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The Comparative Political Economy of Growth Models: Explaining the Continuity of FDI-Led Growth in Ireland and Hungary* 增长模式的比较政治经济学:解释爱尔兰和匈牙利外商直接投资主导增长的连续性*
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-08 DOI: 10.1177/0032329220985723
Dorothee Bohle, Aidan Regan
This article argues that the quiet politics of informal business-state interaction explains the political determinants of growth regimes. Building on the business power literature within the study of comparative capitalism, it shows that the noisy politics of elections often leads to changes of government but rarely to fundamental changes in the growth regime. Rather, growth models can be traced to the interactions and interests of dominant corporations within a country and its policymaking elites. The argument is developed through a comparative case study research design, using the case of foreign direct investment–led (FDI-led) growth in Ireland and Hungary. FDI-led growth regimes are a universe of cases that rely on state-led industrial and enterprise policies targeting the capital investment of foreign-owned multinational firms. Despite periods of noisy electoral politics challenging basic tenets of the FDI-led growth model in both Hungary and Ireland, the continuity of FDI-oriented growth is traced to the corporate politics of business-state elite deals.
本文认为,非正式商业-国家互动的安静政治解释了增长体制的政治决定因素。在比较资本主义研究中的商业权力文献的基础上,它表明,嘈杂的选举政治往往导致政府更迭,但很少导致增长体制的根本变化。相反,增长模式可以追溯到一个国家内占主导地位的企业及其决策精英的相互作用和利益。这一论点是通过比较案例研究设计展开的,以爱尔兰和匈牙利的外国直接投资(fdi)为主导的增长为例。外国直接投资主导的增长机制是依赖于以外资跨国公司的资本投资为目标的国家主导的工业和企业政策的一系列案例。尽管在匈牙利和爱尔兰,嘈杂的选举政治时期挑战了外国直接投资主导增长模式的基本原则,但外国直接投资导向增长的连续性可以追溯到商业-国家精英交易的企业政治。
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引用次数: 47
Quiet Politics in Tumultuous Times: Business Power, Populism, and Democracy* 动荡时代的平静政治:商业权力、民粹主义与民主*
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-08 DOI: 10.1177/0032329220985725
Pepper D. Culpepper
This article comments on a special issue of Politics & Society that examines “quiet politics” and the power of business in an era of “noisy politics.” The scholarship brought together in the issue shows that the world of business has indeed changed in the decade since Quiet Politics and Business Power was published, but also that quiet politics as a mode of low-salience interest advocacy seems alive and well. Building on this research, the article analyzes the different ways in which the rise of populist, noisy politics challenges business, how it challenges scholars studying business power, and how it challenges the functioning of the central feedback mechanism connecting political elites to mass publics in democracies—the media.
这篇文章评论了《政治与社会》的一期特刊,该特刊探讨了“安静的政治”和“嘈杂的政治”时代的商业力量。该期汇集的学术成果表明,自《安静的政治与商业力量》出版以来的十年里,商业世界确实发生了变化,但作为一种低显著性利益倡导模式的平静政治似乎也很活跃。在这项研究的基础上,文章分析了民粹主义、喧闹的政治的兴起以不同的方式挑战商业,它如何挑战研究商业权力的学者,以及它如何挑战民主国家中连接政治精英和大众公众的中央反馈机制——媒体的运作。
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引用次数: 9
Making Old People Work: Three False Assumptions Supporting the “Working Longer Consensus” 让老年人工作:支持“工作更长时间共识”的三个错误假设
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-06 DOI: 10.1177/0032329220987084
T. Ghilarducci
Pensions and social insurance—key parts of the welfare state—redistribute income and wealth across class by providing, or not providing, practical and legitimate access to basic income without requiring work for pay. Mistaken attention to generational equity and austerity economics creates a set of beliefs that older people should work more, forming what the article calls an emerging “Working Longer Consensus,” which is supported by three false doctrines. Using OECD data and secondary sources, the article counters each false doctrine by showing that healthy longevity gains are not distributed equally; there is no demonstrated trade-off between public spending for the elderly and children; and a greater supply of elder labor does not necessarily mean economic prosperity. The Working Longer Consensus, like the Washington Consensus, promises that pension austerity will yield economic prosperity.
养老金和社会保险是福利国家的关键部分,通过提供或不提供实际合法的基本收入途径,在不要求以工换薪的情况下,在不同阶层之间重新分配收入和财富。对代际公平和紧缩经济学的错误关注造成了一系列老年人应该多工作的信念,形成了文章所说的新兴的“工作更长时间共识”,这有三个错误的理论支持。利用经合组织的数据和二级来源,这篇文章反驳了每一种错误的理论,表明健康的长寿收益分配不平等;老年人和儿童的公共支出之间没有明显的权衡;老年劳动力的增加并不一定意味着经济繁荣。与《华盛顿共识》一样,《长期工作共识》承诺养老金紧缩将带来经济繁荣。
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引用次数: 0
Group-Specific Responses to Retrospective Economic Performance: A Multilevel Analysis of Parliamentary Elections 对回顾经济表现的群体特定反应:议会选举的多层次分析
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-04 DOI: 10.1177/0032329221989150
Abel Bojar, Tim Vlandas
What is the relationship between electoral and economic performance? Previous literature posits that poor economic performance hurts the incumbent at the ballot box because overall economic performance serves as a competence signal, which voters can readily access at low costs. Building on an emerging economic voting literature exploring heterogeneity in the electorate, this article argues that social groups are affected differently by various dimensions of economic performance and that their sociotropic sanctioning of incumbents is contingent on the retrospective performance of these dimensions. It theorizes how four social groups—low-skilled workers, pensioners, public sector employees, and high-income individuals—are differently affected by each of four economic dimensions: unemployment, inflation, stock market performance, and public spending; as a result, they penalize the incumbent to varying extents. Results from a multilevel logistic regression analysis from four modules of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems containing around seventy electoral contexts are consistent with the argument.
选举和经济表现之间的关系是什么?先前的文献认为,糟糕的经济表现会伤害投票箱中的现任者,因为整体经济表现是一个能力信号,选民可以很容易地以低成本获得。在探索选民异质性的新兴经济投票文献的基础上,本文认为,社会群体受到经济表现各个维度的不同影响,他们对现任者的反社会制裁取决于这些维度的追溯表现。它理论化了四个社会群体——低技能工人、养老金领取者、公共部门雇员和高收入个人——如何受到四个经济维度的不同影响:失业、通货膨胀、股市表现和公共支出;因此,他们在不同程度上惩罚现任者。选举制度比较研究的四个模块包含大约70个选举背景,其多层次逻辑回归分析结果与论点一致。
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引用次数: 4
Neopatrimonialismo, diferenciação funcional e a relação centro-periferia revisitada 新世袭主义、功能分化与中心-边缘关系的再审视
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-29 DOI: 10.5007/2175-7984.2020.E66958
Marcos Abraão Fernandes Ribeiro, Roberto Dutra Torres Junior
This article aims to deny the theoretical validity of the concept of neopatrimonialism, formulated bySimon Schwartzman, in order to understand the dilemmas of political exclusion in contemporary Brazil, since the concept is based on an apologetic reading of Max Weber’s diagnosis about the West. From the bibliographical analysis, we argue that the concept of neopatrimonialism is stuck to an empirical and theoretically unsustainable vision of political modernity, which idealizes the democratic and constitutional basis of modern political power and ignores its autocratic dimension and non-constitutional. Next, we present as a theoretical alternative the political sociology of Niklas Luhmann, for it describes modern politics as divided in the circuits of formal and constitutional power, and informal and non-constitutional. In this way, we can analyze the processes of political exclusion in the center and in the periphery without the presence ofidealizations about the central countries.
本文旨在否定西蒙·施瓦茨曼提出的新继承主义概念的理论有效性,以理解当代巴西政治排斥的困境,因为该概念是基于对马克斯·韦伯关于西方的诊断的道歉解读。通过文献分析,我们认为新世袭主义的概念固守于一种实证的、理论上不可持续的政治现代性视野,它理想化了现代政权的民主和宪政基础,忽视了其专制维度和非宪政性。接下来,我们提出了Niklas Luhmann的政治社会学作为一种理论选择,因为它将现代政治描述为分为正式权力和宪法权力,非正式权力和非宪法权力。这样,我们就可以在不存在关于中心国家的协议的情况下分析中心和外围的政治排斥过程。
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引用次数: 3
O confinamento do outro lado do oceano: a experiência de crianças e adolescentes durante a epidemia da Covid-19 na França 大洋彼岸的监禁:法国新冠肺炎疫情期间儿童和青少年的经历
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-29 DOI: 10.5007/2175-7984.2020.E75264
Fernanda Martinhago
The present article presents data that portray the confinement in France during the Covid-19 epidemic, precisely, for the children and youth public. The aim of this study was to provide some elements that make it possible to advance in the understanding of how children and adolescents experienced the experience of confinement in France. The methodology chosen for the development of the research was virtual ethnography. Through the materials published in the French newspapers and on the website of radio France Culture it was possible to have contact with the experiences lived by the families in the confinement. These publications provided subsidies to understand that keeping children and adolescents confined only in the family space, that is, deprived of the unfamiliar place (schools, parks, streets), implies the subjective process as the constitution of a subject, whose progress becomes impossible to happen without moving between these two places.
本文提供的数据描述了新冠肺炎疫情期间法国的监禁情况,确切地说,是针对儿童和青年公众的。这项研究的目的是提供一些元素,使人们能够进一步了解儿童和青少年在法国是如何经历禁闭的。为研究的发展选择的方法是虚拟民族志。通过在法国报纸和法国文化电台网站上发表的材料,可以接触到被监禁家庭的经历。这些出版物提供了补贴,以了解将儿童和青少年仅限制在家庭空间,即被剥夺了不熟悉的地方(学校、公园、街道),意味着作为一个主体的构成的主观过程,如果不在这两个地方之间移动,其进步就不可能发生。
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引用次数: 2
La medicalización de la infancia como estrategia de gobierno 将儿童医疗化作为政府战略
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-29 DOI: 10.5007/2175-7984.2020.E75325
Mauricio Bedoya-Hernández, Pablo Andrés De Francisco-León, Lina Juliedt Mesa Osorio
This paper provides an account of a study whose aim was to know the psychoscientific strategies associated with the production of subjectivity in neoliberalism. The authors used a historicalcritical approach based on the foucauldian studies. Results: (1) the medicalization of life has beena government strategy; (2) the medicalization of childhood -also a government strategy- has gone through three stages, each of which has produced a specific form of subjectivity; (3) three reason for the medicalization of childhood have been found, and (4), psychoscience and bioscience are the discourses that have directed this medicalization. The authors conclude that neoliberalismhas used this medicalization strategy, which was created by the psy sciences, to expand the commodification of life and configure the self-managed subjectivity of the entrepreneur.
本文介绍了一项旨在了解新自由主义中与主体性产生相关的心理科学策略的研究。作者采用了基于傅尔研究的历史批判方法。结果:(1)生命医学化已成为政府的一项战略;(2) 儿童医学化——也是政府的一项战略——经历了三个阶段,每个阶段都产生了特定形式的主体性;(3) 发现了儿童医学化的三个原因。(4)心理科学和生物科学是引导儿童医学化发展的话语。作者得出的结论是,新自由主义者利用这种由心理学创造的医学化策略来扩大生活的商品化,并配置企业家的自我管理主体性。
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引用次数: 0
Discursos parlamentares sobre a Amazônia: sobre o que falam os deputados brasileiros 亚马逊上的议会演讲:巴西议员谈论的内容
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-29 DOI: 10.5007/2175-7984.2020.E66962
Antonio Teixeira de Barros
This article analyzes parliamentary discourses on the Brazilian Amazon (2000-2017). The purpose is to examine how the topic was dealt with in the legislative arena, under which perspectives and what arguments are put forward by the deputies. The corpus comprises 2,778 statements,which were categorized into 25 themes, with the aid of NVivo software. The main conclusions show that the value of land as an input for agricultural and livestock production is the predominant argument in the debates, disregarding the international discourse on forestry. The debate isdriven by the agenda of the Executive Branch, especially on the following issues: deforestation, climate, land regularization, preservation areas and indigenous lands. The dominant parliamentary discourse reinforces the anti-ecology thesis of the National Congress, with a clear alignment with the liberal environmental perspective focused on the defense of agribusiness.
本文分析了巴西亚马逊(2000-2017)的议会话语。其目的是审查立法领域如何处理这一议题,代表们根据哪些观点提出了哪些论点。在NVivo软件的帮助下,语料库包括2,778个语句,分为25个主题。主要结论表明,土地作为农业和畜牧业生产投入的价值是辩论中的主要论点,而忽视了关于林业的国际讨论。辩论是由行政部门的议程推动的,特别是在以下问题上:森林砍伐、气候、土地正规化、保护区和土著土地。占主导地位的议会话语强化了国民大会的反生态论点,与专注于保护农业综合企业的自由主义环境观点明确结盟。
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引用次数: 1
Apresentação: (Psico)pedagogização e medicalização: A disseminação dos saberes expertos no domínio da infância 介绍:(心理)教育学和医学化:儿童领域专家知识的传播
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-29 DOI: 10.5007/2175-7984.2020.E79141
Sandra Caponi, Leandro de Lajonquière, Fernanda Martinhago
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引用次数: 0
A influência do “modelo centrado na doença” no uso de medicamentos para problemas de aprendizagem na escola “以疾病为中心的模式”对学校使用药物解决学习问题的影响
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-29 DOI: 10.5007/2175-7984.2020.E75147
F. Brzozowski
In this article, I ponder the ways the “disease-centered model” of drug action in Psychiatry, proposed by Joanna Moncrieff, may influence the use of drugs such as methylphenidate (Ritalina®) for the treatment of Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD). Many diagnoses in child mental health are identified at school, for instance ADHD. ADHD is frequently explained as being the result of a brain unbalance, and methylphenidate would be a specific treatment to correct this unbalance. This kind of explanation characterizes the “disease-centered model” of drug action in Psychiatry. We argue that this model amplifies the medicalization of childhood and learning at school, making common the use of drugs to “correct” behaviors and increase academic performance.
在这篇文章中,我思考了Joanna Moncrieff提出的“以疾病为中心的精神病学药物作用模式”可能会影响哌甲酯(Ritalina®)等药物治疗注意力缺陷多动障碍(ADHD)的使用。许多儿童心理健康的诊断都是在学校里发现的,例如多动症。多动症经常被解释为大脑失衡的结果,哌甲酯是纠正这种失衡的一种特殊治疗方法。这种解释是精神病学中药物作用的“以疾病为中心的模式”的特征。我们认为,这种模式放大了儿童和学校学习的医学化,使人们普遍使用药物来“纠正”行为和提高学习成绩。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Politics & Society
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