” dimension, this study develops a conceptual framework that focuses initially on the weakening of a narrative’s content and, subsequently, on its loss of normative resonance and verisimilitude. The latter two factors are beyond the control of even the most skilful strategic narrator, particularly where narratives are required to appeal to audiences with different norms. Our framework is applied to the case of France’s military operations in Mali (Serval) and the Western Sahel (Barkhane). It finds that, whereas France’s compelling Serval narrative was congruent with strong French and Malian public backing, its Barkhane narrative weakened over time, resonating less with prevailing societal norms, becoming less attuned to events on the ground and ultimately coinciding with a sharp decline in public support in France and Mali. It concludes that strategic narratives afford agency to policymakers but are constantly open to contestation and struggle to cope with diverse audiences and deteriorating “evenemential” contexts.
摘要:战略叙事现在面临着对其在军事领域能取得什么成就的不切实际的期望。这篇文章询问,在旷日持久的军事干预中,这种叙述何时以及如何失去吸引力。在如此多的现代战争发生在“第四”维度的时候,为了解决这些至关重要的问题,本研究开发了一个概念框架,最初关注叙事内容的弱化,随后关注其失去规范共鸣和逼真性。后两个因素即使是最熟练的战略叙事者也无法控制,尤其是在叙事需要吸引不同规范的观众的情况下。我们的框架适用于法国在马里(Serval)和萨赫勒西部(Barkhane)的军事行动。研究发现,尽管法国令人信服的Serval叙事与法国和马里强大的公众支持一致,但其Barkhane叙事随着时间的推移而减弱,与主流社会规范的共鸣减少,对当地事件的适应度降低,最终与法国和马里公众支持率的急剧下降相吻合。它得出的结论是,战略叙事为决策者提供了代理权,但不断受到质疑,难以应对不同的受众和不断恶化的“均衡”环境。
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引用次数: 0
In defence of the Baltic Sea region: (non-)allied policy responses to the exogenous shock of the Ukraine crisis 保卫波罗的海地区:(非)盟国对乌克兰危机外生冲击的政策反应
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-07 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2022.2031990
A. Friede
ABSTRACT This article analyses changes in national defence policies across the Baltic Sea region after the exogenous shock of the Ukraine crisis in 2014. It draws on Punctuated Equilibrium Theory for theoretical guidance, particularly to understand the mechanisms leading to large-scale policy change after periods of relative stability. Since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis, defence budgets in the Baltic Sea region have increased dramatically. Baltic Sea states invested in neglected capability development and redirected policy planning towards territorial and collective defence. By contrast, the Russian-Georgian conflict in 2008 had a negligible effect on the paradigm guiding defence planning processes, delayed and lukewarm policy responses let adaptation pressure grow. The empirical findings suggest that policy change reinforced post-2014 because a normative consensus emerged on why Europe's security order is at risk, a critical threshold of urgency was reached, setting off positive feedback cycles, and receptive policy venues, such as NATO, as well as capable external policy actors, such as the USA and the UK, put Baltic Sea security back on the agenda.
本文分析了2014年乌克兰危机外生冲击后波罗的海地区国防政策的变化。它利用间断均衡理论作为理论指导,特别是在理解相对稳定时期后导致大规模政策变化的机制方面。自乌克兰危机爆发以来,波罗的海地区的国防预算大幅增加。波罗的海国家投资于被忽视的能力发展,并将政策规划转向领土和集体防御。相比之下,2008年俄罗斯与格鲁吉亚的冲突对指导国防规划过程的范例影响微不足道,延迟和不温不火的政策反应使适应压力增加。实证结果表明,2014年后政策变化得到加强,因为对欧洲安全秩序面临风险的原因形成了规范性共识,达到了一个关键的紧迫性阈值,启动了积极的反馈循环,并且接受政策的场所(如北约)以及有能力的外部政策参与者(如美国和英国)将波罗的海安全重新提上议程。
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引用次数: 2
Cyber conflict short of war: a European strategic vacuum 没有战争的网络冲突:欧洲战略真空
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-04 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2022.2031991
Tobias Liebetrau
ABSTRACT Cyber conflict short of war plays an increasingly important role in contemporary security politics. Dedicated to a study of three European NATO members – the Netherlands, France and Norway, this article expands the existing focus of the study of cyber conflict short of war beyond its dominating US context. It compares and assesses how the countries perceive and respond to a changing strategic environment characterised by increasing cyber conflict short of war. The analysis demonstrates that all three countries acknowledge that cyber operations short of war alter the strategic environment and challenge the idea of deploying offensive cyber capabilities as purely a warfare matter. However, it also identifies a strategic vacuum, as none of them have formulated strategies that describe in detail how military and intelligence entities are supposed to approach and manage the new strategic environment. The article asserts that the current lack of strategic guidance is a fundamental challenge that puts European societies at risk and undermines democratic governance as navigating the new space of strategic cyber competition is a significant challenge to contemporary European statecraft. It concludes by noting three avenues for how to ameliorate this situation and fill the vacuum.
摘要网络冲突在当代安全政治中扮演着越来越重要的角色。本文致力于对荷兰、法国和挪威这三个欧洲北约成员国的研究,将现有的非战争网络冲突研究重点扩展到其主导的美国背景之外。它比较和评估了各国如何看待和应对以网络冲突加剧而非战争为特征的不断变化的战略环境。分析表明,这三个国家都承认,除了战争之外的网络行动改变了战略环境,并挑战了将部署进攻性网络能力视为纯粹战争的想法。然而,它也发现了一个战略真空,因为他们都没有制定详细描述军事和情报实体应该如何应对和管理新的战略环境的战略。文章断言,当前缺乏战略指导是一个根本挑战,它将欧洲社会置于危险之中,并破坏民主治理,因为驾驭战略网络竞争的新空间是对当代欧洲治国方略的重大挑战。它最后指出了如何改善这种情况和填补真空的三条途径。
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引用次数: 5
Technology transfer and defence sector dynamics: the case of the Netherlands 技术转让和国防部门动态:以荷兰为例
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2022.2028277
M. Sezal, Francesco Giumelli
ABSTRACT State defence and security policies rely mostly on their military capabilities. The latter are ensured through research and development (R&D) as well as procurement, which are subject to defence industry dynamics. Furthermore the defence sector is heavily dependent on public funds; the latter can be more easily allocated if related R&D has a spill-over effect on the civilian sector, creating the potential for a bigger and more globally (or regionally) integrated market. This article investigates, then, how technology moves, and whether defence sector innovations create spin-offs in the civilian sector in the Netherlands. We aim to provide an industry-centred perspective on defence sector dynamics and potentials. For this, the article attempts to answer the following questions: Are defence technologies transferred to the civilian sector? What lessons can be derived from the Dutch case? To address these research puzzles the article’s theoretical framework builds on the technology-transfer literature in analysing the case study of the Netherlands. The basis for this is 23 interviews with representatives of Dutch defence companies that were carried out both in a workshop and in one-to-one settings in May and June 2020.
国家的国防和安全政策在很大程度上取决于其军事能力。后者是通过研究和发展(R&D)以及采购来确保的,这受制于国防工业的动态。此外,国防部门严重依赖公共资金;如果相关的研发对民用部门具有溢出效应,从而创造更大、更全球化(或区域)一体化市场的潜力,则后者可以更容易地分配。因此,本文调查了技术如何移动,以及国防部门的创新是否会在荷兰的民用部门产生衍生产品。我们的目标是提供以工业为中心的国防部门动态和潜力的观点。为此,本文试图回答以下问题:国防技术是否转让给民用部门?我们可以从荷兰的案例中得到什么教训?为了解决这些研究难题,本文的理论框架建立在技术转移文献的基础上,分析了荷兰的案例研究。这一研究的基础是在2020年5月和6月对荷兰国防公司代表进行的23次访谈,这些访谈是在研讨会和一对一的环境中进行的。
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引用次数: 4
Strategic European counterterrorism? An empirical analysis 欧洲战略反恐?实证分析
IF 1.6 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2022.2029847
Silvia D’Amato, Andrea Terlizzi
ABSTRACT This paper investigates the extent to which the European Union is strategically engaging against terrorism. It builds on traditional scholarship on strategic thinking and elaborates an analytical framework to empirically assess strategic policy formulation at the supranational level in the case of terrorism. The framework revolves around three analytical categories: i) threat assessment; ii) objectives setting; and iii) policy measures. Through qualitative content analysis of text data, we show that, while objectives are clearly presented in the documents, the threat that the strategy is supposed to counter is unspecified. In addition to that, the formulation of concrete policy measures remains largely vague. Overall, the article adds to the growing academic debate on EU security governance and offers fresh empirical insights on strategic thinking in counterterrorism policy.
本文考察了欧盟在战略上参与反恐的程度。它以传统的战略思想学术为基础,阐述了一个分析框架,以经验评估恐怖主义情况下超国家层面的战略政策制定。该框架围绕三个分析类别展开:i)威胁评估;Ii)目标设定;三是政策措施。通过对文本数据的定性内容分析,我们表明,虽然文件中明确提出了目标,但策略应该对抗的威胁未指明。除此之外,具体政策措施的制定在很大程度上仍然含糊不清。总的来说,这篇文章增加了关于欧盟安全治理的日益增长的学术辩论,并为反恐政策的战略思维提供了新的实证见解。
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引用次数: 3
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European Security
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