Discourse Context & Media最新文献_第7页

“View profiles without pronouns”: The politics and discourse of ‘anti-woke’ right-wing dating app, The Right Stuff “不使用代词查看个人资料”：“反觉醒”右翼约会应用The Right Stuff的政治和话语

IF 2.3 2区文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Discourse Context & Media

Pub Date : 2025-06-01 Epub Date: 2025-03-04 DOI: 10.1016/j.dcm.2025.100876

Kurt Sengul

This paper critically analyses the so-called “anti-woke” conservative dating app, The Right Stuff. Launched in September 2022, The Right Stuff was co-founded by former Trump aide and Project 2025 staffer, John McEntee, and financially supported by rightwing billionaire investor Peter Thiel. The app was created for conservatives to connect in “authentic and meaningful ways”, given that other dating apps have allegedly “gone woke”. The invitation only dating app is designed exclusively for heterosexual users, and boasts of only offering binary she/he pronouns. Indeed, The Right Stuff’s advertising campaign mocks the inclusive and diverse affordances of other dating apps, including Tinder and Bumble. However, the app has struggled to gain traction with conservative users with media reports noting a substantial drop-off in downloads since September 2022, despite being promoted by prominent right-wing influencers such as Kyle Rittenhouse. Moreover, the app has been criticised by users for a lack of women using the platform. Drawing on a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of The Right Stuff’s website, TikTok promotional materials, and YouTube channel, this paper explores how exclusion is built into the app’s promotion and claims about its digital architecture, and the associated implications for online dating in the future. This paper argues that The Right Stuff is a manifestation of the broader political polarisation of politics in the United States, and the intersection of politics and intimacy. Moreover, despite The Right Stuff’s apparent failure, it is clear that politically based dating apps will proliferate in the future. This paper aims to contribute to our growing understanding of the role of politics in digitally mediated dating.

本文批判性地分析了所谓的“反觉醒”保守约会应用程序“正确的东西”。The Right Stuff成立于2022年9月，由特朗普的前助手、2025计划的工作人员约翰·麦肯蒂共同创立，并得到了右翼亿万富翁投资者彼得·蒂尔的资助。这款应用是为保守派人士打造的，目的是让他们以“真实而有意义的方式”联系，因为其他约会应用据称已经“醒了”。这款只接受邀请的约会应用专为异性恋用户设计，并声称只提供二元代词“她/他”。事实上，The Right Stuff的广告宣传活动对Tinder和Bumble等其他约会应用的包容性和多样性进行了嘲笑。然而，这款应用一直难以吸引保守派用户，媒体报道称，自2022年9月以来，该应用的下载量大幅下降，尽管它得到了凯尔·里滕豪斯（Kyle Rittenhouse）等著名右翼影响者的推广。此外，该应用还因缺少女性用户而受到用户的批评。通过对The Right Stuff网站、TikTok宣传材料和YouTube频道的批判性话语分析（CDA），本文探讨了如何将排斥融入到应用程序的推广和对其数字架构的主张中，以及对未来在线约会的相关影响。本文认为，《正确的东西》是美国政治更广泛的政治两极分化的表现，是政治与亲密关系的交集。此外，尽管The Right Stuff显然失败了，但很明显，基于政治的约会应用将在未来激增。本文旨在帮助我们加深对政治在数字媒介约会中的作用的理解。

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引用次数: 0

The best views come after the hardest climbs: Identity and community in infertility discourse on Instagram 最好的观点来自最艰难的攀登：Instagram上不孕症讨论中的身份和社区

IF 2.3 2区文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Discourse Context & Media

Pub Date : 2025-06-01 Epub Date: 2025-04-28 DOI: 10.1016/j.dcm.2025.100880

Sofie van der Meij , Jana Declercq

Social media have become influential platforms in how we see and construct our identities, such as health and illness identities; Instagram in particular is a much-used platform to build communities around certain illnesses or medical trajectories. This paper therefore examines how women who are undergoing fertility treatment construct their identity and their experiences with infertility and fertility treatment on their Instagram accounts. We analysed 111 public Instagram posts and 10 bios from 5 English accounts and 5 Dutch accounts. We qualitatively coded the data in ATLAS.ti, and used discourse analytical methods to analyse extracts illustrating main trends.

Our results show that these Instagram users construct themselves and other community members as expert patients/clients, prospective parents, warriors and travellers, owners of a failing body, and infertility advocates. These identities are inextricably tied to the construction of infertility as having a profound psychological and social impact. These are aspects that are possibly easier to discuss in the context of Instagram, because of the possibility to share anonymously about a subject that is often still taboo, among other reasons. Additionally, while users foreground their highly personal, individual experience, these discursive constructions have an implicit and explicit community-building function, and consequently also generate and shape collective identities. This community building for instance happens through hashtags and interactional elements, shared specific (medical) terminology, and the use of specific emoji.

To conclude, our study shows how Instagram is used as a platform to highlight the complex, unique and highly personal experience of being in fertility care. This often seems to come with a (perceived) lack of agency, while at the same time, infertility perceives health and health care as malleable and controllable. Our data reflects that dealing with infertility is not just a medical, but also a psychological and social experience. At the same time, discussing this on Instagram comes with specific (perceived) affordances, and complex and sometimes antithetical dynamics around destigmatisation and community-building. These findings are useful for health care providers as they provide insight in clients’ experiences and their use of social media information and support.

社交媒体已经成为我们如何看待和构建自己身份的有影响力的平台，比如健康和疾病身份；尤其是Instagram，它是一个被广泛使用的平台，可以围绕某些疾病或医疗轨迹建立社区。因此，本文研究了正在接受生育治疗的女性如何在Instagram账户上构建自己的身份和不孕不育和生育治疗的经历。我们分析了来自5个英语账户和5个荷兰账户的111个公开Instagram帖子和10个简介。我们在ATLAS中对数据进行定性编码。并运用语篇分析的方法，对主要趋势的摘要进行分析。我们的研究结果表明，这些Instagram用户将自己和其他社区成员构建为专家患者/客户、潜在父母、战士和旅行者、失败身体的所有者和不孕倡导者。这些身份与不孕症的构建密不可分，因为它具有深刻的心理和社会影响。这些方面在Instagram的背景下可能更容易讨论，因为可以匿名分享一个通常仍是禁忌的话题，还有其他一些原因。此外，当用户突出他们高度个性化的个人体验时，这些话语结构具有隐性和显性的社区建设功能，因此也产生和塑造了集体身份。例如，这种社区建设通过标签和互动元素、共享特定（医学）术语和使用特定表情符号来实现。总而言之，我们的研究显示了Instagram是如何被用作一个平台来突出生育护理中复杂、独特和高度个人化的体验的。这似乎往往伴随着（被认为）缺乏能动性，而与此同时，不孕症认为健康和医疗保健是可延展和可控的。我们的数据表明，处理不孕症不仅是一种医学问题，也是一种心理和社会经历。与此同时，在Instagram上讨论这个问题会带来特定的（可感知的）支持，以及围绕去污名化和社区建设的复杂、有时甚至是对立的动态。这些发现对卫生保健提供者很有用，因为它们提供了对客户体验及其对社交媒体信息和支持的使用的见解。

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引用次数: 0

How are far-right online communities using X/Twitter Spaces? Discourse, communication, sharing 极右翼网络社区如何使用X/Twitter空间？话语、交流、分享

IF 2.3 2区文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Discourse Context & Media

Pub Date : 2025-06-01 Epub Date: 2025-04-11 DOI: 10.1016/j.dcm.2025.100884

Kurt Sengul

This paper presents the first scholarly study of the use of X/Twitter Spaces by far-right online communities. Spaces — X/Twitter’s live audio-based platform — has become an increasingly prominent tool in the far-right’s digital communication ecosystem in recent years. The popularity of Spaces with far-right users has increased in the wake of Elon Musk’s acquisition of Twitter in 2022 which signalled a marked rightward shift in the platform’s governance, particularly its techno-libertarian, ‘free speech absolutist’ approach to content moderation. Through a netnography and critical discourse analysis of (n = 41) Spaces sessions from January to July 2024, this paper critically examines how online far-right communities are using the voice-mediated affordance. In particular, this research explores the discursive practices and sharing strategies employed by individuals to propagate extreme and radical ideas, as well as to cultivate group membership, collective identity, and intersubjectivity. The findings demonstrate that Spaces are being used by a diverse range of far-right online communities and subcultures to promulgate conspiracy theories and radical and extreme ideological content. However, the findings also revealed a high degree of apolitical, non-ideological, and more everyday sharing practices. This paper broadens our empirical understanding of how Spaces are being instrumentalised by reactionary communities, and the role of voice-mediated affordances in the amplification, socialisation, recruitment, and radicalisation of far-right ideas globally.

本文首次对极右翼在线社区使用X/Twitter空间进行了学术研究。space——X/Twitter的实时音频平台——近年来已成为极右翼数字通信生态系统中日益突出的工具。在埃隆·马斯克（Elon Musk）于2022年收购Twitter之后，极右翼用户的空间越来越受欢迎，这标志着该平台的治理出现了明显的右倾转变，尤其是其技术自由主义、“言论自由绝对主义”的内容管理方式。通过对2024年1月至7月的（n = 41）次空间会议的网络学和批判性话语分析，本文批判性地考察了在线极右翼社区如何使用语音介导的信息。本研究特别探讨了个体在传播极端激进思想、培养群体成员、集体认同和主体间性方面所采用的话语实践和分享策略。研究结果表明，各种极右翼网络社区和亚文化正在利用这些空间来传播阴谋论和激进极端的意识形态内容。然而，调查结果也揭示了高度的非政治、非意识形态和更多的日常分享行为。本文拓宽了我们对空间如何被反动社区工具化的经验理解，以及语音介导的启示在全球极右翼思想的放大、社会化、招募和激进化中所起的作用。

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引用次数: 0

Digital panda nationalism: Constructing nationalist discourse through metaphors in Chinese social media 数字熊猫民族主义：通过隐喻构建中国社交媒体中的民族主义话语

IF 2.3 2区文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Discourse Context & Media

Pub Date : 2025-06-01 Epub Date: 2025-03-12 DOI: 10.1016/j.dcm.2025.100869

Chunyan Huang , Haiyan Wang

By analyzing the metaphors used in Weibo discussions about the giant panda Ya Ya’s travails in the United States in 2023, this study illuminates how Chinese netizens construct nationalist discourse on social media platforms. Employing the method of Critical Metaphor Analysis (CMA), we explore how nationalism is articulated through both personification and de-personification discourse strategies in the shape of metaphor. We find that the giant panda, as China’s national symbol, is personified to evoke empathy and to unite Chinese netizens in opposition to the United States. This personification also serves to map China’s humiliating historical experiences with its powerful present, reinforcing national dignity. The binary personification of a positive in-group (China) versus a negative out-group (the United States) strengthens Chinese netizens' national identity. Meanwhile, the United States and its citizens are degraded as negatively connotated animals such as dogs and pigs, objects such as rubbish and mildew, and even evil, through dehumanizing metaphors. Mediated by Weibo mechanisms, dichotomous discourse amplifies the spread of nationalism and mobilizes netizens to engage in petitions. Overall, this study contributes to understanding digital nationalism and Sino-US relations from a micro-discursive perspective.

本研究通过分析2023年大熊猫“丫丫”在美国遭遇的微博讨论中使用的隐喻，说明中国网民如何在社交媒体平台上构建民族主义话语。本文运用批判隐喻分析的方法，探讨了民族主义是如何通过隐喻形式的拟人化和去拟人化话语策略来表达的。我们发现，大熊猫作为中国的国家象征，被人格化是为了唤起共鸣，团结中国网民反对美国。这种人格化也有助于将中国屈辱的历史经历与强大的现在联系起来，增强民族尊严。积极的内群体（中国）和消极的外群体（美国）的二元人格化强化了中国网民的国家认同。与此同时，通过非人性化的隐喻，美国及其公民被贬低为具有负面内涵的动物，如狗和猪，垃圾和霉菌等物体，甚至邪恶。在微博机制的中介下，二元话语放大了民族主义的传播，动员网民参与上访。总体而言，本研究有助于从微观话语的角度理解数字民族主义与中美关系。

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引用次数: 0

Them! Ingroup-outgroup dynamics in Flemish anti-woke discourses on X 他们!论X的佛兰德反觉醒话语中的群内群外动态

IF 2.3 2区文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Discourse Context & Media

Pub Date : 2025-06-01 Epub Date: 2025-04-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.dcm.2025.100886

Alexander Dhoest

Since the early 2020s, “woke” has emerged as a key term in culture war discourse in the U.S. and internationally. A key characteristic of this discourse is the sharp opposition between “us” and “them”, anti-woke actors presenting “the woke movement” as radically other. Drawing on international literature on social and media discourses about woke, this paper analyses the way #woke is used on X in Flanders, Dutch-language Belgium. While analyses of Belgian legacy media disclose balance in reporting on woke, this paper analyses X as a more anonymous setting with less content moderation and a tendency towards incivility. Using a combination of quantitative content analysis and qualitative thematic analysis, all Flemish tweets introducing #woke on X in 2023 are analysed (N = 449). The paper explores the overarching tone and dominant actors in these tweets, which actors tweet most negatively about woke, and how “us” and “them” are constructed in anti-woke discourse. The results show that most of the tweets (61.2 %) are negative, and that citizens are the most important actors (83.7 %). While politicians constitute a minority of the users tweeting #woke (11.4 %), right-wing politicians tweet most negatively about woke (97.2 %). The qualitative analysis of anti-woke tweets discloses a chain of equivalence creating a sharp opposition between “us” and “them”, whereby the former is mostly implicitly defined as the opposite of the latter. These tweets address an affective public, an imagined community defending “our freedom” (against cancel culture), “our nation” (against racial and religious others) and “ordinary people” (against elites).

自20世纪20年代初以来，“觉醒”已经成为美国和国际文化战争话语中的一个关键术语。这种话语的一个关键特征是“我们”和“他们”之间的尖锐对立，反觉醒的行动者将“觉醒运动”呈现为激进的他者。本文借鉴国际上关于社会和媒体话语的文献，分析了在荷兰语比利时的佛兰德斯，#woke在X上的使用方式。虽然对比利时传统媒体的分析揭示了在报道觉醒时的平衡，但本文将X分析为一个更加匿名的设置，内容节制较少，倾向于不文明。采用定量内容分析和定性主题分析相结合的方法，对2023年所有介绍#woke on X的佛兰德语推文进行了分析（N = 449）。本文探讨了这些推文的总体基调和主导角色，哪些角色对觉醒的推文最负面，以及“我们”和“他们”是如何在反觉醒话语中构建的。结果显示，大多数推文（61.2%）是负面的，而公民是最重要的行动者（83.7%）。虽然政客在推特用户中占少数（11.4%），但右翼政客在推特上对觉醒的负面评价最多（97.2%）。对反觉醒推文的定性分析揭示了一条对等链，在“我们”和“他们”之间形成了尖锐的对立，前者大多被含蓄地定义为后者的对立面。这些推文针对的是一个有情感的公众，一个想象中的社区，捍卫“我们的自由”（反对取消文化）、“我们的国家”（反对种族和宗教其他人）和“普通人”（反对精英）。

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引用次数: 0

Mediatizing distant suffering: A longitudinal analysis of The New York Times’ coverage of famine in Somalia (1960–2021) 调解遥远的苦难：《纽约时报》对索马里饥荒报道的纵向分析（1960-2021）

IF 2.3 2区文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Discourse Context & Media

Pub Date : 2025-06-01 Epub Date: 2025-05-04 DOI: 10.1016/j.dcm.2025.100891

Wenxue Zou

Grounded in mediatization theory, this article unpacks the discourse strategies employed by The New York Times in its coverage of Somali famine from 1960 to 2021, with analytical lens anchored in the social construction of reality. Through a multimodal critical discourse analysis of 819 reports, the study reveals that the media adopt different strategies to depict famine and famine victims in response to the ever-evolving US-Somalia relationship. The portrayal of international relief operations serves to reinforce the heroic image of developed countries while perpetuating the dichotomy between “us” and “them” in the international political structure. This framing implicitly constructs Western moral legitimacy through saviorist rhetoric while positioning distant suffering as a passive object of rescue, a discursive strategy that mirrors and perpetuates power asymmetries in the media coverage. The current research contributes to mediatization scholarship by reconceptualizing it as a mnemonic practice of power, wherein media institutions do not merely record historical events but actively curate collective memory, transforming distant suffering into consumable scenes of humanitarian drama.

本文以媒介化理论为基础，以现实的社会建构为分析视角，揭示了《纽约时报》在1960年至2021年报道索马里饥荒时所采用的话语策略。通过对819篇报道的多模态批评话语分析，该研究揭示了媒体采用不同的策略来描述饥荒和饥荒受害者，以应对不断发展的美国-索马里关系。对国际救济行动的描述有助于加强发达国家的英雄形象，同时使国际政治结构中的“我们”和“他们”之间的二分法永久化。这种框架通过救世主义的修辞含蓄地构建了西方的道德合法性，同时将遥远的苦难定位为被动的救援对象，这种话语策略反映并延续了媒体报道中的权力不对称。当前的研究通过将其重新定义为权力的记忆实践，从而有助于媒介化学术，其中媒体机构不仅记录历史事件，而且积极策划集体记忆，将遥远的苦难转化为人道主义戏剧中可消费的场景。

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引用次数: 0

Guilt and innocence – Emotional discourses in online discussions on climate change and housing 有罪与无罪——气候变化与住房在线讨论中的情感话语

IF 2.3 2区文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Discourse Context & Media

Pub Date : 2025-06-01 Epub Date: 2025-04-28 DOI: 10.1016/j.dcm.2025.100887

Eveliina Salmela , Merja Koskela, Henna Syrjälä, Liisa Kääntä

This paper explores the discourses of guilt and innocence represented in Finnish online communication in different platforms. Guilt and innocence represent emotional reactions, which are discursively constructed and connected to values and social norms. We pose two research questions to our study: how are the nuances of guilt and innocence presented in online discussions, and how are self- and other-centered discourses constructed in different platforms. The data of the study consists of online discussions concerning people’s mundane housing in relation to climate change appearing in the comments on blogs and in the discussion threads on an anonymous online discussion forum. By combining Greimas’ semiotic square with discourse analysis, we show how the categories of guilt and innocence as well as not guilty and not innocent highlight the nuanced ways in which polarizing perspectives to self- and other-centered discourses appear on different platforms. Our research contributes to the discussion on environmental communication by revealing more than just two opposing poles; our analysis shows the fine-tuned differences intertwined with gendered discourses constructed in discussions on different platforms. While feeling guilty or not innocent in the blogs is mostly connected with the participant’s own actions of not doing enough, assigning guilt to someone else seems to be common on the anonymous discussion forum. Still, the analysis indicates that while community norms and expectations shape the discourses they do not determine how the discourses turn out.

本文探讨了不同平台上芬兰网络传播中所呈现的罪与无罪话语。内疚和无辜代表了情感反应，这是话语建构的，与价值观和社会规范有关。我们在研究中提出了两个研究问题：在线讨论中如何呈现有罪和无罪的细微差别，以及在不同的平台中如何构建以自我和他人为中心的话语。该研究的数据包括博客评论和匿名在线讨论论坛的讨论线程中关于人们与气候变化有关的日常住房的在线讨论。通过将Greimas的符码方阵与话语分析相结合，我们展示了有罪与无罪以及无罪与无罪的类别如何突出了以自我为中心和以他人为中心的话语的两极分化视角在不同平台上出现的微妙方式。我们的研究不仅揭示了两个对立的极点，还有助于讨论环境传播；我们的分析显示，在不同平台的讨论中，性别话语与细微的差异交织在一起。虽然在博客中感到内疚或不清白主要与参与者自己做得不够有关，但在匿名论坛上，将内疚归咎于他人似乎很常见。然而，分析表明，虽然社区规范和期望塑造了话语，但它们并没有决定话语的结果。

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引用次数: 0

Synergetic developments in digital discourse methods: Introduction 数字话语方法的协同发展：导论

IF 2.3 2区文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Discourse Context & Media

Pub Date : 2025-06-01 Epub Date: 2025-04-10 DOI: 10.1016/j.dcm.2025.100882

Jannis Androutsopoulos

引用次数: 0

What’s algorithms got to do with it? Exploring Black Women’s pursuit of Black love on dating apps 算法和它有什么关系？探索黑人女性在约会软件上对黑人爱情的追求

IF 2.3 2区文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Discourse Context & Media

Pub Date : 2025-06-01 Epub Date: 2025-03-21 DOI: 10.1016/j.dcm.2025.100881

Jasmine Banks , Mel Monier , Ariana Samuel

This study applies intersectionality and Critical Technocultural Discourse Analysis (CTDA) to examine Black women’s experiences with online dating apps and the socio-technical structures that shape their romantic possibilities. While dating apps claim to expand access to romantic connections, their algorithmic systems and user engagement metrics systematically structure desirability hierarchies, reinforcing racial bias and exclusion. Through in-depth interviews with 20 Black women between ages 18 and 30, we explore how Black women define, seek, and experience Black love in digital spaces, revealing the tensions between cultural aspirations for Black partnership and the technological infrastructures that undermine them. Findings show that Black love is not just a personal or cultural ideal but a site of ideological negotiation where algorithmic bias, platform affordances, and broader social hierarchies dictate who is seen, desired, and chosen. Participants describe the emotional labor of self-surveillance, strategic self-presentation, and adaptation, yet many also express doubts about whether Black love is truly possible in spaces designed to marginalize them. Still, they challenge and reimagine Black love, resisting the structures that seek to limit their romantic possibilities. This study contributes to broader conversations on race, technology, and intimacy, urging a critical reassessment of dating apps, especially for Black users.

本研究运用交叉性和批判性技术文化话语分析（CTDA）来研究黑人女性使用在线约会应用程序的经历，以及塑造她们浪漫可能性的社会技术结构。虽然约会应用声称可以扩大人们接触浪漫关系的机会，但它们的算法系统和用户参与度指标系统地构建了理想等级，强化了种族偏见和排斥。通过对20名年龄在18至30岁之间的黑人女性的深度访谈，我们探讨了黑人女性如何在数字空间中定义、寻求和体验黑人之爱，揭示了黑人伙伴关系的文化愿望与破坏它们的技术基础设施之间的紧张关系。研究结果表明，黑人之爱不只是一种个人或文化理想，而是一种意识形态谈判的场所，在这里，算法偏见、平台支持和更广泛的社会等级决定了谁被看到、渴望和选择。参与者描述了自我监督、战略性自我表现和适应的情感劳动，但许多人也表达了对黑人爱情是否真的可能在被设计为边缘化的空间中存在的怀疑。尽管如此，他们仍然挑战和重新想象黑人的爱情，抵制那些试图限制他们浪漫可能性的结构。这项研究促进了关于种族、技术和亲密关系的更广泛的讨论，敦促人们对约会应用程序进行批判性的重新评估，尤其是对黑人用户。

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引用次数: 0

The motives attributed to trollers in metapragmatic comments on alleged Chinese yinzhan (conflict-provoking trolling) posts 在所谓的中国引战（挑起冲突的喷子）帖子上的元实用主义评论中，喷子的动机

IF 2.3 2区文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Discourse Context & Media

Pub Date : 2025-06-01 Epub Date: 2025-06-02 DOI: 10.1016/j.dcm.2025.100892

Hao Liu

This study adopts a metapragmatic perspective to investigate the linguistically-marked motives that participants attribute to those they perceive as trollers in online interactions. Focusing on the practice of yinzhan (引战, conflict-provoking trolling) on the Chinese Weibo platform, we analyse 296 metapragmatic comments on alleged yinzhan posts. Four primary motives behind yinzhan are identified: promotion, affiliation, profit-making, and emotional reasons. In contrast to prior studies that emphasise emotional or personality-related motives behind trolling behaviour, the findings indicate that yinzhan on Weibo is primarily framed as a commercial activity. Further analysis reveals significant variations in motive attribution patterns across different platform-verified identity categories (e.g., content creators vs. ordinary users), suggesting how Weibo’s commercalised architecture may shape interpretations of trolling. These results reflect the market-driven logic underlying trolling discourse within platform capitalism, offering new insights into the context-dependent nature of trolling. Additionally, the study would enrich the existing literature by introducing a metapragmatic framework to investigate folk theories of online behaviours as contested and constructed through users’ actual interactional practices.

本研究采用元语用学的视角来研究参与者在网络互动中认为是网络欺凌者的语言标记动机。针对中国微博平台上的“引战”行为，我们分析了296条关于“引战”的元语用评论。银展背后有四个主要动机：晋升、隶属关系、盈利和情感原因。与之前强调情感或个性动机的研究相反，研究结果表明，微博上的“刷屏”主要被视为一种商业活动。进一步的分析揭示了不同平台验证的身份类别（例如，内容创作者与普通用户）在动机归因模式上的显著差异，这表明微博的商业化架构可能会如何影响对钓鱼行为的解释。这些结果反映了平台资本主义中网络喷子话语背后的市场驱动逻辑，为网络喷子的语境依赖性质提供了新的见解。此外，该研究将通过引入元语用框架来调查民间的在线行为理论，从而丰富现有的文献，这些理论是通过用户的实际互动实践来争议和构建的。

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引用次数: 0