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The Rise of (Faulty) Euroscepticism? The Impact of a Decade of Crises in Spain (错误的)欧洲怀疑主义抬头?西班牙十年危机的影响
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-06-30 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1771876
José Real-Dato, Aleksandra Sójka
Euroscepticism in Spain has so far constituted a marginal phenomenon. A decade of political and economic crises could, however, be setting the stage for rising Spanish opposition to the European Un...
迄今为止,欧洲怀疑主义在西班牙只是一种边缘现象。然而,十年的政治和经济危机可能会为西班牙对欧盟日益高涨的反对情绪奠定基础。
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引用次数: 7
Euroscepticism in Italy from the Onset of the Crisis: Tired of Europe? 危机爆发以来意大利的欧洲怀疑主义:厌倦了欧洲?
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1757885
N. Conti, Francesco Marangoni, Luca Verzichelli
Attitudes towards the European Union (EU) have changed deeply in Italy: the level of support for EU membership has dramatically declined among Italian citizens and, especially after the 2018 electi...
意大利人对欧盟(EU)的态度发生了深刻变化:意大利公民对欧盟成员国身份的支持程度急剧下降,尤其是在2018年大选之后……
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引用次数: 20
The Multiple Spanish Elections of April and May 2019: The Impact of Territorial and Left-right Polarisation 2019年4月和5月的西班牙多次选举:领土和左右两极分化的影响
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-05 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1756612
Pablo Simon
ABSTRACT This article analyses the 2019 local, regional, European and April general elections in Spain. The constitutional crisis in Catalonia in 2017, the motion of no-confidence leading to the new Socialist government and the emergence of a radical right-wing party, VOX, all led to Spanish politics becoming more polarised. This paper also discusses polarisation from both the left-right and the territorial perspectives, intimately linked in Spain both for historical reasons but also because of agency decisions during the period analysed. Finally, the article shows the electoral results, government formation processes and political implications of polarisation in a non-institutionalised party system.
本文分析了2019年西班牙的地方、地区、欧洲和4月份的大选。2017年加泰罗尼亚的宪法危机、导致社会党新政府的不信任动议以及激进右翼政党VOX的出现,都导致西班牙政治变得更加两极化。本文还从左右翼和领土的角度讨论了两极分化,这两方面在西班牙既有历史原因,也因为分析期间的机构决策而密切相关。最后,本文展示了非制度化政党制度下的选举结果、政府组建过程和两极化的政治含义。
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引用次数: 32
From Euroscepticism to Euro-enthusiasm: How Malta Weathered the Eurozone Crisis 从欧洲怀疑主义到欧洲热情:马耳他如何度过欧元区危机
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-17 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1746542
M. Harwood
Unlike other South European member-states of the EU, Malta did not experience any negative ramifications from the 2008 financial crisis and its eurozone membership has been stable, with the country...
与欧盟其他南欧成员国不同,马耳他没有受到2008年金融危机的任何负面影响,其欧元区成员国身份一直很稳定,该国……
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引用次数: 2
Demand without Supply? Populist Attitudes and Voting Behaviour in Post-Bailout Portugal 没有供给的需求?纾困后葡萄牙的民粹主义态度和投票行为
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1864910
José Santana-Pereira, J. Cancela
ABSTRACT Unlike other European nations, Portugal has experienced an absence of relevant populist parties, even if its recent background of severe economic crisis could have been a fertile ground for their advent. To illuminate this apparent contradiction, we look at the demand side of the equation, drawing on survey data to examine the spread, correlates, and potential electoral implications of populist attitudes in Portugal. We show that while individuals with a populist outlook do not share a particular socioeconomic profile, several attitudinal factors are significant predictors of individual-level populism. Furthermore, those with stronger populist attitudes are not more likely to abstain in elections, but rather tend to vote for parties that exhibit some degree of populism in their rhetoric.
与其他欧洲国家不同,葡萄牙缺乏相关的民粹主义政党,尽管其最近严重的经济危机背景本可以为民粹主义政党的出现提供肥沃的土壤。为了阐明这一明显的矛盾,我们着眼于等式的需求方,利用调查数据来检查葡萄牙民粹主义态度的传播、相关性和潜在的选举影响。我们表明,虽然具有民粹主义观点的个人并不具有特定的社会经济特征,但一些态度因素是个人层面民粹主义的重要预测因素。此外,那些民粹主义态度更强烈的人不太可能在选举中弃权,而是倾向于投票给那些在言论中表现出某种程度民粹主义的政党。
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引用次数: 16
Party System Renewal or Business as Usual? Continuity and Change in Post-Bailout Portugal 政党制度更新还是一切照旧?纾困后葡萄牙的延续与变化
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1862498
M. Lisi, E. Sanches, Jayane dos Santos Maia
ABSTRACT The recent economic crisis has created momentum for party system change in most European democracies. While Portugal has shown more predictable patterns of interparty competition, since the 2015 elections it has experienced incremental changes in the electoral, parliamentary and governing arenas. This study explores several dimensions of the Portuguese party system (including volatility, alternation in government and innovation) from a longitudinal perspective, and provides new explanations for its development. Focusing on the post-bailout period, it argues that abstention and party strategy go a long way to explaining the patterns of continuity and (marginal) change in the Portuguese party system.
最近的经济危机为大多数欧洲民主国家的政党制度变革创造了动力。尽管葡萄牙表现出更可预测的党派间竞争模式,但自2015年大选以来,葡萄牙在选举、议会和执政领域经历了渐进式的变化。本研究从纵向角度探讨了葡萄牙政党制度的几个维度(包括波动性、政府更迭和创新),并为其发展提供了新的解释。着眼于后救助时期,它认为,弃权和政党战略在很大程度上解释了葡萄牙政党制度的连续性和(边际)变化模式。
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引用次数: 11
The Exceptional Case of Post-Bailout Portugal: A Comparative Outlook 纾困后葡萄牙的例外情况:比较展望
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1872152
Elisabetta De Giorgi, José Santana-Pereira
ABSTRACT The analysis explores government, party system and political attitudes as dimensions revealing Portugal’s exceptionalism during its post-bailout period (2015–19) vis-á-vis three other South European countries, Greece, Italy and Spain. It shows that government stability was greater in Portugal, no party system revolution took place and political trust recovered more quickly than in the other countries. In contrast, Portugal is not dissimilar from the other cases regarding the prevalence of populist attitudes, even though populist actors did not achieve electoral success before 2019. The article includes an update on political attitudes and government-opposition relations during the covid-19 pandemic and introduces the other articles in this collection.
摘要本分析探讨了政府、政党制度和政治态度作为维度,揭示了葡萄牙在后救助时期(2015-19)与-á-vis其他三个南欧国家,希腊、意大利和西班牙的例外主义。它表明,葡萄牙政府的稳定性更高,没有发生政党制度革命,政治信任恢复得比其他国家更快。相比之下,在民粹主义态度盛行方面,葡萄牙与其他国家没有什么不同,尽管民粹主义行动者在2019年之前没有取得选举成功。本文介绍了2019冠状病毒病大流行期间的最新政治态度和政府与反对派的关系,并介绍了本文集中的其他文章。
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引用次数: 6
How to Combine Public Spending with Fiscal Rigour? ‘Austerity by Stealth’ in Post-Bailout Portugal (2015-2019) 如何将公共支出与财政严格结合起来?2015-2019年救助后葡萄牙的“隐形紧缩”
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1863592
Catherine Moury, Elisabetta De Giorgi, P. Barros
ABSTRACT In this article, we argue that the Costa I Socialist government (2015–2019) managed to combine responsiveness to voters with responsibility towards domestic and international actors by pursuing some kind of ‘austerity by stealth’, which we define as less visible fiscal contraction that is not displayed by the government in its public discourse. The radical left parties implicitly agreed with this strategy in exchange for the adoption of a long list of visible anti-austerity policies. This allowed the Costa I government to fulfil its electoral pledges and maintain the support of the radical left on the one hand, whilst also reducing the country’s deficit and consequently the costs of interest-debt repayments.
在本文中,我们认为哥斯达黎加社会主义政府(2015-2019)通过追求某种“隐形紧缩”,成功地将对选民的回应与对国内和国际行动者的责任结合起来,我们将其定义为政府在公共话语中没有展示的不太明显的财政紧缩。激进左翼政党暗中同意这一战略,以换取采取一长串明显的反紧缩政策。这使得哥斯达一政府一方面能够履行其选举承诺,并保持激进左翼的支持,同时也减少了国家的赤字,从而降低了偿还利息债务的成本。
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引用次数: 6
In the Shadow of the ‘Government of the Left’: The 2019 Legislative Elections in Portugal 在“左翼政府”的阴影下:2019年葡萄牙议会选举
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-02 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1868702
Carlos Jalali, J. Moniz, Patrícia Silva
ABSTRACT This article examines the Portuguese 2019 legislative election, which took place after a period of unprecedented and unexpected cooperation of the pro-European centre left and eurosceptic radical left. Initially dismissed as a ‘contraption’, this alliance belied the initial expectations and increasingly became a reference for South European social democratic parties. Yet, despite a seemingly reinforced popular mandate, it was not maintained after the 2019 election. We identify three factors for this. First, we suggest that the 2015–19 ‘contraption’ was a case of weak contract parliamentarism, making it easier not to renew. Second, the electoral victory of the Socialist Party made deals between the left-wing parties less necessary. Third, enduring programmatic differences between those parties hindered cooperation. Finally, it should be noted that the ‘contraption’ impacted interparty relations on the left and the expansion in the number of parliamentary parties in 2019, notably on the right.
本文考察了葡萄牙2019年的立法选举,这次选举是在亲欧中左翼和疑欧激进左翼前所未有的合作之后举行的。这个联盟最初被认为是一个“精巧的装置”,但它与最初的期望不符,并逐渐成为南欧社会民主党派的参考。然而,尽管民众的授权似乎得到了加强,但在2019年大选后并没有得到维持。我们确定了三个因素。首先,我们认为2015-19年的“精巧设计”是一个弱合同议会制的例子,这使得不续约变得更容易。其次,社会党的选举胜利使得左翼政党之间的交易变得不那么必要了。第三,各方在方案上的长期分歧阻碍了合作。最后,应该指出的是,这个“精巧的装置”影响了左翼政党之间的关系,以及2019年议会政党数量的增加,尤其是右翼政党。
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引用次数: 6
Reforming Greece’s Tax Administration during the Financial Crisis: The Paradox of Power Asymmetry 金融危机中的希腊税收改革:权力不对称的悖论
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1762371
Dionyssis G. Dimitrakopoulos, Argyris Passas
ABSTRACT This article examines the depoliticisation of Greece’s tax administration under the post-2010 bailout agreements in light of three alternative models of domestic change. It shows that one model (external incentives model that is based on power asymmetry) accounts for the direction of the reform but not how far the reform ended up going. There is little evidence in support of the second model (social learning) because of the absence of genuine programme ownership and evidence in support of the third model (lesson-drawing) is limited to the diagnosis of the problem. The final outcome was unintentionally shaped by key choices made by Greek governments in line with the literature on conditionality.
本文根据国内变化的三种替代模式,研究了2010年后救助协议下希腊税收管理的非政治化。它表明,一个模型(基于权力不对称的外部激励模型)说明了改革的方向,但没有说明改革最终走了多远。支持第二种模式(社会学习)的证据很少,因为缺乏真正的项目所有权,而支持第三种模式(吸取教训)的证据仅限于对问题的诊断。希腊政府根据有关条件的文献做出的关键选择,无意中影响了最终结果。
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引用次数: 3
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South European Society and Politics
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