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The missing link: Studying political leadership from the followers’ perspective 缺失的环节:从追随者的角度研究政治领导力
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1177/02633957211056227
Rudolf Metz
Recent political developments suggest that political followership has played increasingly vital roles in modern democratic politics. However, scholarship seemingly lacks proper conceptual and methodological tools for analysing why and how citizens follow their leaders, and what the role of this relationship is in personalised politics and political leadership. Addressing the research gap, this article turns to generic leadership studies for help and introduces its follower-centric models into the field of political science. This venture opens with a review and comparison of some of the different perspectives about political followers in the scholarship on political leadership and personalisation, taking account of their limitations. It then moves on to assess follower-centric models and their empirical results, focusing on observers’ perceptions about the characteristics and behaviours of leaders in the attribution of leadership. Based on these models, the article offers a balanced perspective about leader–follower relations. Recommendations for future research directions are presented in the concluding sections.
最近的政治发展表明,政治追随在现代民主政治中发挥着越来越重要的作用。然而,学术界似乎缺乏适当的概念和方法工具来分析公民为什么和如何追随他们的领导人,以及这种关系在个人化政治和政治领导中的作用。为了解决这一研究缺口,本文转向通用领导力研究,并将其追随者中心模型引入政治学领域。本文首先回顾和比较了政治领导和个性化学术研究中关于政治追随者的一些不同观点,并考虑到它们的局限性。然后,它继续评估以追随者为中心的模型及其实证结果,重点关注观察者对领导力归因中领导者特征和行为的看法。基于这些模型,本文提供了一个平衡的视角来看待领导者与追随者的关系。在结语部分提出了对未来研究方向的建议。
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引用次数: 3
Youth doing politics in times of increasing inequalities 在不平等加剧的时代从政的年轻人
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1177/02633957211042738
M. Grasso, Marco Giugni
Particularly in the current context of rapid political change, it is crucial to understand the political participation of young people and what underpins their political engagement patterns as well the as the inequalities that may lie beneath them. While there is a rich literature on youth participation, to date we have lacked the data to carry out detailed subgroup analyses to understand differences in the political participation between different groups of youth cross-nationally. The papers in this Special Issue all examine different aspects of youth participation in the current context. They examine key questions for participation including the inequalities, socialising influences, polarisation, online participation, radical political views, tolerance, life engagement and opportunities for social inclusion. This Special Issue thus provides a contemporary analysis of youth participation in Europe in the current historical juncture.
特别是在当前政治快速变化的背景下,了解年轻人的政治参与、他们政治参与模式的基础以及可能潜藏在其背后的不平等现象至关重要。虽然关于青年参与的文献丰富,但迄今为止,我们缺乏数据来进行详细的亚组分析,以了解跨国不同青年群体之间政治参与的差异。本期特刊的论文都探讨了当前背景下青年参与的不同方面。他们研究了参与的关键问题,包括不平等、社交影响、两极分化、在线参与、激进的政治观点、宽容、生活参与和社会包容的机会。因此,本期特刊提供了当前历史关头欧洲青年参与的当代分析。
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引用次数: 2
Introduction to the special issue: No longer second-order? Explaining the European Parliament elections of 2019 特刊导言:不再是次品?解读2019年欧洲议会选举
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/02633957211035096
Katjana Gattermann, Claes H. de Vreese, Wouter van der Brug
The dominant perspective of European Parliament (EP) elections is that these are second-order national elections where little is at stake. This Special Issue asks whether this perspective is still valid in view of increased politicisation of European integration and in view of the higher turnout levels at the last EP elections. This introduction provides a general framework for the Special Issue and reflects upon some of its main findings. We argue that EP elections can only be considered first-order if they are primarily about the policies, rather than the polity. Some of the contributions in this Special Issue suggest that this is indeed the case. We reflect upon this and argue that there are reasons to expect that EP elections will become first-order elections in the future.
欧洲议会(EP)选举的主要观点是,这些选举是二阶全国选举,几乎没有利害关系。本期特刊询问,鉴于欧洲一体化日益政治化,以及上次欧洲议会选举的投票率较高,这种观点是否仍然有效。本导言为《特刊》提供了一个总体框架,并反映了其中的一些主要结论。我们认为,只有在主要与政策而非政治有关的情况下,欧洲议会选举才能被视为一级选举。本期特刊中的一些贡献表明,情况确实如此。我们对此进行了反思,并认为有理由期待欧洲议会选举将成为未来的一级选举。
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引用次数: 5
Avatars of Eurocentrism in international political economy textbooks: The case of the Middle East and North Africa 国际政治经济学教科书中欧洲中心主义的化身:以中东和北非为例
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-28 DOI: 10.1177/02633957211054739
H. Baumann
The project to decolonise the curriculum revolves around rethinking margin and centre of the discipline. To the extent that the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is at the margin of international political economy (IPE), it is the ideal entry point to decolonise the curriculum. I conduct a summative content analysis of the six most commonly used IPE textbooks. To what extent do they reproduce or challenge Eurocentric tropes in their treatment of MENA? The region is largely absent from IPE textbooks, suggesting it is accorded little agency in the making of the global political economy. To the extent that it is ‘brought in’, it is ‘ghettoised’ in a specialist chapter. A qualitative content analysis suggests the authors avoid overt orientalism but exceptionalise the region as a failure with too little democracy and economic growth and too much war. They acknowledge the role of continued colonialism in these failures but also deny agency of the colonised. They miss an opportunity to de-provincialise the Middle East by fostering ‘ecologies of knowledge’. The article provides an analytical framework for research on how IPE textbooks treat other world regions and of syllabi.
课程的非殖民化项目围绕着重新思考学科的边缘和中心。在某种程度上,中东和北非(MENA)处于国际政治经济学(IPE)的边缘,它是课程去殖民化的理想切入点。笔者对六种最常用的国际政治经济学教材进行了总结性的内容分析。他们在处理中东和北非问题时,在多大程度上复制或挑战了以欧洲为中心的比喻?该地区在国际政治经济中心的教科书中基本没有出现,这表明该地区在全球政治经济的形成过程中几乎没有被赋予什么角色。在某种程度上,它是“引进来的”,它是在一个专门的章节中“被隔离的”。定性的内容分析表明,作者避免了明显的东方主义,但将该地区视为一个失败的地区,民主和经济增长太少,战争太多。他们承认持续的殖民主义在这些失败中所起的作用,但也否认被殖民者的作用。他们错过了通过培育“知识生态”来消除中东地方主义的机会。本文为国际政治经济学教材对待世界其他地区和教学大纲的研究提供了一个分析框架。
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引用次数: 4
How does crisis affect the conflict between technocracy and populism? Lessons from the COVID-19 pandemic 危机如何影响技术官僚和民粹主义之间的冲突?2019冠状病毒病大流行的教训
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-22 DOI: 10.1177/02633957211049965
Anders Esmark
The article focuses on the relationship between technocracy and populism during the first year of the COVID-19 crisis. On one hand, this relationship has been defined by populist denial, displacement of crisis, and rejection of the technocratic consensus on the need for urgent and decisive action in the face of the global pandemic. On the other hand, COVID-19 has also led to convergence between the two sides and populist approximation to technocracy more akin to ‘technopopulist’ compromises and politics. The article shows that this pattern of antagonism and approximation has been shaped by three constitutive features of the state of exception and emergency during the COVID-19 crisis: (1) discursive securitization of the threat, (2) the use of extraordinary tools and measures under the licence of precautionary principle, and (3) institutional concentration of power. While COVID-19 is an extreme case in all three respects, the lessons learned from the pandemic advance our general understanding of technocracy and populism as constitutive features of contemporary politics.
本文重点关注新冠危机第一年技术官僚与民粹主义之间的关系。一方面,这种关系的特点是民粹主义的否认,对危机的回避,以及对面对全球大流行病需要采取紧急和果断行动的技术官僚共识的拒绝。另一方面,COVID-19也导致了双方的趋同,民粹主义倾向于技术官僚,更类似于“技术民粹主义”妥协和政治。本文表明,这种对抗和近似模式是由COVID-19危机期间例外和紧急状态的三个构成特征形成的:(1)威胁的话语证券化,(2)在预防原则许可下使用非常工具和措施,以及(3)制度性权力集中。虽然COVID-19在这三个方面都是一个极端的例子,但从大流行中吸取的教训促进了我们对技术官僚和民粹主义作为当代政治构成特征的普遍理解。
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引用次数: 1
Intra-generational inequalities in young people’s political participation in Europe: The impact of social class on youth political engagement 欧洲青年政治参与中的代际不平等:社会阶层对青年政治参与的影响
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-18 DOI: 10.1177/02633957211031742
M. Grasso, Marco Giugni
The declining political engagement of youth is a concern in many European democracies. However, young people are also spearheading protest movements cross-nationally. While there has been research on political inequalities between generations or inter-generational differences, research looking at differences within youth itself, or inequalities between young people from different social backgrounds, particularly from a cross-national perspective, is rare. In this article, we aim to fill this gap in the literature. Using survey data from 2018 on young people aged 18–34 years, we analyse how social class background differentiates groups of young people in their political engagement and activism across nine European countries. We look at social differentiation by social class background for both political participation in a wide variety of political activities including conventional, unconventional, community and online forms of political participation, and at attitudes linked to broader political engagement, to paint a detailed picture of extant inequalities amongst young people from a cross-national perspective. The results clearly show that major class inequalities exist in political participation and broader political engagement among young people across Europe today.
年轻人政治参与度的下降是许多欧洲民主国家关注的问题。然而,年轻人也成为了跨国抗议运动的先锋。虽然有关于代际或代际差异的政治不平等的研究,但研究青年本身的差异,或来自不同社会背景的年轻人之间的不平等,特别是从跨国角度来看,很少有研究。在本文中,我们的目标是填补这一空白的文献。利用2018年对18-34岁年轻人的调查数据,我们分析了九个欧洲国家的社会阶层背景如何区分年轻人群体的政治参与和行动主义。我们通过社会阶层背景来研究各种政治活动(包括传统的、非传统的、社区的和在线的政治参与形式)的政治参与的社会差异,以及与更广泛的政治参与相关的态度,从跨国的角度来描绘现存年轻人之间不平等的详细图景。结果清楚地表明,当今欧洲年轻人在政治参与和更广泛的政治参与方面存在重大的阶级不平等。
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引用次数: 8
Analysing intra-party power: Swedish selection committees over five decades 分析党内权力:瑞典50年来的选拔委员会
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-18 DOI: 10.1177/02633957211051638
Niklas Bolin, N. Aylott
Unlike political parties in many other countries, Swedish ones have not adopted more inclusive methods for choosing their election candidates and party leaders. While the party congress formally selects important party offices, the process is managed, prior to the formal vote, by a selection committee vested with the task of filtering the pool of potential leaders and proposing one of them as the new leader. In this article, we survey the composition of these selection committees over time to investigate the extent to which change has taken place. Specifically, we investigate whether the composition of these powerful committees, which decide who joins the ranks of the country’s political leaders, has developed over time in relation to what prominent theories of intra-party power might lead us to expect. We derive testable expectations from prominent conceptualisations of intra-party power and apply these empirically. Specifically, we study the composition of party selection committees in Sweden over 50 years, 1969–2019. In total, this includes 40 different selection committees and almost 400 individuals. Contrary to conventional wisdom on intra-party power relations, the empirical analysis reveals a surprising degree of stability, raising questions about common claims of general power shifts within parties.
与许多其他国家的政党不同,瑞典的政党在选择选举候选人和政党领导人方面没有采取更包容的方法。虽然党代会正式选出重要的党内职位,但在正式投票之前,这个过程是由一个遴选委员会管理的,该委员会的任务是筛选潜在领导人,并提名其中一人为新领导人。在本文中,我们调查了这些选拔委员会的组成随着时间的推移,以调查发生变化的程度。具体来说,我们调查了这些决定谁加入国家政治领导人行列的强大委员会的组成是否随着时间的推移而发展,这与党内权力的著名理论可能导致我们的期望有关。我们从党内权力的突出概念中得出可检验的期望,并应用这些经验。具体来说,我们研究了瑞典50年来(1969-2019年)政党选举委员会的组成。总共包括40个不同的评选委员会和近400名个人。与关于党内权力关系的传统观点相反,实证分析揭示了令人惊讶的稳定性,提出了关于政党内部普遍权力转移的共同主张的问题。
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引用次数: 1
Gender inequalities in political participation and political engagement among young people in Europe: Are young women less politically engaged than young men? 欧洲年轻人政治参与和政治参与中的性别不平等:年轻女性的政治参与程度是否低于年轻男性?
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-18 DOI: 10.1177/02633957211028813
M. Grasso, Katherine Smith
This paper contributes to the literature by examining gender inequalities in political participation and political engagement among young people from a comparative perspective. By analysing data on young people from nine European countries collected in 2018, we examine gender inequalities in participation in various modes of conventional and unconventional activism as well as related attitudes, broader political engagement and key determinants, cross-nationally, in order to provide a detailed picture of the current state of gender inequalities in political activism among young people in Europe. Our results allow us to speak to extant theorising about gender inequalities by showing that the extent of political inequality between young men and women is less marked than one might expect. While the gender gaps in political participation for activities such as confrontational types of protest are small or absent, we find that young women are actually more active in petitioning, boycotting, and volunteering in the community. Young men instead are more active than young women in a majority of the nine countries analysed with respect to more institutional forms of participation linked to organizations and parties, various types of online political participation, and broader political engagement measures, such as internal political efficacy and consumption of political news through various channels. However, young men also appear to be more sceptical at least of certain aspects of democratic practice relative to young women.
本文从比较的角度研究了年轻人在政治参与和政治参与方面的性别不平等,为文献做出了贡献。通过分析2018年收集的九个欧洲国家年轻人的数据,我们研究了在参与各种传统和非传统激进主义模式方面的性别不平等,以及相关的态度、更广泛的政治参与和关键决定因素,以便详细了解欧洲年轻人政治激进主义中的性别不平等现状。我们的研究结果表明,年轻男女之间的政治不平等程度没有人们预期的那么明显,从而使我们能够与现存的性别不平等理论对话。虽然在对抗性抗议等活动的政治参与方面的性别差距很小或不存在,但我们发现,年轻女性实际上更积极地在社区请愿、抵制和志愿服务。相反,在所分析的九个国家中,大多数国家的年轻男性比年轻女性更积极,参与形式更多,与组织和政党有关,各种类型的在线政治参与,以及更广泛的政治参与措施,如内部政治效能和通过各种渠道消费政治新闻。然而,与年轻女性相比,年轻男性似乎也更怀疑民主实践的某些方面。
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引用次数: 9
Introduction to the special issue: Rhetorical approaches to contemporary political studies 特刊导论:当代政治研究的修辞方法
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-07 DOI: 10.1177/02633957211050272
Sophia Hatzisavvidou, James Martin
This article introduces the special issue on Rhetorical Approaches to Contemporary Political Studies. It underscores the importance of innovations in political speech as a key to the continuing attraction of scholars to rhetorical methods. This is particularly relevant at a moment of crisis and disruption in established democracies when the parameters of acceptable discourse have been brought into question by forms of ‘post-truth’ politics. Although controversial, such efforts affirm the value of rhetorical analysis as a mode of political enquiry. The article then sketches the arguments of the contributions to the issue.
本文介绍了《当代政治研究的修辞方法》专刊。它强调了政治演讲创新的重要性,这是修辞方法继续吸引学者的关键。在成熟民主国家面临危机和混乱的时刻,当可接受的话语的参数受到“后真相”政治形式的质疑时,这一点尤为重要。尽管存在争议,但这些努力肯定了修辞分析作为政治探究模式的价值。然后,文章概述了对该问题的贡献的论点。
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引用次数: 0
Transitions and non-transitions from neoliberalism in Latin America and Southern Europe 拉丁美洲和南欧新自由主义的转型与非转型
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/02633957211048387
J. Ferrero, R. I. Centeno, Antonios Roumpakis
We seek to disentangle the process through which some democratic polities ‘escape’ from neoliberal rule while others do not. We understand neoliberalism as the resulting equilibrium provoked by the restoration of class power that undermined the pro-labour policies of the post-war period. Why do some democracies enter a route of political experimentation that challenges the status quo while others remain ‘trapped’ in an orthodox neoliberal settlement? Our argument is that for a democratic polity to initiate a transition from neoliberal rule, there needs to be a crisis of neoliberal rule, a compelling alternative willing to contend for state power in national elections, and a reliable democratic settlement that allows the victory of the challenger – that is, the alternative – over the neoliberal rulers. This model will be discussed by examining the following three cases: Argentina, Greece, and Mexico.
我们试图理清一些民主政体从新自由主义统治中“逃脱”而另一些没有的过程。我们将新自由主义理解为阶级权力的恢复所引发的平衡,这种平衡破坏了战后时期的亲劳工政策。为什么一些民主国家进入了挑战现状的政治实验路线,而另一些民主国家仍然“困”在正统的新自由主义解决方案中?我们的论点是,对于一个民主政体来说,要从新自由主义统治开始过渡,需要有一场新自由主义统治的危机,需要有一个令人信服的替代方案,愿意在全国选举中争夺国家权力,需要有一个可靠的民主解决方案,允许挑战者——也就是替代方案——战胜新自由主义统治者。我们将通过考察以下三个案例来讨论这个模型:阿根廷、希腊和墨西哥。
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引用次数: 1
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Politics
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