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Suppression by Stealth: The Partisan Response to Protest in State Legislatures 秘密镇压:党派对州议会抗议的回应
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-17 DOI: 10.1177/00323292211039956
Chan S Suh, S. Tarrow
Many scholars have investigated the relationship between protest and repression. Less often examined is the legislative suppression of protest by elites seeking to make protest more costly to protesters. Because state legislatures are largely invisible to the public, this “wholesale” suppression of protest is less likely to trigger public opposition than repression by the police. This study explains the sharp increase in the number and the severity of state legislative bills to repress the right to protest both before and after the election of Donald Trump. In particular, it examines whether these can be attributed either to Republican control of state legislatures or to protest threat. Contrary to the findings in much of the literature, bills aimed at suppressing protest are less closely related to threat than to the realignment of state politics. The article also finds that these proposals were influenced by diffusion through policy brokerage.
许多学者研究了抗议和镇压之间的关系。较少被审查的是,精英们通过立法压制抗议,试图让抗议者付出更大的代价。由于州立法机构在很大程度上不为公众所知,这种对抗议的“大规模”镇压比警察的镇压更不可能引发公众的反对。这项研究解释了在唐纳德·特朗普当选前后,压制抗议权利的州立法法案数量和严重程度的急剧增加。特别是,它研究了这些是否可以归因于共和党控制州立法机构或抗议威胁。与许多文献的发现相反,旨在镇压抗议的法案与威胁的关系不如与国家政治的重组密切。本文还发现,这些建议受到政策中介扩散的影响。
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引用次数: 2
How Digitized Strategy Impacts Movement Outcomes: Social Media, Mobilizing, and Organizing in the 2018 Teachers’ Strikes 数字化战略如何影响运动成果:2018年教师罢工中的社交媒体、动员和组织
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-17 DOI: 10.1177/00323292211039953
Eric Blanc
Explaining digital impacts on social movements requires moving beyond technological determinism by addressing two underdeveloped questions: How does political strategy shape the use of information and communication technologies (ICTs)? And how do divergent uses of ICTs influence movement outcomes? This study addresses these questions by examining the 2018 educator walkouts in Oklahoma and Arizona—statewide actions initiated through rank-and-file Facebook groups. To explain why the strike in Arizona was more effective than in Oklahoma, despite more auspicious conditions for success in the latter, this study shows that the impact of ICTs is mediated by leaders’ strategic choices. Whereas Oklahoma’s strike was marked by mobilization without organization—scaling up protest without an organizational foundation—Arizona used digital tools to build, rather than eschew, organization. Digital impacts further depend on the nature of the contentious performance itself, since the efficacy limitations of relying solely on ICTs are particularly pronounced for actions like strikes.
解释数字对社会运动的影响需要超越技术决定论,解决两个尚未发展的问题:政治战略如何影响信息和通信技术的使用?信息和通信技术的不同用途如何影响运动结果?这项研究通过调查2018年俄克拉荷马州和亚利桑那州的教育工作者罢工来解决这些问题,这些罢工是通过普通Facebook群组发起的全州范围的行动。为了解释为什么亚利桑那州的罢工比俄克拉荷马州的罢工更有效,尽管后者的成功条件更为有利,这项研究表明,信通技术的影响是由领导人的战略选择介导的。俄克拉荷马州的罢工以没有组织的动员为标志,在没有组织基础的情况下扩大抗议活动,而亚利桑那州则使用数字工具来建立而不是回避组织。数字影响进一步取决于有争议的表现本身的性质,因为仅仅依靠信通技术的效力限制在罢工等行动中尤为明显。
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引用次数: 3
The Rise and Fall of Japan’s New Far Right: How Anti-Korean Discourses Went Mainstream* 日本新极右翼的兴衰:反韩言论如何成为主流*
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/00323292211033072
Sharon J. Yoon, Y. Asahina
Why has right-wing activism in Japan, despite its persistence throughout the postwar era, only gained significant traction recently? Focusing on the Zaitokukai, an anti-Korean movement in Japan, this article demonstrates how the new Far Right were able to popularize formerly stigmatized right-wing ideas. The Zaitokukai represents a political group distinct from the traditional right and reflective of new Far Right movements spreading worldwide. In Japan, concerns about the growing influence of South Korea and China in the 1980s as well as the decline of left-wing norms opened up a discursive opportunity for the new Far Right. By framing Korean postcolonial minorities as undeserving recipients of social welfare benefits, the Zaitokukai mobilized perceptions of threat that has continued to powerfully influence public perceptions of Koreans even following the group’s organizational decline. While past research has focused on the new Far Right’s political influence, this article stresses their roles as ideological entrepreneurs.
日本的右翼激进主义尽管在战后一直存在,为什么直到最近才获得了显著的支持?本文以日本反韩运动“在特会”为中心,展示了新极右翼是如何将过去被污名化的右翼思想普及开来的。“在特会”是一个与传统右翼截然不同的政治团体,反映了在世界范围内扩散的新极右运动。在日本,对韩国和中国在20世纪80年代日益增长的影响力的担忧,以及左翼规范的衰落,为新的极右翼提供了一个话语权的机会。“在特会”将后殖民时期的韩国少数民族塑造成不配享受社会福利的群体,从而调动了对威胁的认知,即使在该组织组织衰落之后,这种认知仍在继续有力地影响着公众对韩国人的认知。过去的研究集中在新极右翼的政治影响上,本文强调他们作为意识形态企业家的角色。
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引用次数: 4
Under and beyond the Law: Monarchy, Violence, and History in Thailand* 法律之下与法律之外:泰国的君主政体、暴力与历史*
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/00323292211033073
T. Haberkorn
Since the end of the absolute monarchy in Thailand on June 24, 1932, the rulers and the ruled have been locked into struggle, often violent, over what form the polity and the people’s participation in it should take. This essay examines this struggle, the imagination of justice, and the inability to consolidate democracy, or even a stable government, through the lens of the monarchy, which has remained beyond accountability. Violence committed to preserve the monarchy forecloses democracy and fosters a form of what can be called modern absolutist monarchy, when some lives are visibly placed beyond the law’s protection from violence and others are made dispensable by being made subject to repressive enforcement of the law. The emergence in 2020 of a daring challenge to the position of the monarchy beyond the law refracts both the dangers it poses to democracy and the urgency of imagining a new Thai polity.
自1932年6月24日泰国君主专制制度结束以来,统治者和被统治者就政体的形式和人民的参与问题陷入了斗争,往往是暴力的。本文从君主政体的角度考察了这场斗争、对正义的想象,以及巩固民主乃至稳定政府的无能。君主政体至今仍不受问责。为维护君主制而实施的暴力阻碍了民主,并催生了一种可以被称为现代专制君主制的形式,在这种情况下,一些人的生命显然被置于法律保护之外,不受暴力侵害,而另一些人则被置于法律强制执行的压迫之下,变得可有可无。2020年出现的一场超越法律的对君主制地位的大胆挑战,既反映了它对民主构成的危险,也反映了想象一个新的泰国政体的紧迫性。
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引用次数: 1
Introduction to “Right-Wing Activism in Asia: Cold War Legacies, Geopolitics, and Democratic Erosion”* “亚洲右翼激进主义:冷战遗产、地缘政治和民主侵蚀”简介*
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/00323292211033081
Yoonkyung Lee
This essay introduces four articles that form a special issue of Politics & Society titled “Right-Wing Activism in Asia: Cold War Legacies, Geopolitics, and Democratic Erosion.” The articles focus on Japan, South Korea, and Thailand. These three Asian countries present important cases to generate critical comparative insights about the patterns of Far Right mobilization, for their geopolitical histories provide common ground while institutional variations set distinctive conditions. Most importantly, all of them were shaped by the particularly sharp conflicts of the Cold War in the region, and the articles in this issue demonstrate how this legacy has generated illiberal conditions in these countries today.
本文介绍了《政治与社会》特刊的四篇文章,题为“亚洲右翼激进主义:冷战遗产、地缘政治和民主侵蚀”。文章聚焦于日本、韩国和泰国。这三个亚洲国家提供了重要的案例,对极右翼动员的模式产生了批判性的比较见解,因为它们的地缘政治历史提供了共同点,而制度差异则创造了独特的条件。最重要的是,所有这些都是由该地区冷战时期特别尖锐的冲突所塑造的,本期文章展示了这一遗产如何在当今这些国家产生了不自由的条件。
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引用次数: 0
The Specter of the Past: Reconstructing Conservative Historical Memory in South Korea* 过去的幽灵:重建韩国保守的历史记忆*
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/00323292211033082
M. Yang
Through the case of the New Right movement in South Korea in the early 2000s, this article explores how history has become a battleground on which the Right tried to regain its political legitimacy in the postauthoritarian context. Analyzing disputes over historiography in recent decades, this article argues that conservative intellectuals—academics, journalists, and writers—play a pivotal role in constructing conservative historical narratives and building an identity for right-wing movements. By contesting what they viewed as “distorted” leftist views and promoting national pride, New Right intellectuals positioned themselves as the guardians of “liberal democracy” in the Republic of Korea. Existing studies of the Far Right pay little attention to intellectual circles and their engagement in civil society. By examining how right-wing intellectuals appropriated the past and shaped triumphalist national imagery, this study aims to better understand the dynamics of ideational contestation and knowledge production in Far Right activism.
本文以21世纪初韩国的新右翼运动为例,探讨了历史如何成为右翼试图在后威权主义背景下重新获得政治合法性的战场。本文分析了近几十年来关于史学的争论,认为保守派知识分子——学者、记者和作家——在构建保守的历史叙事和为右翼运动建立身份认同方面发挥了关键作用。新右派知识分子反对他们所认为的“扭曲的”左派观点,提倡民族自豪感,将自己定位为大韩民国“自由民主主义”的守护者。现有的极右翼研究很少关注知识界及其在公民社会中的参与。通过研究右翼知识分子如何挪用过去并塑造必胜主义的国家形象,本研究旨在更好地理解极右翼激进主义中思想斗争和知识生产的动态。
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引用次数: 6
Cold War Undercurrents: The Extreme-Right Variants in East Asia* 冷战暗流:东亚的极右变体*
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/00323292211033080
Yoonkyung Lee
This study examines the mobilization of the Far Right in Korea and Japan in the 2000s and probes how and why the actors and political claims of East Asian extremists differ from their counterparts in Europe and North America. The Far Right forces in Korea and Japan are politically regressive in glorifying the authoritarian or colonial past and cling to unchanging ideological claims from the postwar decades in their current targeting of old-time, internal “others.” This divergence is explained by the United States–led Cold War geopolitics in Asia, under which Far Right elites were fortified in postwar Japan and Korea. The Cold War that has not ended in Asia as opposed to Europe or North America further allows the institutional sustainability of the radical Right and the political resonance of its old ideology of anticommunism and colonial racism. As such, democratic politics in East Asia is predicated on Cold War undercurrents.
本研究考察了2000年代极右翼在韩国和日本的动员情况,并探讨了东亚极端分子的行为体和政治主张与欧洲和北美极端分子的不同之处。韩国和日本的极右翼势力在美化独裁或殖民历史方面在政治上倒退,并坚持战后几十年来不变的意识形态主张,目前针对的是旧时代的内部“其他人”,在其统治下,极右翼精英在战后的日本和韩国得到了加强。与欧洲或北美相比,亚洲的冷战尚未结束,这进一步允许激进右翼的制度可持续性,以及其反共产主义和殖民种族主义旧意识形态的政治共鸣。因此,东亚的民主政治是建立在冷战暗流之上的。
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引用次数: 0
Castromil, A. R., M. L. Humanes y L. García Tojar (eds.) (2020): La comunicación política en la era de la mediatización, Salamanca, Comunicación Social, 242 pp. Castromil, a.r., M. L. Humanes和L. garcia Tojar(编)(2020):媒体化时代的政治传播,萨拉曼卡,社会传播,242页。
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-31 DOI: 10.5209/poso.75488
Rubén Rivas-de-Roca
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引用次数: 2
Polanyi and the Peasant Question in China: State, Peasant, and Land Relations in China, 1949–Present 波兰尼与中国的农民问题:1949年至今中国的国家、农民和土地关系
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-23 DOI: 10.1177/00323292211032753
Julia Chuang, John K. Yasuda
This article applies Karl Polanyi’s concept of a double movement to the trajectory of rural state policies in China since 1949. It argues that Chinese socialism created a contradictory social contract that has fueled an ongoing struggle between state and peasantry over the surplus generated from rural land. This struggle has shaped a historical oscillation between state policies that facilitate extraction of agricultural surpluses and policies that introduce social protections in the form of household farming and revitalized collective ownership. Based on secondary sources, this article compares the arc of rural policies during the Mao era and in the transition to and during the current state capitalist period. Then, based on original interview-based and ethnographic fieldwork undertaken in rural Sichuan Province, it analyzes the current introduction of urban and agrarian capital into the rural economy, revealing dynamics of a current countermovement from state-led extraction to compromise.
本文将波兰尼的“双重运动”概念应用于1949年以来中国农村国家政策的发展轨迹。它认为,中国社会主义创造了一种矛盾的社会契约,助长了国家和农民之间关于农村土地剩余的持续斗争。这场斗争在促进农业盈余提取的国家政策和以家庭农业和振兴集体所有制形式引入社会保护的政策之间形成了历史性的振荡。本文以二次资料为基础,比较了毛时期、过渡时期和当前国家资本主义时期的农村政策。然后,基于在四川农村进行的原始访谈和民族志田野调查,分析了当前城市和农业资本引入农村经济的情况,揭示了当前从国家主导的提取到妥协的反运动的动态。
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引用次数: 3
Toward a Political Sociology of Dispossession: Explaining Opposition to Capital Projects in India 走向处置的政治社会学——解读印度对资本项目的反对
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-05-21 DOI: 10.1177/00323292211016587
Michael Levien, Smriti Upadhyay
Land dispossession is a major source of protest in many countries. This article asks, How common are cases of mobilization against land dispossession relative to cases of nonmobilization? Why do we see protests against land dispossession for some projects and not others? These questions are taken up in the context of India, a major global hotspot for land dispossession protest. Using a database of all major capital projects in the country, the article looks at the effects of project characteristics and context on incidence of delays or cancellations due to land acquisition problems. The findings demonstrate that a project’s sector and subnational location affect the emergence of opposition to land dispossession. Further, differences in political competitiveness and agrarian social structure are significant factors driving subnational variation. By identifying important factors shaping opposition to land dispossession, the article aims to stimulate comparative research that can advance a political sociology of dispossession.
在许多国家,土地被剥夺是抗议的主要来源。这篇文章问,相对于不动员的案例,动员反对土地剥夺的案例有多普遍?为什么我们看到一些项目的土地被剥夺而不是其他项目的土地被剥夺?这些问题是在印度的背景下提出的,印度是全球土地剥夺抗议的主要热点。本文利用该国所有主要资本项目的数据库,研究了项目特征和背景对由于土地征用问题而导致的延迟或取消的发生率的影响。研究结果表明,一个项目的部门和次国家位置影响反对土地征用的出现。此外,政治竞争力和农业社会结构的差异是推动次国家差异的重要因素。本文旨在通过识别形成反对土地剥夺的重要因素,促进可以推进剥夺政治社会学的比较研究。
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引用次数: 1
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Politics & Society
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