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Suspecting the Figures: What Church Leaders Think About Government's Commitment to Combating COVID-19 in Nigeria. 怀疑数字:教会领袖如何看待尼日利亚政府抗击COVID-19的承诺。
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/00219096211069645
Uchechukwu M Agbo, George C Nche

Public trust in government can significantly determine the outcome of health policies in any society. Hence, studies have been gauging peoples' level of trust in their governments' commitment and capacity to win the fight against COVID-19. However, these studies have omitted religious leaders. This is despite the fact that religious leaders play key roles in the area of health in many societies. The present study, therefore, explored the opinions church leaders have about the credibility of the COVID-19 statistics and other government responses in Nigeria. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 18 church leaders drawn from Anglican, Catholic, and Pentecostal churches in Nigeria. A descriptive narrative approach was employed in the thematic organization and analysis of data. Findings show that only one participant expressed confidence in the credibility of the COVID-19 statistics and other government's responses. The rest, with the exception of one participant who was uncertain, was distributed between those who believe the statistics and other government efforts are exaggerated and those who believe they are false. The study also found that denominational affiliation mattered with respect to the perceptions about the credibility of the COVID-19 statistics and other government responses. Implications of findings for policy and research are discussed.

在任何社会中,公众对政府的信任可以在很大程度上决定卫生政策的结果。因此,研究一直在衡量人们对政府承诺和能力的信任程度,以赢得抗击COVID-19的斗争。然而,这些研究忽略了宗教领袖。尽管宗教领袖在许多社会的卫生领域发挥着关键作用。因此,本研究探讨了教会领袖对尼日利亚COVID-19统计数据和其他政府应对措施的可信度的看法。数据是通过对尼日利亚圣公会、天主教和五旬节派教会的18位教会领袖的半结构化访谈收集的。在专题组织和数据分析中采用了描述性叙述方法。调查结果显示,只有一位与会者对新冠肺炎统计数据和其他政府应对措施的可信度表示有信心。除了一名不确定的参与者外,其余的人分布在认为统计数据和其他政府努力被夸大的人和认为这些数据是虚假的人之间。该研究还发现,就对COVID-19统计数据和其他政府反应的可信度的看法而言,教派归属很重要。讨论了研究结果对政策和研究的影响。
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引用次数: 6
Book Review: Undoing Apartheid 书评:废除种族隔离
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231190527
M. Neocosmos
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引用次数: 0
Does China’s Flow of FDI and Institutional Quality Matter for Poverty? Evidence from Sub-Sahara Africa 中国的外国直接投资流量和制度质量对贫困有影响吗?撒哈拉以南非洲的证据
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231188948
K. Iddrisu, J. Abor, Michael Insaidoo, K. Banyen
The study adds to the discussion on the necessity for Sub-Sahara African (SSA) countries to eradicate poverty, as outlined in SDG 1 and Africa’s Agenda 2063. This contribution was successful in achieving some key objectives. First, we examine the impact of Chinese FDI and institutional quality on the eradication of poverty in SSA. Second, we test empirically whether institutional quality can help Chinese FDI to reduce poverty in SSA. Using an annual dataset for 36 SSA countries for a 20-year period ending in 2020, our pooled OLS results showed that Chinese FDI does not reduce poverty unless there are strong institutions and good governance. Also, the results showed that strong institutions and good governance reduce poverty in SSA. As a result, we recommend that governments establish policies to develop systems and structures that encourage industrialization and attract foreign investors for SSA to reap the full benefits of Chinese FDI.
该研究补充了关于撒哈拉以南非洲国家消除贫困的必要性的讨论,如可持续发展目标1和非洲2063年议程所述。这一贡献成功地实现了一些关键目标。首先,我们考察了中国FDI和制度质量对SSA消除贫困的影响。其次,我们实证检验了制度质量是否有助于中国FDI在SSA减贫。使用36个撒哈拉以南非洲国家截至2020年的20年年度数据集,我们汇总的OLS结果显示,除非有强大的制度和良好的治理,否则中国的外国直接投资不会减少贫困。此外,研究结果表明,强有力的机构和善政减少了SSA的贫困。因此,我们建议各国政府制定政策,发展鼓励工业化的制度和结构,吸引外国投资者参与SSA,以充分受益于中国的外国直接投资。
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引用次数: 0
The Rise of Asia-Pacific Agribusiness in the Global South—The Corporate Food Regime Under the Third Regionalism 亚太农业综合企业在全球南方的崛起——第三次区域主义下的企业食品制度
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-30 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231188954
Scott Y. Lin
Food regime theory asserts that the Global North has controlled food production chains since the 1800s, establishing a corporate food regime in the late 1980s. Through liberalization, Northern food corporations became powerful, leading the contemporary food regime and even replacing states. However, Global South corporations in the Asia-Pacific have grown to become important players in corporate food regimes. Through a literature review, content analysis, and interviews, this study leverages Third Regionalism as the theoretical approach to supplement the food regime theory, and explains how Third Regionalism featured free trade agreements established by Asia-Pacific countries, and how it supported the rapid rise of Southern food corporations. Regionalism helped Asia-Pacific Southern corporations become important figures in the contemporary corporate food regime, reinforcing the Global South’s food security and the livelihood sovereignty aspect of food sovereignty. The stances of Global South food sovereignty groups toward genetically modified crops are shifting and worthy of continued consideration.
食品制度理论认为,自19世纪以来,全球北方就控制了食品生产链,并在20世纪80年代末建立了企业食品制度。通过自由化,北方食品公司变得强大,领导了当代食品制度,甚至取代了国家。然而,亚太地区的全球南方公司已经成长为企业食品制度中的重要参与者。本研究通过文献回顾、内容分析、访谈等方法,以第三区域主义为理论途径,对食品制度理论进行补充,并解释第三区域主义如何以亚太国家建立的自由贸易协定为特征,以及它如何支持南方食品企业的快速崛起。地区主义帮助亚太南方企业成为当代企业食品制度中的重要人物,加强了全球南方的粮食安全和粮食主权的生计主权方面。全球南方粮食主权组织对转基因作物的立场正在转变,值得继续考虑。
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引用次数: 1
Debunking the Myth of Independence of the NPRC Commissioners in Zimbabwe 揭穿津巴布韦全国人大委员独立的神话
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-29 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231188943
Knowledge Mwonzora
Scholars have long been interested in understanding the functions and efficacy of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions (TRCs) in promoting post-conflict justice and reconciliation, particularly in countries emerging from violent conflict. However, less well understood is how issues of autonomy and independence of commissioners condition the efficacy of TRCs. In joining this debate, I contend that how and why certain people are selected to be commissioners of TRCs has an impact on the legitimacy and success or lack thereof of such bodies. The article unpicks how and why the social status of the commissioners, their level of professionalism, independence and their political leanings (neutrality) impact on the integrity, efficacy and legitimacy of TRCs. Drawing on the Zimbabwean case study, I show how loyalty, past and current allegiance, selection criteria (methods) or appointment and conduct of commissioners shape the efficacy of the National Peace and Reconciliation Commission (NPRC). Such an investigation is relevant in contributing to a deeper understanding of the inner workings and legitimacy of TRCs in Africa and beyond as they seek to promote justice and reconciliation in post-conflict contexts.
长期以来,学者们一直有兴趣了解真相与和解委员会(TRCs)在促进冲突后正义与和解方面的功能和功效,特别是在刚刚从暴力冲突中出现的国家。然而,不太清楚的是,专员的自治和独立问题如何制约储税券的效力。在参与辩论时,我认为某些人如何及为何被选为储税库的专员,会影响储税库的合法性和成功与否。本文分析专员的社会地位、专业水平、独立性和政治倾向(中立)如何及为何影响储税库的廉正、效能和合法性。根据津巴布韦的案例研究,我展示了忠诚、过去和现在的忠诚、选择标准(方法)或任命和行为如何影响国家和平与和解委员会(NPRC)的效率。这种调查有助于更深入地了解非洲及其他地区红十字会的内部运作和合法性,因为它们寻求在冲突后环境中促进正义与和解。
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引用次数: 0
Developing the Sugar Valley: Missing Linkages Between Farming and Industrial Capacity of Sugar Processing in Kilombero, Tanzania 发展糖谷:坦桑尼亚基隆贝罗的农业与糖加工工业能力之间缺失的联系
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-22 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231186389
Mtechura Brighton Winghton, M. Chuhila
Despite the initiatives that have been taken by the government and different stakeholders, the availability of sugar is uncertain in Tanzania for years. It is on that basis that this article uses a historical approach to analyse the mismatch between sugarcane farming and industrial processing capacity in the Kilombero valley. The shortage of sugar indicates the missing link between sugarcane farming and industrial processing capacity that is coupled with business interest of sugar dealers. We indicate that the sugar industry has been webbed in divided interests of promoting farmers on one hand and maintaining business profits on the other.
尽管政府和不同的利益相关者采取了举措,但坦桑尼亚的糖供应多年来一直不确定。在此基础上,本文采用历史方法分析了基隆贝罗河谷甘蔗种植与工业加工能力之间的不匹配。食糖短缺表明,甘蔗种植和工业加工能力之间缺乏联系,再加上食糖经销商的商业利益。我们指出,糖业在促进农民发展和维护商业利润方面存在着分歧。
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引用次数: 0
Discourse of Composite Budgeting System in Ghana: Contextual Perspectives on Its Potentials and Constraints from the Wa Municipality, Upper West Region 加纳复合预算制度的论述:从上西部Wa市的角度看其潜力和制约因素
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-22 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231186383
F. Sanyare, Wisdom N-yilyari, Ernest Malir Lagnang
Decentralization is accepted globally as a way of enhancing development and a trigger for good governance. Effective decentralization is premised on fiscal decentralization, which transfers finances to the local level. To make fiscal decentralization a reality, Ghana implemented the composite budgeting system (CBS) in 2011. This paper used qualitative case study design, where in-depth interviews from key informants were the main methods used to collect data. We found six main challenges of the CBS thus: policy and regulatory challenges; inadequate knowledge on the CBS by staff; political meddling in the implementation of projects; and untimely and inconsistent release of funds for the Assembly. We also found that CBS holds the following prospects: waste is minimized; transparency in resource use is assured; unified processes of budgeting and monitoring and evaluation; and ensures local participation. We conclude that district assemblies while “muddling through” intractable challenges, could strive to maximize on the potentials identified.
权力下放被全球接受为促进发展的一种方式,也是善政的一个触发因素。有效的权力下放是以财政权力下放为前提的,财政权力下放将财政转移到地方一级。为了实现财政权力下放,加纳于2011年实施了综合预算制度。本文采用了定性的案例研究设计,主要采用来自关键信息提供者的深入访谈来收集数据。因此,我们发现哥伦比亚广播公司面临的六大挑战:政策和监管挑战;工作人员对CBS的了解不足;政治干预项目实施;大会资金发放不及时和前后不一。我们还发现,哥伦比亚广播公司有以下前景:废物最小化;确保资源使用的透明度;统一的预算编制、监测和评价程序;并确保当地的参与。我们得出的结论是,地区议会在“度过”棘手挑战的同时,可以努力最大限度地发挥所发现的潜力。
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引用次数: 0
Factors Constraining Rural Road Transport Systems in Enugu State, Nigeria 制约尼日利亚埃努古州农村公路运输系统的因素
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-19 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231184403
A. Ali, I. Madu, Uchenna Paulinus Okafor
The study investigated the underlying factors constraining sustainable development of rural road transport systems in Enugu State. Interview schedules and field observations data were purposively collected from 714 respondents comprising vehicle operators, passengers and representatives of transport units of Local Government Works Departments of the state. Principal Component Analysis was used to identify five constraints to sustainable rural road transport systems’ improvement in Enugu State. These constraints accounted for 84.71% of the observed poor improvement of rural road transport systems in Enugu State. Recommendations were made to achieve sustainable rural road transport improvement in Enugu state.
该研究调查了制约埃努古州农村公路运输系统可持续发展的根本因素。有目的地从714名受访者中收集访谈时间表和现场观察数据,这些受访者包括车辆运营商、乘客和该州地方政府工程部门运输单位的代表。主成分分析用于确定埃努古州可持续农村公路运输系统改善的五个制约因素。这些制约因素占埃努古州农村公路运输系统改善不力的84.71%。提出了在埃努古州实现可持续农村公路运输改善的建议。
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引用次数: 0
Male-Selective Outmigration and Decision-Making Among Females: A Case Study of Select Villages in Kumaon Himalayas of India 男性的选择性迁移与女性的决策——以印度库马翁喜马拉雅山脉特定村庄为例
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-18 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231186379
Manoj Jatav, S. Sen, Deepika Jajoria
This paper is based on a household-level survey conducted in seven villages of the Kumaon region of India and seeks to examine if male-selective outmigration has strengthened the decision-making among left-behind females. There has been an improved role of left-behind females in holding the responsibility of taking decisions in both household and economic spaces. However, these effects are observed relatively smaller in the domains or activities that have a financial involvement. The selective outmigration has opened up opportunities for left-behind females to develop skills related to financial management at the household and farm levels and also in farm-business management and entrepreneurship.
本文基于在印度Kumaon地区7个村庄进行的家庭调查,试图检验男性选择性外迁是否加强了留守女性的决策。留守妇女在家庭和经济领域承担决策责任方面的作用有所改善。然而,在涉及财务的领域或活动中,这些影响相对较小。选择性外移为留守妇女提供了机会,使她们能够发展与家庭和农场一级的财务管理以及农场企业管理和创业有关的技能。
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引用次数: 0
Patriot, Revolutionary and Liberator? Representations of Emmerson Mnangagwa in the Post-2017 Chief Shumba Hwenje Song 爱国者、革命者和解放者?Emmerson Mnangagwa在2017年后首席执行官Shumba Hwenje Song中的陈述
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-17 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231186381
Tavengwa Gwekwerere, John Mambambo, Martin Magidi, Reggemore Marongedze
While the advent of Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980 with Robert Mugabe as founding prime minister was largely received as the best outcome of the liberation struggle of the 1970s and as the foundation upon which a prosperous nation could be built, the euphoria did not last long. Over the years, Mugabe’s rule became increasingly authoritarian to the extent that his ouster by Emmerson Mnangagwa through the coup of November 2017 would momentarily occasion a new sense of hope which the latter’s regime quickly appropriated to configure itself as Zimbabwe’s ‘Second Republic’/‘New Dispensation’. These identities are pervasive in multiple state-centric spaces that are burdened with the responsibility to frame both Mugabe’s removal from office and his replacement by Mnangagwa’s as inexorable. However, it is in the post-2017 Chief Shumba Hwenje song that ‘Second Republic’/‘New Dispensation’ identities have more traction as tropes of eventual political transition in Zimbabwe. This article utilises Afrocentric ideas on the role of art in cultivating truth, justice, harmony, balance, order, reciprocity and propriety to problematise ‘Second Republic’/‘New Dispensation’ identities implied in purposively sampled post-2017 Chief Shumba Hwenje songs’ representations of Mnangagwa as a patriot, a revolutionary and a liberator. It instrumentalises the post-2017 Chief Shumba Hwenje song as the most recent manifestation of the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) song and explores the ways in which the selected songs’ representations of Mnangagwa reminisce Mugabe-era politics of violence, state capture, patronage, exclusion, indispensability, polarisation, entitlement and poverty of accountability. The article suggests that while the songs discussed endeavour to depict Mnangagwa favourably, the ease with which they also portray him as steeped in various components of Mugabeist politics contradict the very claim to newness that the post-Mugabe regime articulates through ‘Second Republic’/‘New Dispensation’ identities.
1980年津巴布韦独立,罗伯特·穆加贝担任创始总理,这在很大程度上被视为20世纪70年代解放斗争的最佳成果,也是建立一个繁荣国家的基础,但这种喜悦并没有持续多久。多年来,穆加贝的统治变得越来越专制,以至于他在2017年11月的政变中被埃默森·姆南加格瓦赶下台,这将暂时引发一种新的希望感,后者政权很快利用这种希望感将自己塑造成津巴布韦的“第二共和国”/“新豁免”。这些身份在多个以国家为中心的空间中无处不在,这些空间肩负着将穆加贝的免职和姆南加格瓦的继任者视为不可阻挡的责任。然而,正是在2017年后的酋长Shumba Hwenje的歌曲中,“第二共和国”/“新豁免”的身份作为津巴布韦最终政治过渡的比喻更有吸引力。本文利用以非洲为中心的关于艺术在培养真理、正义、和谐、平衡、秩序、互惠和得体方面的作用的思想,对2017年后首席舒姆巴·赫文杰歌曲中所隐含的“第二共和国”/“新豁免”身份提出了质疑,这些歌曲将姆南加格瓦描绘成爱国者、革命者和解放者。它将2017年后的首席Shumba Hwenje歌曲作为津巴布韦非洲民族联盟爱国阵线(ZANU-PF)歌曲的最新表现形式,并探讨了所选歌曲对姆南加格瓦的表现方式,以回忆穆加贝时代的暴力、国家俘获、庇护、排斥、不可或缺、两极分化、权利和问责贫困的政治。文章指出,虽然所讨论的歌曲试图对姆南加格瓦进行正面描述,但它们也很容易将他描绘成沉浸在穆加比主义政治的各个组成部分中,这与后穆加贝政权通过“第二共和国”/“新豁免”身份所表达的新颖性相矛盾。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Asian and African Studies
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