Pub Date : 2020-04-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1864910
José Santana-Pereira, J. Cancela
ABSTRACT Unlike other European nations, Portugal has experienced an absence of relevant populist parties, even if its recent background of severe economic crisis could have been a fertile ground for their advent. To illuminate this apparent contradiction, we look at the demand side of the equation, drawing on survey data to examine the spread, correlates, and potential electoral implications of populist attitudes in Portugal. We show that while individuals with a populist outlook do not share a particular socioeconomic profile, several attitudinal factors are significant predictors of individual-level populism. Furthermore, those with stronger populist attitudes are not more likely to abstain in elections, but rather tend to vote for parties that exhibit some degree of populism in their rhetoric.
{"title":"Demand without Supply? Populist Attitudes and Voting Behaviour in Post-Bailout Portugal","authors":"José Santana-Pereira, J. Cancela","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2020.1864910","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2020.1864910","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Unlike other European nations, Portugal has experienced an absence of relevant populist parties, even if its recent background of severe economic crisis could have been a fertile ground for their advent. To illuminate this apparent contradiction, we look at the demand side of the equation, drawing on survey data to examine the spread, correlates, and potential electoral implications of populist attitudes in Portugal. We show that while individuals with a populist outlook do not share a particular socioeconomic profile, several attitudinal factors are significant predictors of individual-level populism. Furthermore, those with stronger populist attitudes are not more likely to abstain in elections, but rather tend to vote for parties that exhibit some degree of populism in their rhetoric.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"41 1","pages":"205 - 228"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2020-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90269976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1872152
Elisabetta De Giorgi, José Santana-Pereira
ABSTRACT The analysis explores government, party system and political attitudes as dimensions revealing Portugal’s exceptionalism during its post-bailout period (2015–19) vis-á-vis three other South European countries, Greece, Italy and Spain. It shows that government stability was greater in Portugal, no party system revolution took place and political trust recovered more quickly than in the other countries. In contrast, Portugal is not dissimilar from the other cases regarding the prevalence of populist attitudes, even though populist actors did not achieve electoral success before 2019. The article includes an update on political attitudes and government-opposition relations during the covid-19 pandemic and introduces the other articles in this collection.
{"title":"The Exceptional Case of Post-Bailout Portugal: A Comparative Outlook","authors":"Elisabetta De Giorgi, José Santana-Pereira","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2021.1872152","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2021.1872152","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The analysis explores government, party system and political attitudes as dimensions revealing Portugal’s exceptionalism during its post-bailout period (2015–19) vis-á-vis three other South European countries, Greece, Italy and Spain. It shows that government stability was greater in Portugal, no party system revolution took place and political trust recovered more quickly than in the other countries. In contrast, Portugal is not dissimilar from the other cases regarding the prevalence of populist attitudes, even though populist actors did not achieve electoral success before 2019. The article includes an update on political attitudes and government-opposition relations during the covid-19 pandemic and introduces the other articles in this collection.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"53 1","pages":"127 - 150"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2020-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90494706","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1868702
Carlos Jalali, J. Moniz, Patrícia Silva
ABSTRACT This article examines the Portuguese 2019 legislative election, which took place after a period of unprecedented and unexpected cooperation of the pro-European centre left and eurosceptic radical left. Initially dismissed as a ‘contraption’, this alliance belied the initial expectations and increasingly became a reference for South European social democratic parties. Yet, despite a seemingly reinforced popular mandate, it was not maintained after the 2019 election. We identify three factors for this. First, we suggest that the 2015–19 ‘contraption’ was a case of weak contract parliamentarism, making it easier not to renew. Second, the electoral victory of the Socialist Party made deals between the left-wing parties less necessary. Third, enduring programmatic differences between those parties hindered cooperation. Finally, it should be noted that the ‘contraption’ impacted interparty relations on the left and the expansion in the number of parliamentary parties in 2019, notably on the right.
{"title":"In the Shadow of the ‘Government of the Left’: The 2019 Legislative Elections in Portugal","authors":"Carlos Jalali, J. Moniz, Patrícia Silva","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2020.1868702","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2020.1868702","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the Portuguese 2019 legislative election, which took place after a period of unprecedented and unexpected cooperation of the pro-European centre left and eurosceptic radical left. Initially dismissed as a ‘contraption’, this alliance belied the initial expectations and increasingly became a reference for South European social democratic parties. Yet, despite a seemingly reinforced popular mandate, it was not maintained after the 2019 election. We identify three factors for this. First, we suggest that the 2015–19 ‘contraption’ was a case of weak contract parliamentarism, making it easier not to renew. Second, the electoral victory of the Socialist Party made deals between the left-wing parties less necessary. Third, enduring programmatic differences between those parties hindered cooperation. Finally, it should be noted that the ‘contraption’ impacted interparty relations on the left and the expansion in the number of parliamentary parties in 2019, notably on the right.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"9 1","pages":"229 - 255"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2020-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82332605","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1863592
Catherine Moury, Elisabetta De Giorgi, P. Barros
ABSTRACT In this article, we argue that the Costa I Socialist government (2015–2019) managed to combine responsiveness to voters with responsibility towards domestic and international actors by pursuing some kind of ‘austerity by stealth’, which we define as less visible fiscal contraction that is not displayed by the government in its public discourse. The radical left parties implicitly agreed with this strategy in exchange for the adoption of a long list of visible anti-austerity policies. This allowed the Costa I government to fulfil its electoral pledges and maintain the support of the radical left on the one hand, whilst also reducing the country’s deficit and consequently the costs of interest-debt repayments.
{"title":"How to Combine Public Spending with Fiscal Rigour? ‘Austerity by Stealth’ in Post-Bailout Portugal (2015-2019)","authors":"Catherine Moury, Elisabetta De Giorgi, P. Barros","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2020.1863592","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2020.1863592","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this article, we argue that the Costa I Socialist government (2015–2019) managed to combine responsiveness to voters with responsibility towards domestic and international actors by pursuing some kind of ‘austerity by stealth’, which we define as less visible fiscal contraction that is not displayed by the government in its public discourse. The radical left parties implicitly agreed with this strategy in exchange for the adoption of a long list of visible anti-austerity policies. This allowed the Costa I government to fulfil its electoral pledges and maintain the support of the radical left on the one hand, whilst also reducing the country’s deficit and consequently the costs of interest-debt repayments.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"405 ","pages":"151 - 178"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2020-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13608746.2020.1863592","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72506479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1762371
Dionyssis G. Dimitrakopoulos, Argyris Passas
ABSTRACT This article examines the depoliticisation of Greece’s tax administration under the post-2010 bailout agreements in light of three alternative models of domestic change. It shows that one model (external incentives model that is based on power asymmetry) accounts for the direction of the reform but not how far the reform ended up going. There is little evidence in support of the second model (social learning) because of the absence of genuine programme ownership and evidence in support of the third model (lesson-drawing) is limited to the diagnosis of the problem. The final outcome was unintentionally shaped by key choices made by Greek governments in line with the literature on conditionality.
{"title":"Reforming Greece’s Tax Administration during the Financial Crisis: The Paradox of Power Asymmetry","authors":"Dionyssis G. Dimitrakopoulos, Argyris Passas","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2020.1762371","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2020.1762371","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the depoliticisation of Greece’s tax administration under the post-2010 bailout agreements in light of three alternative models of domestic change. It shows that one model (external incentives model that is based on power asymmetry) accounts for the direction of the reform but not how far the reform ended up going. There is little evidence in support of the second model (social learning) because of the absence of genuine programme ownership and evidence in support of the third model (lesson-drawing) is limited to the diagnosis of the problem. The final outcome was unintentionally shaped by key choices made by Greek governments in line with the literature on conditionality.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"128 1","pages":"27 - 48"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88306113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1738092
Iole Fontana
ABSTRACT Focusing on Italy in the years of the ‘migration crisis’ between 2013 and 2017, this article explores how migration, crime groups and the domestic politics of migration control became entangled in times of crisis. Departing from previous theoretical discussions, it builds a framework that combines crime groups’ actions with domestic political processes in host countries and explores how the crime-migration nexus shaped – and was shaped by – Italian migration policymaking. The article contends that in the context of crisis the nexus took on new forms and that Italian migration politics and policies served to foster rather than counter the phenomenon, in a continuous interplay between criminal practices and policy choices.
{"title":"Migration Crisis, Organised Crime and Domestic Politics in Italy: Unfolding the Interplay","authors":"Iole Fontana","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2020.1738092","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2020.1738092","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Focusing on Italy in the years of the ‘migration crisis’ between 2013 and 2017, this article explores how migration, crime groups and the domestic politics of migration control became entangled in times of crisis. Departing from previous theoretical discussions, it builds a framework that combines crime groups’ actions with domestic political processes in host countries and explores how the crime-migration nexus shaped – and was shaped by – Italian migration policymaking. The article contends that in the context of crisis the nexus took on new forms and that Italian migration politics and policies served to foster rather than counter the phenomenon, in a continuous interplay between criminal practices and policy choices.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"105 1","pages":"49 - 74"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91153630","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1748353
Mert Arslanalp, Deniz Erkmen
ABSTRACT Following the coup attempt of 15 July 2016, the Turkish government declared a state of emergency that would last for two years. In this paper, we focus on an understudied aspect of this period, protest repression during the state of emergency, using an original dataset of protest bans issued in 2007–2019. Engaging with the theoretical claims of emergency scholarship, our paper demonstrates that emergency powers were used to target areas, groups, and issues that were not related to the ‘urgency’ underpinning emergency rule. Moreover, such derogations of rights were perpetuated after the termination of the state of emergency within so-called ordinary legality. These practices were nevertheless embedded in the already authoritarian political-institutional context of Turkey and its layered history of emergencies.
{"title":"Repression without Exception: A Study of Protest Bans during Turkey’s State of Emergency (2016-2018)","authors":"Mert Arslanalp, Deniz Erkmen","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2020.1748353","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2020.1748353","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Following the coup attempt of 15 July 2016, the Turkish government declared a state of emergency that would last for two years. In this paper, we focus on an understudied aspect of this period, protest repression during the state of emergency, using an original dataset of protest bans issued in 2007–2019. Engaging with the theoretical claims of emergency scholarship, our paper demonstrates that emergency powers were used to target areas, groups, and issues that were not related to the ‘urgency’ underpinning emergency rule. Moreover, such derogations of rights were perpetuated after the termination of the state of emergency within so-called ordinary legality. These practices were nevertheless embedded in the already authoritarian political-institutional context of Turkey and its layered history of emergencies.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"23 1","pages":"125 - 99"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73674109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1762372
Calliope Spanou
ABSTRACT The article examines the interplay between external pressure and domestic learning through a case-study of Greek budgetary and fiscal management reform. Pre-crisis, budgetary management inadequacies were not efficiently addressed, mainly due to lack of awareness of problems, a low uncertainty environment and a strong political propensity to maintain discretionary use of financial resources. In contrast, crisis-era bailout conditionality represented a drastic change in the environment, increasing uncertainty and encouraging domestic openness to reform. The fiscal governance framework was significantly transformed, to a point of paradigm change. While there is no doubt regarding the impact of external pressure, the analysis highlights certain aspects that point to a domestic learning process, though variable in different parts of the political-administrative system.
{"title":"Between Domestic Learning and External Coercion: Budgeting and Fiscal Management Reform in Greece","authors":"Calliope Spanou","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2020.1762372","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2020.1762372","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article examines the interplay between external pressure and domestic learning through a case-study of Greek budgetary and fiscal management reform. Pre-crisis, budgetary management inadequacies were not efficiently addressed, mainly due to lack of awareness of problems, a low uncertainty environment and a strong political propensity to maintain discretionary use of financial resources. In contrast, crisis-era bailout conditionality represented a drastic change in the environment, increasing uncertainty and encouraging domestic openness to reform. The fiscal governance framework was significantly transformed, to a point of paradigm change. While there is no doubt regarding the impact of external pressure, the analysis highlights certain aspects that point to a domestic learning process, though variable in different parts of the political-administrative system.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"26 1","pages":"1 - 26"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78177027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1769342
María Bruquetas-Callejo, Roberta Perna
ABSTRACT Migrants’ healthcare entitlement represents a conflictive issue in the political battlefield, with research pointing towards the determinant role of party politics in determining policy outputs. Addressing the 2012 healthcare reform and 2018 counter-reform adopted in Spain by a right-wing and left-wing government respectively and drawing on qualitative analysis of parties’ discourses and policy measures, we argue that ideological differences along the healthcare-migration nexus were overemphasised to play symbolic politics. Partisan competition had less impact on actual outputs, while clashes between the central and regional governments, path-dependent practices and opposition from multiple venues played a central role in the policymaking process.
{"title":"Migration and Healthcare Reforms in Spain: Symbolic Politics, Converging Outputs, Oppositions from the Field","authors":"María Bruquetas-Callejo, Roberta Perna","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2020.1769342","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2020.1769342","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Migrants’ healthcare entitlement represents a conflictive issue in the political battlefield, with research pointing towards the determinant role of party politics in determining policy outputs. Addressing the 2012 healthcare reform and 2018 counter-reform adopted in Spain by a right-wing and left-wing government respectively and drawing on qualitative analysis of parties’ discourses and policy measures, we argue that ideological differences along the healthcare-migration nexus were overemphasised to play symbolic politics. Partisan competition had less impact on actual outputs, while clashes between the central and regional governments, path-dependent practices and opposition from multiple venues played a central role in the policymaking process.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"41 1","pages":"75 - 98"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89406355","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Universities","authors":"Toby Burrows","doi":"10.4324/9780429344077-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429344077-2","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"61 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2019-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81030879","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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