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Bringing Household Finance Back In: House Prices and the Missing Macroeconomics of Comparative Political Economy 回归家庭金融:房价与比较政治经济学中缺失的宏观经济学
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI: 10.1177/00323292231201480
James D. G. Wood, Engelbert Stockhammer
This article makes a key contribution to the comparative political economy literature by accounting for the macroeconomic role of household finance. Based on post-Keynesian theories of finance and the financialization literature, we place house prices and mortgage credit squarely at the center of the macroeconomy, as speculative house price cycles can facilitate homeowner consumption via the use of equity release mortgages. Through an econometric evaluation of eighteen advanced economies from 1980 to 2019, we demonstrate that household debt is determined by house price inflation, and that rising household debt contributes to GDP growth, while business debt has negative growth effects. These results are consistent across countries with different growth models and financial systems. This suggests that the varieties of capitalism's focus on corporate finance is misplaced and that the growth models approach needs a theory of house prices, mortgage credit, and financial cycles to adequately conceptualize how debt-driven growth operates across advanced economies.
本文通过计算家庭金融的宏观经济作用,对比较政治经济学文献做出了重要贡献。基于后凯恩斯主义的金融理论和金融化文献,我们将房价和抵押贷款信贷直接置于宏观经济的中心,因为投机性房价周期可以通过使用股权释放抵押贷款来促进房主的消费。通过对1980年至2019年18个发达经济体的计量经济评估,我们证明家庭债务是由房价通胀决定的,并且家庭债务的上升有助于GDP增长,而企业债务则具有负增长效应。这些结果在不同增长模式和金融体系的国家是一致的。这表明,资本主义对企业融资的各种关注是错误的,增长模型方法需要一个关于房价、抵押信贷和金融周期的理论,以充分概念化债务驱动的增长如何在发达经济体中运作。
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引用次数: 0
Supervising Local Cadres in China: The Quest for Authoritarian Accountability 监督中国地方干部:对威权问责制的追求
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1177/00323292231196635
Meixi Zhuang
This article examines the compatibility of authoritarianism and accountability through groundbreaking research on citizen supervision of local state agents, a novel form of accountability politics that has been underway in China for a decade. Based on an in-depth political ethnography of the Citizen Monitoring Organization in Wenzhou, this article examines how the authoritarian instrument that produces relations of domination can be turned into a bonanza for public accountability. The article demonstrates that local leaders may encourage citizens to help restrain the exercise of power in the lower state echelons when agent malfeasance is considered a threat to local leaders' career advancement. This opportunity structure leads to the mechanism of “state-backed supervision”: enlisted citizen participants draw on the delegated and entitled authority of the state to demand accountability from local state agents. Examining the logic, dynamics, limitations, and outcomes of state-backed supervision, this article identifies a novel pathway to accountability in authoritarianism.
本文通过对地方政府机构的公民监督的开创性研究来考察威权主义和问责制的兼容性,这是一种在中国已经进行了十年的新型问责制政治。本文以温州公民监督组织的深入政治人类学为基础,探讨了产生统治关系的专制工具如何转化为公共问责的财源。本文表明,当代理人的渎职行为被认为对地方领导人的职业发展构成威胁时,地方领导人可能会鼓励公民帮助限制国家下级梯队的权力行使。这种机会结构导致了“国家支持的监督”机制:被征募的公民参与者利用国家授予的和有资格的权力,要求地方政府机构承担责任。本文考察了国家支持的监督的逻辑、动态、局限性和结果,确定了威权主义问责制的新途径。
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引用次数: 0
Who Pays for Environmental Policy? Business Power and the Design of State-Level Climate Policies* 谁为环境政策买单?商业权力与国家级气候政策设计*
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1177/00323292231195184
Joshua A. Basseches
To what extent and through which means do private actors shape public policy? Research into these questions has been complicated by actors’ tendency to obscure or misrepresent their policy preferences and by the difficulty of operationalizing policy substance. This theory-building study uses qualitative methods and triangulation of multiple sources of evidence to mitigate these challenges. Confronted with puzzling patterns of variation in the design of state-level climate and renewable energy policies, I show how a two-dimensional framework attentive to the economically motivated preferences of business actors explains policy design. Drawing on policy texts, archival documents, and 111 policy-focused interviews, I find business preferences were fragmented, but that a single type of private actor, investor-owned utilities, ultimately prevailed in achieving their preferences in every case. I theorize the sources of their unmatched influence, and find that their distinctiveness is precisely what makes them powerful. My findings have implications for the study of business power and understanding obstacles to equitable climate policymaking.
私人行为者在多大程度上以及通过何种方式影响公共政策?由于行为者倾向于模糊或歪曲其政策偏好,以及难以将政策实质付诸实施,对这些问题的研究变得复杂。本理论构建研究使用定性方法和多种证据来源的三角测量来减轻这些挑战。面对州级气候和可再生能源政策设计中令人困惑的变化模式,我展示了一个关注商业行为者经济动机偏好的二维框架如何解释政策设计。根据政策文本、档案文件和111个以政策为重点的访谈,我发现商业偏好是碎片化的,但在每种情况下,单一类型的私人行为者——投资者所有的公用事业公司——最终都占了上风,实现了他们的偏好。我将他们无与伦比的影响力的来源理论化,并发现他们的独特性正是使他们强大的原因。我的发现对商业权力的研究和理解公平气候政策制定的障碍具有启示意义。
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking Antitrust for the Cloud Era 云时代对反垄断的反思
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1177/00323292231183806
G. Berk, A. Saxenian
This article asks how antitrust can foster innovation by examining the development of infrastructure for data processing in the cloud. We contrast Amazon Web Services' centralized model with Google Cloud Platform's more decentralized, participatory ecosystem. We argue that rather than trying to reduce the power imbalance between platforms and independent database companies, antitrust should seek to channel platforms from the centralized model toward the decentralized ecosystem by (1) making partnership more attractive than mergers and (2) enlisting open-source foundations to help manage interoperability in the cloud. This requires breaking down the silos between competition, technology, and industrial policy.
本文探讨反垄断如何通过检查云数据处理基础设施的发展来促进创新。我们将亚马逊网络服务的集中式模式与谷歌云平台更加分散、参与式的生态系统进行了对比。我们认为,反垄断不应该试图减少平台和独立数据库公司之间的权力不平衡,而应该寻求将平台从集中式模式引导到分散的生态系统,方法是:(1)使合作伙伴关系比合并更有吸引力;(2)招募开源基金会来帮助管理云中的互操作性。这需要打破竞争、技术和产业政策之间的藩篱。
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引用次数: 0
Antitrust and Equal Liberty 反垄断和平等自由
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-18 DOI: 10.1177/00323292231183825
Kate Jackson
As Robert Bork once asserted, “Antitrust policy cannot be made rational until we are able to give a firm answer to one question: What is the point of the law—what are its goals? Everything else follows from the answer we give.” The appropriate answer, however, is not, as Bork suggested, consumer welfare. Instead, antitrust should serve the equal liberties that citizens give themselves when they engage in economic activity. Given the complexity and interconnectivity of the economy, however, the deliberations in which citizens and policymakers engage will produce a messy cacophony. While leaving the precise content and scope of citizens’ equal liberties open, this article provides a cognitive framework that should nevertheless prove useful as they make sense of the noise. It explains that while business can claim associational freedoms, those freedoms challenge the autonomy of rights of corporate insiders and outsiders alike and should be constrained accordingly. Indeed, this is how citizens have historically understood antitrust—and they can and should do so again.
正如Robert Bork曾经断言的那样,“除非我们能够对一个问题给出明确的答案,否则反垄断政策就不可能变得合理:法律的意义是什么——它的目标是什么?其他一切都源于我们给出的答案。”然而,合适的答案并不像Bork所建议的那样,是消费者福利。相反,反垄断应该为公民在从事经济活动时给予自己的平等自由服务。然而,考虑到经济的复杂性和相互关联性,公民和政策制定者参与的审议将产生混乱的不和谐声音。在保留公民平等自由的确切内容和范围的同时,这篇文章提供了一个认知框架,尽管如此,当他们理解噪音时,这个框架应该是有用的。它解释说,虽然企业可以要求结社自由,但这些自由挑战了企业内部人和外部人的权利自主权,应该受到相应的限制。事实上,这就是公民历史上对反垄断的理解——他们可以也应该再次这样做。
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引用次数: 1
Market Governance as a Balance of Power 作为权力平衡的市场治理
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-18 DOI: 10.1177/00323292231183834
Steve Vogel
This essay conceptualizes market governance as a balance of power and discusses the implications for current debates over antitrust policy. This framework offers a way to interpret and evaluate the “neo-Brandeisian” school that views concentrated market power as a threat to democracy as well as to economic goals, such as productivity and innovation. It suggests that the government can deploy antitrust policy to alter the balance of power to promote the public welfare without necessarily impeding competition or otherwise distorting markets. And antitrust policies that constrain market power can have the double benefit of making both markets and politics more competitive.
本文将市场治理概念化为一种权力平衡,并讨论了对当前反垄断政策辩论的启示。该框架提供了一种解释和评估“新勃兰登学派”的方法,该学派将集中的市场力量视为对民主以及生产力和创新等经济目标的威胁。它表明,政府可以运用反垄断政策来改变权力平衡,以促进公共福利,而不必阻碍竞争或以其他方式扭曲市场。限制市场力量的反垄断政策可以带来双重好处,使市场和政治更具竞争力。
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引用次数: 2
Labor Unions and the Problem of Monopoly: Collective Bargaining and Market Governance, 1890 to the Present 工会与垄断问题:集体谈判与市场治理,1890年至今
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-16 DOI: 10.1177/00323292231183818
Brian Callaci
The labor movement has long had an ambivalent relationship to antitrust policy in the United States. Trade unionists have considered concentrated markets to be more favorable environments for union power than decentralized markets: oligopoly demands fewer union resources for organizing and contract bargaining campaigns, and oligopolists can tame cutthroat competition and share product market rents with workers. This article takes a different view. Looking to the strategies employed by unions in decentralized industries, where unions rather than corporations took on the role of taming and regulating competition, it explains how unions have leveraged power over market governance into bargaining power over wages and working conditions. In the current age of vertical disintegration and fissured workplaces, union power over market governance is more important to shop-floor power than ever. Antitrust policy is one tool that can help restrain the power of corporations and make them more accountable to workers’ collective power.
长期以来,劳工运动与美国的反垄断政策之间一直存在矛盾关系。工会主义者认为,集中市场比分散市场更适合工会权力:寡头垄断需要更少的工会资源来组织和合同谈判活动,寡头垄断者可以驯服残酷的竞争,并与工人分享产品市场租金。这篇文章持不同观点。从工会在分散行业中采用的策略来看,在分散行业,工会而不是公司承担着驯服和规范竞争的角色,它解释了工会如何利用市场治理的权力,将工资和工作条件的议价能力转化为议价能力。在当前垂直解体和工作场所分裂的时代,工会对市场治理的权力比以往任何时候都更重要。反垄断政策是一种有助于约束企业权力并使其对工人的集体权力更加负责的工具。
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引用次数: 0
Whose Coordination? Which Democracy? On Antitrust as a Democratic Demand 谁的协调?民主?论反垄断作为民主的要求
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1177/00323292231183805
Samuel Bagg
The growing movement seeking to revive an aggressive, “neo-Brandeisian” approach to antitrust policy sees it partly as a way of protecting democracy against concentrated economic power. Yet on closer inspection, prevailing theories of democracy as collective decision making offer weak support, at best, for a neo-Brandeisian approach. Rather than abandoning the insight that an aggressive approach to antitrust can help protect democracy, however, this essay argues that we should adjust our theories of democracy to accommodate it. I first show why prevailing accounts are ill suited to explaining the democratic virtues of a neo-Brandeisian approach. I then outline an alternative ideal of democracy—defended in greater detail elsewhere—and draw out its implications for antitrust. While vindicating the intuition that aggressive antitrust policy serves democratic goals, my account also incorporates genuine worries about such an approach, and thus enables neo-Brandeisians to reformulate their democratic ambitions in more precise and promising terms.
越来越多的运动试图恢复一种激进的、“新布兰代斯主义”的反垄断政策,并将其部分视为保护民主免受集中经济力量侵害的一种方式。然而,仔细观察就会发现,将民主视为集体决策的主流理论至多只能为新布兰代斯主义的方法提供微弱的支持。然而,本文认为,我们应该调整我们的民主理论,以适应它,而不是放弃激进的反垄断方法有助于保护民主的见解。我首先说明,为什么主流的说法不适合解释新布兰代斯主义方法的民主美德。然后,我概述了民主的另一种理想——在其他地方得到了更详细的捍卫——并引出了它对反垄断的影响。在证明激进的反垄断政策有利于民主目标的直觉是正确的同时,我的描述也包含了对这种方法的真正担忧,从而使新布兰代斯主义者能够以更精确和更有希望的方式重新制定他们的民主抱负。
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引用次数: 0
Democratizing the Corporation: The Bicameral Firm as Real Utopia 公司的民主化:两院制公司是真正的乌托邦
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-29 DOI: 10.1177/00323292231168708
Isabelle Ferreras
In the context of capitalist democracies, the contradiction between people's expectations of equality and the subordination they experience at work is intense. I argue that it is the defining experience of the contradiction between capitalism and democracy. Capitalism grants political rights to property owners, while democracy grants political rights to the citizens recognized as equals. They are thus regimes of government that distribute rights in dramatically different ways. This essay is grounded in the understanding that firms are best analyzed as “political entities,” and workers as “labor investors,” and have thus a legitimate right to bear on the government of their work life. Examining the history of how political entities have become democratic through the innovation of bicameralism provides a “real utopia”: economic bicameralism, that is, a set of patterns that may be applied to democratize and transition the corporate firm beyond capitalism.
在资本主义民主的背景下,人们对平等的期望与他们在工作中所经历的从属关系之间的矛盾是激烈的。我认为这是资本主义与民主之间矛盾的决定性经验。资本主义赋予财产所有者政治权利,而民主赋予平等的公民政治权利。因此,它们是以截然不同的方式分配权利的政府体制。本文基于这样一种理解,即最好将企业分析为“政治实体”,而将工人分析为“劳动投资者”,因此他们有合法权利对政府的工作生活施加影响。考察政治实体如何通过两院制的创新而变得民主的历史,提供了一个“真正的乌托邦”:经济两院制,也就是说,一套可以应用于民主化和超越资本主义的企业转型的模式。
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引用次数: 3
Economic Democracy against Racial Capitalism: Seeding Freedom 反对种族资本主义的经济民主:播种自由
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-25 DOI: 10.1177/00323292231164247
S. Pinto
In conversation with Ferreras’s proposal for economic bicameralism, the current article makes the case for a more direct confrontation between conceptions of economic democracy and the realities of racial capitalism. In particular, it considers how efforts to expand power and voice for workers must contend with the racial hierarchy that marks the socioeconomic division of labor and the related use of racial distinctions to thwart labor solidarity. Focusing on the American context, the argument draws inspiration from the work and vision of two key figures in the unfinished struggle for Black liberation, W. E. B. Du Bois and Fannie Lou Hamer. After recapping core elements of Ferreras’s proposal, the article briefly examines the historical evolution of racial capitalism, starting with its roots in slavery and conquest. It then considers how movements agitating for greater worker power have intervened within this landscape. Against this backdrop, it draws lessons for how economic bicameralism might fit within a broader set of struggles that challenge racial capitalism as it exists today.
在与费雷拉斯关于经济两院制的建议的对话中,本文提出了经济民主概念与种族资本主义现实之间更直接对抗的案例。特别是,它考虑了扩大工人权力和发言权的努力必须如何与标志着社会经济分工的种族等级制度以及相关的利用种族差异来阻碍工人团结的做法相抗衡。聚焦于美国的背景,这一论点从两位未完成的黑人解放斗争的关键人物w·e·b·杜波依斯和芬妮·卢·哈默的工作和愿景中获得灵感。在回顾费雷拉斯建议的核心要素之后,本文简要地考察了种族资本主义的历史演变,从其根源于奴隶制和征服开始。然后,它考虑了争取更大工人权力的运动是如何介入这一格局的。在这种背景下,它为经济两院制如何适应挑战今天存在的种族资本主义的更广泛的斗争提供了经验教训。
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引用次数: 1
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