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THE PROBLEM OF SELF-OWNERSHIP 自我所有权的问题
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0265052519000372
Bas van der Vossen, D. Schmidtz
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引用次数: 0
MORAL RESPONSIBILITY: THE NEXT GENERATION 道德责任:下一代
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0265052519000190
Michael McKenna
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引用次数: 0
THE PROTECTION OF THE RICH AGAINST THE POOR: THE POLITICS OF ADAM SMITH’S POLITICAL ECONOMY 富人对抗穷人的保护&亚当·斯密政治经济学的政治学
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-04-21 DOI: 10.1017/S0265052520000084
James A. Harris
Abstract My point of departure in this essay is Smith’s definition of government. “Civil government,” he writes, “so far as it is instituted for the security of property, is in reality instituted for the defence of the rich against the poor, or of those who have some property against those who have none at all.” First I unpack Smith’s definition of government as the protection of the rich against the poor. I argue that, on Smith’s view, this is always part of what government is for. I then turn to the question of what, according to Smith, our governors can do to protect the wealth of the rich from the resentment of the poor. I consider, and reject, the idea that Smith might conceive of education as a means of alleviating the resentment of the poor at their poverty. I then describe how, in his lectures on jurisprudence, Smith refines and develops Hume’s taxonomy of the opinions upon which all government rests. The sense of allegiance to government, according to Smith, is shaped by instinctive deference to natural forms of authority as well as by rational, Whiggish considerations of utility. I argue that it is the principle of authority that provides the feelings of loyalty upon which government chiefly rests. It follows, I suggest, that to the extent that Smith looked to government to protect the property of the rich against the poor, and thereby to maintain the peace and stability of society at large, he cannot have sought to lessen the hold on ordinary people of natural sentiments of deference. In addition, I consider the implications of Smith’s theory of government for the question of his general attitude toward poverty. I argue against the view that Smith has recognizably “liberal,” progressive views of how the poor should be treated. Instead, I locate Smith in the political culture of the Whiggism of his day.
摘要本文的出发点是史密斯对政府的定义。“民事政府,”他写道,“就其建立是为了财产安全而言,实际上是为了保护富人免受穷人的伤害,或者是为了保护那些拥有一些财产的人免受那些根本没有财产的人的伤害。”。我认为,在史密斯看来,这始终是政府职责的一部分。然后,我转向一个问题,根据史密斯的说法,我们的州长可以做些什么来保护富人的财富免受穷人的怨恨。我认为,史密斯可能会将教育视为减轻穷人对贫困的怨恨的一种手段,但我拒绝这种想法。然后,我描述了史密斯在他的法学讲座中是如何完善和发展休谟的所有政府所依据的观点分类法的。根据史密斯的说法,对政府的忠诚感是由对自然形式的权威的本能尊重以及对效用的理性、辉格党人的考虑形成的。我认为,正是权威原则提供了政府主要依赖的忠诚感。因此,我认为,史密斯指望政府保护富人的财产不受穷人的伤害,从而维护整个社会的和平与稳定,他不可能试图减轻普通人天生的顺从情绪。此外,我还考虑了史密斯政府理论对他对贫困的总体态度问题的影响。我反对这样一种观点,即史密斯对如何对待穷人有着明显的“自由主义”、进步主义观点。相反,我把史密斯定位在他那个时代辉格党的政治文化中。
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引用次数: 3
ADAM SMITH AND THE ORIGINS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY 亚当·斯密与政治经济学的起源
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0265052520000096
M. Paganelli
Abstract The method of analysis Adam Smith uses is relatively similar to the method economics generally uses today, especially the subfield of experimental economics. The method of analysis that Smith uses is coherent and consistent throughout his whole work. He searches for constant variables and then sees what variables are changed by exogenous changes. In particular, Smith looks for the constancy in human nature, and analyzes how historical and material circumstances change the incentives that the constant human nature faces. This method, applied to human conduct in all its aspects, makes it easy for many economists today to see some continuity between Smith’s political economy and today’s economic science.
亚当·斯密使用的分析方法与今天经济学普遍使用的方法,特别是实验经济学的子领域相对相似。史密斯使用的分析方法在他的整部作品中是连贯一致的。他寻找恒定变量,然后观察哪些变量会因外生变化而改变。特别是,斯密寻找人性的恒常性,并分析了历史和物质环境如何改变恒常性所面临的激励。这种方法适用于人类行为的各个方面,使今天的许多经济学家很容易看到斯密的政治经济学与今天的经济科学之间的某种连续性。
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引用次数: 1
THE HEART OF LIBERTARIANISM: FUNDAMENTALITY AND THE WILL 自由意志主义的核心:基本原则和意志
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0265052519000256
C. Franklin
Abstract: It is often claimed that libertarianism offers an unattractive conception of free will and moral responsibility because it renders free agency inexplicable and irrational. This essay aims, first, to show that the soundness of these objections turns on more basic disagreements concerning the ideals of free agency and, second, to develop and motivate a truly libertarian conception of the ideals of free agency. The central contention of the essay is that the heart of libertarians’ ideal of free agency is the ideal of agential fundamentality.
摘要:人们常常声称,自由意志主义提供了一个没有吸引力的自由意志和道德责任的概念,因为它使自由代理无法解释和非理性。这篇文章的目的是,首先,证明这些反对意见的合理性引发了关于自由代理理想的更基本的分歧,其次,发展和激发一个真正的自由意志主义的自由代理理想概念。这篇文章的中心论点是,自由意志主义者的自由代理理想的核心是代理基本原则的理想。
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引用次数: 1
SOY volume 36 issue 1 Cover and Back matter 大豆杂志第36卷第1期封面和封底
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0265052519000335
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引用次数: 0
CONNECTED SELF-OWNERSHIP AND OUR OBLIGATIONS TO OTHERS 相互关联的自我所有权和我们对他人的义务
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0265052519000402
Ann Cudd
Abstract: This essay explores the concept of the connected self-owner, which takes account of the metaphysical significance of relations among persons for persons’ capacities to be owners. This concept of the self-owner conflicts with the traditional libertarian understanding of the self-owner as atomistic or essentially separable from all others. I argue that the atomistic self cannot be a self-owner. A self-owner is a moral person with intentions, desires, and thoughts. But in order to have intentions, desires, and thoughts a being must relate to others through language and norm-guided behavior. Individual beings require the pre-existence of norms and norm-givers to bootstrap their selves, and norms, norm-givers, and norm-takers are necessary to continue to support the self. That means, I argue, that the self who can be an owner is essentially connected. Next, I ask how humans become connected selves and whether that connection matters morally. I distinguish among those connections that support development of valuable capacities. One such capacity is the autonomous individual. I argue that the social connections that allow the development of autonomous individuals have moral value and should be fostered. On the basis of these two values, I argue that we can support at least two nonvoluntary obligations, one negative and one positive, that we can ground in our metaphysical essence as connected self-owners.
摘要:本文探讨了关联自我所有者的概念,它考虑到人与人之间的关系对人成为所有者的能力的形而上学意义。这种自我所有者的概念与传统自由意志主义对自我所有者的理解相冲突,传统自由意志主义认为自我所有者是原子的,或者本质上与所有其他人是可分离的。我认为原子的自我不可能是一个自我所有者。自我所有者是一个有意图、欲望和思想的道德人。但是为了有意图、欲望和思想,一个人必须通过语言和规范引导的行为与他人联系。个体需要规范和规范给予者的预先存在来引导他们的自我,规范、规范给予者和规范接受者是必要的,以继续支持自我。我认为,这意味着可以成为所有者的自我本质上是相互联系的。接下来,我要问人类是如何成为相互联系的自我,以及这种联系在道德上是否重要。我区分那些支持有价值能力发展的联系。其中一种能力就是自主的个人。我认为,允许自主个体发展的社会关系具有道德价值,应该加以培养。在这两种价值观的基础上,我认为我们至少可以支持两种非自愿的义务,一种是消极的,一种是积极的,我们可以在形而上学的本质上把它们作为相互联系的自我所有者。
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引用次数: 0
LIBERTARIANISM WITHOUT SELF-OWNERSHIP 没有自我所有权的自由意志主义
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0265052519000505
Chandran Kukathas
Abstract: Libertarianism is a political philosophy whose defenders have set its foundations in the principle of self-ownership. But self-ownership supplies an uncertain basis for such a theory as it is prone to a number of serious difficulties, some of which have been addressed by libertarians but none of which can ultimately be overcome. For libertarianism to be a plausible way of looking at the world, it must look elsewhere for its basic principles. In particular, it needs to rethink the way it understands property and its foundations.
摘要:自由意志主义是一种政治哲学,其捍卫者以自我所有权原则为基础。但是,自我所有权为这种理论提供了一个不确定的基础,因为它容易遇到许多严重的困难,其中一些问题已经被自由意志主义者解决了,但没有一个能够最终克服。要使自由意志主义成为一种看似合理的看待世界的方式,它必须从其他地方寻找其基本原则。特别是,它需要重新思考对房地产及其基础的理解方式。
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引用次数: 0
SOY volume 36 issue 2 Cover and Back matter 大豆杂志第36卷第2期封面和封底
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0265052519000529
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引用次数: 0
GUILT, GRIEF, AND THE GOOD 内疚,悲伤和美好
IF 0.4 4区 哲学 Q4 ETHICS Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0265052519000219
D. Nelkin
Abstract: In this essay, I consider a particular version of the thesis that the blameworthy deserve to suffer, namely, that they deserve to feel guilty to the proper degree (a thesis I call "Desert-Guilt"). Two further theses have been thought to explicate and support the thesis, one that appeals to the non-instrumental goodness of the blameworthy receiving what they deserve (in this case, the experience of guilt), and the other that appeals to the idea that being blameworthy provides reason to promote the blameworthy receiving what they deserve (again, in this case, the experience of guilt). I call the first "Good-Guilt" and the second "Reason-Guilt.” I begin by exploring what I take to be the strongest argument for Good-Guilt which gains force from a comparison of guilt and grief, and the strongest argument against. I conclude that Good-Guilt might be true, but that even if it is, the strongest argument in favor of it fails to support it in a way that provides reason for the thesis that the blameworthy deserve to feel guilty. I then consider the hypothesis that Reason-Guilt might be true and might be the more fundamental principle, supporting both Good-Guilt and Desert-Guilt. I argue that it does not succeed, however, and instead propose a different principle, according to which being blameworthy does not by itself provide reason for promoting that the blameworthy get what they deserve, but that being blameworthy systematically does so in conjunction with particular kinds of background circumstances. Finally, I conclude that Desert-Guilt might yet be true, but that it does not clearly gain support from either Good-Guilt or Reason-Guilt.
摘要:在这篇文章中,我考虑了一个特殊版本的论点,即应受责备的人应该遭受痛苦,也就是说,他们应该在适当的程度上感到内疚(我称之为“沙漠内疚”)。人们认为还有两个论点可以解释和支持这一论点,一个主张应受责备的人得到他们应得的东西(在这种情况下,是内疚的经历),这是非工具性的善,另一个主张受责备提供了理由,促使应受责备的人得到他们应得的东西(在这种情况下,也是内疚的经历)。我称第一种为“善意内疚”,第二种为“理性内疚”。首先,我将探讨我所认为的支持善良的最有力的理由——内疚——它从内疚和悲伤的比较中获得了力量,而反对善良的最有力的理由是什么。我的结论是,善意的内疚可能是真的,但即使它是真的,支持它的最有力的论据也不能在某种程度上支持它,不能为该受责备的人应该感到内疚这一论点提供理由。然后我考虑一个假设,即理性内疚可能是正确的,可能是更基本的原则,支持好内疚和沙漠内疚。然而,我认为它没有成功,并提出了一个不同的原则,根据该原则,应受责备本身并不能为促使应受责备的人得到他们应得的东西提供理由,但应受责备与特定类型的背景环境相结合,系统地做到了这一点。最后,我得出结论,沙漠罪恶感可能是正确的,但它并没有明显地得到好罪恶感或理性罪恶感的支持。
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引用次数: 8
期刊
Social Philosophy & Policy
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