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Caribou crossings: the Trans-Alaska Pipeline System, conservation, and stakeholdership in the Anthropocene. 驯鹿穿越:跨阿拉斯加管道系统、保护和人类世的利益相关者。
IF 0.8 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0007087422000048
Simone Schleper

This article engages with notions of conservation in the Anthropocene from a history-of-science perspective. It does so by looking at an iconic case of infrastructure development that since the 1970s continues to cause controversies amongst wildlife experts: the Trans-Alaska Pipeline System (TAPS). I examine how, from the 1970s onwards, the TAPS functioned as an experimental device for ecologists to test the adaptability of migratory caribou to changed environments and their dependency on unaltered ranges. Based on archival research, published reports and interviews, I show that arguments about animal learning, despite assigning a more active role to caribou in the conservation process, did not result in more inclusive forms of development that respected ecological processes and the various stakes of the caribou. In fact, a focus on caribou crossings as an easily observable, yet sole, indicator of the pipeline's impact resulted in a simplified representation of environmental relationships, that was used by the oil industry to argue for additional extraction projects. Arguments based on the material interdependencies of caribou with their environment, though seemingly similar to traditional arguments about range preservation, emerged as part of conservationists' attempts to account for the ecological stakes of caribou, other animals and people.

本文从科学史的角度探讨了人类世的保护概念。它通过观察一个标志性的基础设施发展案例来证明这一点,这个案例自20世纪70年代以来一直引起野生动物专家的争议:跨阿拉斯加管道系统(TAPS)。我研究了自20世纪70年代以来,TAPS作为生态学家测试迁徙驯鹿对变化环境的适应性及其对未改变范围的依赖的实验装置是如何发挥作用的。基于档案研究、发表的报告和采访,我表明,尽管在保护过程中赋予驯鹿更积极的角色,但关于动物学习的争论并没有导致尊重生态过程和驯鹿各种利益的更具包容性的发展形式。事实上,把驯鹿过境点作为管道影响的一个容易观察的、但唯一的指标,导致了对环境关系的简化表示,这被石油行业用来争论额外的开采项目。基于驯鹿与环境的物质相互依存关系的论点,尽管看起来与传统的范围保护论点相似,但作为自然资源保护主义者试图解释驯鹿、其他动物和人类生态利益的一部分,出现了。
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引用次数: 0
Medicine and the heavens in Padua's Faculty of Arts, 1570-1630. 帕多瓦艺术学院的医学与天堂,1570-1630年。
IF 0.8 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-28 DOI: 10.1017/S0007087422000152
Craig Martin

In the faculty of arts at the University of Padua in the years around 1600 professors debated the reliability of astrology, the existence of occult celestial influences, and the idea that celestial heat is present in living bodies. From the 1570s to the 1620s many professors in the faculty of arts pushed back against astrology and Jean Fernel's theories surrounding astral body. Girolamo Mercuriale, Alessandro Massaria and Eustachio Rudio thought that some forms of astral causation and Fernel's ideas were incompatible with their observations of disease, Aristotle's philosophy and Hippocratic theories. Later, Santorio Santorio and Cesare Cremonini, who were allied to the political circle of Paolo Sarpi, polemicized against astrology. Their writings show that at Padua medical theory was linked to Aristotelian cosmology, which emphasized the incommensurability between celestial and terrestrial elements. Their rejection of astrology, however, did not lead to the complete marginalization of astrology at Padua. By the middle of the 1620s, as the political climate changed in Venice, the University of Padua hired professors who promoted astrology and Fernel's theories about the celestial nature of innate heat. The diversity of opinions about astrology reflected Venice's divided politics and multiple approaches to interpreting Aristotle and other authorities.

多年来,在帕多瓦大学的艺术学院里,大约1600名教授就占星术的可靠性、神秘天体影响的存在以及天体热量存在于活体中的观点进行了辩论。从1570年代到1620年代,艺术学院的许多教授反对占星术和让·费内尔关于星体本体的理论。Girolamo Mercuriale、Alessandro Massaria和Eustachio Rudio认为某些形式的星体因果关系和Fernel的思想与他们对疾病的观察、亚里士多德的哲学和希波克拉底理论不兼容。后来,Santorio Santorio和Cesare Cremonini,他们与Paolo Sarpi的政治圈子结盟,对占星术进行了争论。他们的著作表明,在帕多瓦,医学理论与亚里士多德宇宙学联系在一起,亚里士多德宇宙学强调天体和地球元素之间的不可通约性。然而,他们对占星术的排斥并没有导致占星术在帕多瓦完全边缘化。到16世纪20年代中期,随着威尼斯政治气候的变化,帕多瓦大学聘请了教授,他们推广占星术和费内尔关于先天热的天体性质的理论。关于占星术的观点的多样性反映了威尼斯分裂的政治以及解读亚里士多德和其他权威的多种方法。
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引用次数: 0
'Not birth, marriage or death, but gastrulation': the life of a quotation in biology. “不是出生、婚姻或死亡,而是原肠胚形成”:这是生物学中的一句名言。
IF 0.8 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0007087421000790
Nick Hopwood

This history of a statement attributed to the developmental biologist Lewis Wolpert exemplifies the making and uses of quotations in recent science. Wolpert's dictum, 'It is not birth, marriage or death, but gastrulation which is truly the most important time in your life', was produced in a series of international shifts of medium and scale. It originated in his vivid declaration in conversation with a non-specialist at a workshop dinner, gained its canonical form in a colleague's monograph, and was amplified as a quotation on a poster derived from an undergraduate project. Although it drew on Wolpert's authority and he accepted his authorship, it thus represents a collective sifting of earlier claims for the significance of prenatal existence through the values of 1980s developmental biology. Juxtaposing a technical term with major life events has let teachers engage students, and researchers entice journalists, while sharing an in-joke that came to mark community identity. Serious applications include arguing for an extension of the fourteen-day limit on human-embryo research. On this evidence, quotations have been kept busy addressing every audience of specialized knowledge.

这段出自发育生物学家刘易斯·沃尔珀特(Lewis Wolpert)之手的陈述史是近代科学中引文的制作和使用的例证。沃尔珀特的名言“人生中最重要的时刻不是出生、结婚或死亡,而是胚期”,是在一系列中等规模的国际转移中产生的。它起源于他在一次研讨会晚宴上与一位非专业人士交谈时的生动陈述,在一位同事的专著中获得了规范形式,并被放大为来自本科生项目的海报上的引文。虽然它借鉴了Wolpert的权威,他也接受了他的作者身份,但它代表了通过20世纪80年代发育生物学的价值观对产前存在的重要性的早期主张的集体筛选。将一个专业术语与重大生活事件并列,让教师吸引了学生,研究人员吸引了记者,同时分享了一个标志着社区身份的内部笑话。严重的应用包括争论延长人类胚胎研究的14天限制。基于这一证据,引文一直忙于向每一位具有专业知识的听众讲话。
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引用次数: 4
Imperial entomology: Boris P. Uvarov and locusts, c.1920-c.1950. 帝国昆虫学鲍里斯-乌瓦洛夫(Boris P. Uvarov)与蝗虫,约 1920 年至 1950 年。
IF 0.8 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-20 DOI: 10.1017/S0007087421000807
Michael Worboys

In this article, I explore how the twin forces of imperial and entomological power allowed Britain to shape locust research and control across Africa, the Middle East and South Asia from the 1920s to the early 1950s. Imperial power came from the size of the formal and informal empire, and alliances with other colonial powers to tackle a common threat to agriculture and trade. Entomological authority came primarily from the work of Boris Uvarov and his small team of museum and fieldworkers based at the Imperial Bureau of Entomology (IBE), later the Imperial Institute of Entomology (IIE). I begin by discussing how Uvarov's phase theory of the origin of swarming changed the prospects for the control of locust plagues. The imperial gaze and networks of the IBE and IIE were suited to a problem that was transnational and transcontinental. In the 1930s, Britain was drawn into plans for international cooperation on locust organizations that met the needs of science, to give better sharing of knowledge, and the needs for science, to secure the resources for research and control. However, such organizations were only created during the Second World War, when new plagues threatened military operations, as I show in relation to the measures taken to control the red locust and desert locust. In the final section, I follow the fate of the wartime cooperation in initiatives to establish permanent control organizations. It is a story of the decline of British political power in locust affairs as the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization and regional agencies took over. My account of British locust research and control reveals a neglected aspect of histories of entomology and imperial/colonial science, especially their international relations and the continuing importance of metropolitan research centres.

在这篇文章中,我将探讨从 20 世纪 20 年代到 50 年代初,帝国权力和昆虫学权力的双重力量如何使英国在非洲、中东和南亚开展蝗虫研究和控制。帝国权力来自于正式和非正式帝国的规模,以及与其他殖民国家结盟以应对农业和贸易面临的共同威胁。昆虫学权威主要来自鲍里斯-乌瓦洛夫(Boris Uvarov)和他在帝国昆虫学局(IBE)(即后来的帝国昆虫学研究所(IIE))的博物馆和实地考察小组的工作。我首先讨论了乌瓦洛夫关于蝗虫群起源的阶段性理论如何改变了控制蝗灾的前景。国际昆虫学会和国际教育研究所的帝国目光和网络适合解决跨国和跨洲的问题。20 世纪 30 年代,英国参与了蝗虫组织的国际合作计划,以满足科学的需要,更好地分享知识;满足科学的需要,确保研究和控制的资源。然而,这种组织只是在第二次世界大战期间,当新的瘟疫威胁到军事行动时才建立起来的,正如我在介绍控制红蝗和沙漠蝗虫的措施时所展示的那样。在最后一部分,我讲述了战时合作建立永久性防治组织的命运。这是一个关于英国在蝗虫事务中的政治权力随着联合国粮食及农业组织和区域机构的接管而衰落的故事。我对英国蝗虫研究和控制的描述揭示了昆虫学和帝国/殖民科学史中被忽视的一个方面,特别是它们之间的国际关系以及大都市研究中心的持续重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Comparative globalizations: building and dismantling genetic laboratories in Lebanon. 比较全球化:在黎巴嫩建立和拆除基因实验室。
IF 0.8 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-19 DOI: 10.1017/S0007087421000820
Elise K Burton

This paper examines two moments in the globalization of human genetics, focusing on the American University of Beirut as a site of interaction between American, European and Middle Eastern scientific actors and research subjects. In the interwar period, the establishment of clinical laboratories at AUB's medical school enabled the development of an informal large-scale programme to study human heredity through anthropometry and sero-anthropology. AUB's Middle Eastern students were trained in these techniques, and research results were disseminated locally in Arabic as well as in international scientific journals. In the post-war period, new technologies transformed human genetics into an internationally coordinated science with specialized laboratories. However, an attempt to establish such a lab at AUB during the 1960s ended in failure: the Anthropological Blood Grouping Laboratory functioned for only four years before closing. The American and British personalities who promoted the ABGL in Lebanon aimed to collect blood samples from across the region without committing to long-term relationships with local scientists and research subjects. As an 'outpost' for Western scientists, the ABGL embodied the neo-colonial structure of post-war human population genetics, both in its unfulfilled aspirations to serve metropolitan research agendas and in its marginalization of Middle Eastern scientists.

本文以贝鲁特美国大学为中心,探讨人类遗传学全球化进程中的两个重要时刻,贝鲁特美国大学是美国、欧洲和中东科研人员与研究对象互动的场所。在战时,贝鲁特美国大学医学院建立了临床实验室,从而得以制定一项非正式的大规模计划,通过人类测量学和血清人类学研究人类遗传学。AUB 的中东学生接受了这些技术方面的培训,研究成果在当地的阿拉伯语和国际科学杂志上传播。战后,新技术将人类遗传学转变为一门国际协调的科学,并建立了专门的实验室。然而,20 世纪 60 年代在 AUB 建立这样一个实验室的尝试以失败告终:人类学血型实验室只运行了四年就关闭了。在黎巴嫩推动建立人类学血型实验室的美国和英国人士旨在从整个地区收集血液样本,而没有与当地科学家和研究对象建立长期关系。作为西方科学家的 "前哨站",ABGL 体现了战后人类群体遗传学的新殖民主义结构,既体现在其服务于大都市研究议程的愿望未能实现,也体现在其对中东科学家的边缘化。
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引用次数: 0
Descartes on fermentation in digestion: iatromechanism, analogy and teleology. 笛卡尔论消化中的发酵:机理、类比和目的论。
IF 0.8 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-11 DOI: 10.1017/S0007087421000819
Carmen Schmechel

Fermentation is a cornerstone phenomenon in Cartesian physiology, accounting for processes such as digestion or blood formation. I argue that the previously unrecognized conceptual tension between the terms 'fermentation' and 'concoction' reflects Descartes's efforts towards a novel, more thoroughly mechanistic theory of physiology, set up against both Galenism and chymistry. Similarities with chymistry as regards fermentation turn out either epistemologically superficial, or based on shared earlier sources. Descartes tentatively employs 'fermentation' as a less teleological alternative to 'concoction', later renouncing the explicit use of the term, possibly to avoid chymical overtones. However, his continued use of analogies with fermentative processes in the natural world and in winemaking, coupled with a strong ontological commitment (the stance that the physiological processes are actual fermentations), leads to a reintroduction of natural teleology in his medical system, which I argue may be understood in an Aristotelian sense of 'simple necessity'. The paper reveals a more nuanced account of Cartesian fermentative medicine, delineating some of its tensions with regard to chymistry as they play out in the dynamics of fermentation and concoction, and linking the analogies to fermentation processes to the difficulties in erasing teleology altogether.

发酵是笛卡尔生理学的基石现象,是消化或造血等过程的基础。我认为,"发酵 "和 "调制 "这两个术语在概念上的紧张关系以前从未被认识到,这反映了笛卡尔为建立一种新颖的、更彻底的机械生理学理论所做的努力,这种理论是与盖伦主义和糜烂学相对立的。在发酵方面,笛卡尔与糜烂学的相似之处要么是认识论上的肤浅,要么是基于早期的共同来源。笛卡尔初步使用 "发酵 "作为 "调制 "的一种目的论色彩较淡的替代物,后来放弃明确使用该词,可能是为了避免糜烂学的色彩。然而,他继续使用与自然界和酿酒过程中发酵过程的类比,再加上强烈的本体论承诺(生理过程是实际发酵的立场),导致在他的医学体系中重新引入了自然目的论,我认为这可以从亚里士多德意义上的 "简单必然性 "来理解。本文对笛卡尔的发酵医学进行了更细致的阐述,描述了其在发酵和调制过程中与糜烂学之间的一些紧张关系,并将与发酵过程的类比与彻底消除目的论的困难联系起来。
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引用次数: 0
Mapping the invisible: knowledge, credibility and visions of earth in early modern cave maps. 绘制无形的地图:早期现代洞穴地图中的知识、可信度和地球愿景。
IF 0.8 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-10 DOI: 10.1017/S0007087421000789
Johannes Mattes

This paper examines cave environments as unique spaces of knowledge production and shows how visualizations of natural cavities in maps came to be powerful tools in scientific reasoning. Faced with the challenge of limited vision, mapmakers combined empiricism and imagination in an experimental setting and developed specific translation strategies to deal with the uncertain origin of underground objects and the shifting boundaries between the known and the unknown. By deconstructing this type of cartographic representation, which has barely been studied, this paper furnishes surprising insights into the scholarly practices and tools used to deal with this considerable epistemic uncertainty and to signal credibility and trust to potential users. The array of maps used for this study includes both archival and published sources, depicting caves in Europe, America and Siberia.

本文探讨了洞穴环境作为知识生产的独特空间,并展示了地图中自然洞穴的可视化如何成为科学推理的有力工具。面对视野有限的挑战,地图绘制者在实验环境中将经验主义与想象力相结合,并开发出特定的翻译策略,以应对地下物体来源的不确定性以及已知与未知之间不断变化的界限。通过解构这种几乎未被研究过的制图表述方式,本文提供了令人惊奇的见解,让我们了解到学术界是如何使用实践和工具来应对这种相当大的认识上的不确定性,并向潜在用户传递可信度和信任感的。本研究使用的一系列地图包括档案资料和出版资料,描绘了欧洲、美洲和西伯利亚的洞穴。
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引用次数: 0
'The troubles of collecting': William Henry Harvey and the practicalities of natural-history collecting in Britain's nineteenth-century world. 收藏的烦恼":威廉-亨利-哈维与十九世纪英国世界自然历史收藏的实用性。
IF 0.8 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-17 DOI: 10.1017/S0007087421000704
John McAleer

In recent decades, historians have become increasingly interested in the logistical challenges and difficulties encountered by those responsible for the collection, preservation and safe transport of specimens from the field to the museum or laboratory. This article builds on this trend by looking beyond apparent successes to consider the practices and practicalities of shipboard travel and maritime and coastal collecting activities. The discussion focuses on the example of William Henry Harvey, who travelled to Australia in pursuit of cryptogams - non-flowering plants like mosses, lichens and algae - in 1853. In his private correspondence to family and friends, Harvey offered insights into the challenges and obstacles faced by all collectors in the period. His experiences were fundamentally shaped by the material culture, embodied knowledge and physical constraints he encountered on the way. On one level, shipboard and onshore collecting activities were facilitated by the connections forged by new technologies and Britain's global empire. But they also depended on specific contexts and relied on local agents and actors, as well as on the physical and technical facilities (and limitations) of those doing the collecting. The examples of Harvey and others shed light on the real, 'lived' experiences of individual collectors, the difficulties and challenges they encountered in amassing their collections, and the networks of people on which they relied.

近几十年来,历史学家越来越关注那些负责将标本从野外采集、保存和安全运输到博物馆或实验室的人员在后勤方面遇到的挑战和困难。本文在这一趋势的基础上,超越表面的成功,考虑了船上旅行以及海上和沿海采集活动的实践和实际情况。讨论的重点是威廉-亨利-哈维(William Henry Harvey)的例子,他于 1853 年前往澳大利亚寻找隐花植物--苔藓、地衣和藻类等非开花植物。在他与家人和朋友的私人通信中,哈维深入剖析了当时所有收藏者所面临的挑战和障碍。他的经历从根本上说是由他在旅途中遇到的物质文化、体现知识和物理限制所塑造的。从某种程度上说,新技术和英国的全球帝国所建立的联系为船上和岸上的收藏活动提供了便利。但它们也取决于具体的环境,依赖于当地的代理人和参与者,以及从事收藏者的物质和技术设施(和限制)。哈维等人的例子揭示了收藏家个人真实的 "生活 "经历、他们在积累藏品时遇到的困难和挑战,以及他们所依赖的人际网络。
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引用次数: 0
Denis Papin's digester and its eighteenth-century European circulation. 丹尼斯·帕潘的消化器及其在18世纪的欧洲流通。
IF 0.8 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0007087421000698
Marco Storni

The digester, invented by Denis Papin in the 1680s, was a rudimentary pressure cooker used to soften hard bodies by boiling them at high pressure. In this paper, I propose a reassessment of Papin's work on the digester, arguing that his research was located at the intersection of the chemical laboratory and cooking practice. I then examine cases from the eighteenth-century European circulation of the instrument in Sweden, Italy and the Netherlands in order to showcase the different practices in which the digester was embedded, including chemical research, philanthropic projects to feed the destitute, and proposals for the improvement of home cooking. The digester's history represents a key episode for demonstrating the intertwined nature of natural-philosophical research and the practice of economy or 'thrift'. All users of the digester engaged in a rationalization of its functions through quantification, not only to fulfil a concern for precision but also to display the device's potential to reform practical daily life. The digester could save time and fuel, reduce material waste, make cooking easier and foster collective meal preparation for the needy.

蒸煮器是丹尼斯·帕潘在17世纪80年代发明的,是一种基本的高压锅,通过高压煮沸来软化坚硬的物体。在本文中,我建议重新评估帕平在消化器上的工作,认为他的研究位于化学实验室和烹饪实践的交叉点。然后,我研究了18世纪欧洲在瑞典、意大利和荷兰的消化器流通案例,以展示消化器被嵌入的不同实践,包括化学研究、为穷人提供食物的慈善项目,以及改进家庭烹饪的建议。消化器的历史是展示自然哲学研究与节约或“节俭”实践交织在一起的本质的关键章节。蒸煮器的所有用户都通过量化来实现其功能的合理化,这不仅是为了满足对精度的关注,也是为了展示该设备改革实际日常生活的潜力。蒸煮器可以节省时间和燃料,减少材料浪费,使烹饪更容易,并促进为有需要的人集体做饭。
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引用次数: 1
Mathematics in the archives: deconstructive historiography and the shaping of modern geometry (1837-1852). 档案中的数学:解构史学和现代几何的形成(1837-1852)。
IF 0.8 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0007087421000625
Nicolas Michel, Ivahn Smadja

This essay explores the research practice of French geometer Michel Chasles (1793-1880), from his 1837 Aperçu historique up to the preparation of his courses on 'higher geometry' between 1846 and 1852. It argues that this scientific pursuit was jointly carried out on a historiographical and a mathematical terrain. Epistemic techniques such as the archival search for and comparison of manuscripts, the deconstructive historiography of past geometrical methods, and the epistemologically motivated periodization of the history of mathematics are shown to have played a crucial role in the shaping of Chasles's own theories. In particular, we present Chasles's approach to the 'material history' of algebraic symbolism and argue that it motivated and informed his subsequent invention of a novel notational technology for the writing of geometrical proofs and propositions. In return, this technology allowed Chasles to carry out a programme for the modernization of geometry in keeping with epistemic requirements he had also delineated via a form of historical writing.

本文探讨了法国几何学家Michel Chasles(1793-1880)的研究实践,从他1837年的aperaperu historque到1846年至1852年他的“高等几何”课程的准备。它认为,这种科学追求是在史学和数学领域共同进行的。认识论技术,如对手稿的档案搜索和比较,过去几何方法的解构历史编纂,以及认识论驱动的数学历史分期,在塑造查尔斯自己的理论中发挥了至关重要的作用。特别地,我们介绍了查尔斯对代数符号的“物质历史”的研究方法,并认为这激发并影响了他后来发明的一种新的符号技术,用于书写几何证明和命题。作为回报,这种技术使查尔斯能够执行几何现代化的计划,与他通过历史写作形式描绘的认识要求保持一致。
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引用次数: 1
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British Journal for the History of Science
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