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Captives at Large: On the Political Economy of Human Containment in the Sahara 被囚禁者:撒哈拉地区人类遏制的政治经济学
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-20 DOI: 10.1177/00323292211014373
J. Brachet, J. Scheele
A closer look at recent reports of “modern slavery” in the Sahara, particularly the exploitation of sub-Saharan migrants in contemporary southern Libya, shows that they speak of other forms of captivity, such as debt bondage, forced prison labor, and hostage taking for ransom. Such forms of exploitation have an equally long history in the region but are more obviously enmeshed with contemporary phenomena: repressive migration policies, state incarceration, and the worldwide ranking of nationalities. This article seeks to understand them for what they are, using fieldwork and historical examples. Understanding shifts the blame for the migrants’ plight from “local culture” to the international political economy and grants migrants a degree of agency that blanket condemnations of slavery often deny. It also opens up more general questions about links between labor, mobility, and captivity; the relationship between state and nonstate systems of political control, their boundaries and overlaps; and the different ways value is accorded to individual lives—or actively created, negotiated, or denied—in the Sahara and beyond.
仔细看看最近关于撒哈拉地区“现代奴隶制”的报道,特别是当代利比亚南部对撒哈拉以南移民的剥削,就会发现他们谈到了其他形式的囚禁,如债务奴役、强迫监狱劳动和劫持人质勒索赎金。这种形式的剥削在该地区有着同样悠久的历史,但更明显地与当代现象交织在一起:压抑的移民政策、国家监禁和世界范围内的民族排名。本文试图通过实地考察和历史实例来了解它们的本质。理解将对移民困境的指责从“当地文化”转移到国际政治经济上,并赋予移民一定程度的能动性,而对奴隶制的全面谴责往往会否认这一点。它还提出了关于劳动力、流动性和囚禁之间联系的更普遍的问题;国家和非国家的政治控制系统之间的关系,他们的边界和重叠;以及在撒哈拉沙漠及其他地区,赋予个人生命价值的不同方式——或积极创造、协商或拒绝。
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引用次数: 2
Volte-Face on the Welfare State: Social Partners, Knowledge Economies, and the Expansion of Work-Family Policies 福利国家的大变脸:社会伙伴、知识经济和工作-家庭政策的扩展
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-19 DOI: 10.1177/00323292211014371
Ø. Skorge, M. Rasmussen
To what extent organized employers and trade unions support social policies is contested. This article examines the case of work-family policies (WFPs), which have surged to become a central part of the welfare state. In that expansion, the joint role of employers and unions has largely been disregarded in the comparative political economy literature. The article posits that the shift from Fordist to knowledge economies is the impetus for the social partners’ support for WFPs. If women make up an increasing share of high-skilled employees, employers start favoring WFPs to increase their labor supply. Similarly, unions favor WFPs if women constitute a significant part of their membership base. Yet the extent to which changes in preferences translate into policy depends on the presence of corporatist institutions. These claims are supported with statistical analyses of WFPs in eighteen advanced democracies across five decades and an in-depth case study of Norway. The article thus demonstrates that the trajectory of the new welfare state is decisively affected by the preferences and power of unions and employers.
有组织的雇主和工会在多大程度上支持社会政策存在争议。本文考察了工作-家庭政策(WFP)的案例,该政策已迅速成为福利国家的核心部分。在这种扩张中,雇主和工会的联合作用在比较政治经济学文献中基本上被忽视了。文章认为,从福特主义向知识经济的转变是社会伙伴支持WFP的动力。如果女性在高技能员工中所占比例越来越大,雇主就会开始支持WFP来增加劳动力供应。同样,如果妇女在工会会员基础中占很大比例,工会也会支持WFP。然而,偏好的变化转化为政策的程度取决于社团主义机构的存在。这些说法得到了对50年来18个发达民主国家WFP的统计分析和对挪威的深入案例研究的支持。因此,这篇文章表明,新福利国家的发展轨迹受到工会和雇主的偏好和权力的决定性影响。
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引用次数: 8
Delegated Censorship: The Dynamic, Layered, and Multistage Information Control Regime in China 委托审查:中国动态、分层、多阶段的信息控制制度
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-06 DOI: 10.1177/00323292211013181
Taiyi Sun, Quansheng Zhao
How does internet censorship work in China, and how does it reflect the Chinese state’s logic of governing society? An online political publication, Global China (海外看世界), was created by the authors, and the pattern and record of articles being censored was analyzed. Using results from A/B tests on the articles and interviews with relevant officials, the article shows that the state employs delegated censorship, outsourcing significant responsibility to private internet companies and applying levels of scrutiny based on timing, targets, and stage of publication. The dynamic, layered, multistage censorship regime creates significant variation and flexibility across the Chinese internet, most often in decisions about what to censor. This approach aims to maintain regime stability and legitimacy while minimizing costs. Rather than blocking all information and players, the state recognizes its technical and bureaucratic limits but also realizes the benefits of a degree of toleration. Delegated censorship utilizes both power control and power sharing and offers a new understanding of authoritarian state-society relations.
互联网审查在中国是如何运作的,它如何反映中国政府治理社会的逻辑?在线政治出版物《环球中国》(海外看世界), 由作者创建,并分析了文章被审查的模式和记录。文章利用文章的A/B测试结果和对相关官员的采访表明,国家采用了授权审查制度,将重大责任外包给私营互联网公司,并根据发布的时间、目标和阶段实施审查。动态、分层、多阶段的审查制度在中国互联网上创造了巨大的变化和灵活性,最常见的是在审查内容的决定上。这种方法旨在维护政权的稳定和合法性,同时最大限度地降低成本。国家没有屏蔽所有信息和参与者,而是承认其技术和官僚限制,但也意识到一定程度的宽容带来的好处。委托审查利用了权力控制和权力分享,并对威权国家与社会关系提供了新的理解。
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引用次数: 11
Post-Keynesian Macroeconomic Foundations for Comparative Political Economy 比较政治经济学的后凯恩斯宏观经济基础
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-15 DOI: 10.1177/00323292211006562
Engelbert Stockhammer
The global financial crisis and ensuing weak growth have increased interest in macroeconomic issues within comparative political economy (CPE). CPE, particularly the dominant Varieties of Capitalism approach, has based its analyses on mainstream economics, which limits analysis of the relation between distribution and growth and neglects the role finance plays in modern economies. It overstates the stability of the capitalist growth process and understates the potential effectiveness of government interventions. Baccaro and Pontusson have suggested a post-Keynesian (PK) theory of distribution and growth as an alternative. This article generalizes their point. PK theory highlights the instability of the growth process and lends itself to an analysis of income distribution and power relations. The article identifies the analysis of financialization and financial cycles, the understanding of neoliberal growth models, and the political economy of central banks as areas where PK economics provides specific insights for CPE. It also highlights that these arguments have important implications for government policy in an era of secular stagnation with ongoing social, distributional, and economic crises.
全球金融危机和随之而来的疲软增长增加了人们对比较政治经济学中宏观经济问题的兴趣。CPE,特别是占主导地位的资本主义变体方法,其分析基于主流经济学,这限制了对分配与增长关系的分析,并忽视了金融在现代经济中的作用。它夸大了资本主义增长过程的稳定性,低估了政府干预的潜在有效性。Baccaro和Pontusson提出了后凯恩斯主义的分配和增长理论作为替代。这篇文章概括了他们的观点。PK理论强调了增长过程的不稳定性,有助于分析收入分配和权力关系。本文将金融化和金融周期的分析、对新自由主义增长模式的理解以及中央银行的政治经济确定为PK经济学为CPE提供具体见解的领域。它还强调,在社会、分配和经济危机持续的长期停滞时代,这些论点对政府政策具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 27
Skill-Biased Liberalization: Germany’s Transition to the Knowledge Economy 技能偏向自由化:德国向知识经济的转型
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-13 DOI: 10.1177/00323292211006563
Sebastian Diessner, Niccolo Durazzi, D. Hope
This article conceptualizes the evolution of the German political economy as the codevelopment of technological and institutional change. The notion of skill-biased liberalization is introduced to capture this process and contrasted with the two dominant theoretical frameworks employed in contemporary comparative political economy scholarship—dualization and liberalization. Integrating theories from labor economics, the article argues that the increasing centrality of high skills complementary in production to information and communications technology has weakened the traditional complementarity among specific skills, regulated industrial relations, and generous social protection in core sectors. The liberalization of industrial relations and social protection is shown in fact to be instrumental for high-end exporting firms to concentrate wages and benefits on increasingly important high-skilled workers. Strong evidence based on descriptive statistics, union and industry documents, and twenty-one elite interviews is found in support of the article’s alternative perspective.
本文将德国政治经济的演变概念化为技术变革和制度变革的共同发展。技术偏向自由化的概念被引入来捕捉这一过程,并与当代比较政治经济学学术中采用的两个主要理论框架——二元化和自由化——进行了对比。本文综合了劳动经济学的理论,认为生产中与信息和通信技术互补的高技能日益占据中心地位,削弱了特定技能、受监管的劳资关系和核心部门慷慨的社会保护之间的传统互补性。事实上,工业关系和社会保护的自由化有助于高端出口公司将工资和福利集中给日益重要的高技能工人。基于描述性统计、工会和行业文件以及21个精英访谈的有力证据支持了文章的另一种观点。
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引用次数: 16
Tracing Settler Colonialism: A Genealogy of a Paradigm in the Sociology of Knowledge Production in Israel 追溯定居者殖民主义:以色列知识生产社会学的一个范式谱系
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-15 DOI: 10.1177/0032329221999906
Areej Sabbagh-Khoury
Knowledge is inextricably bound to power in the context of settler colonialism where apprehension of the Other is a tool of domination. Tracing the development of the “settler colonial” paradigm, this article deconstructs Zionist and Israeli dispossession of Palestinian land and sovereignty, applying the sociology of knowledge production to the study of the Israeli-Palestinian case. The settler colonial paradigm, linked to Israeli critical sociology, post-Zionism, and postcolonialism, reemerged following changes in the political landscape from the mid-1990s that reframed the history of the Nakba as enduring, challenged the Jewish definition of the state, and legitimated Palestinians as agents of history. Palestinian scholars in Israel lead the paradigm’s reformulation. This article offers a phenomenology of Palestinian positionality, a critical potential for decolonizing the settler colonial structure and exclusive Jewish sovereignty, to consolidate a field of study that shapes not only research into the Israeli-Palestinian case but approaches to decolonization and liberation.
在殖民主义背景下,知识与权力有着千丝万缕的联系,对他者的理解是一种统治的工具。本文追溯了“定居者殖民”范式的发展,解构了犹太复国主义者和以色列对巴勒斯坦土地和主权的剥夺,并将知识生产社会学应用于以色列-巴勒斯坦案例的研究。定居者殖民模式与以色列批判社会学、后犹太复国主义和后殖民主义联系在一起,随着20世纪90年代中期政治格局的变化而重新出现,这些变化将Nakba的历史重新定义为持久的,挑战了犹太人对国家的定义,并使巴勒斯坦人成为历史的代理人。以色列的巴勒斯坦学者领导了范式的重塑。本文提供了巴勒斯坦位置的现象学,一个关键的潜在的非殖民化定居者的殖民结构和排他性的犹太主权,巩固了一个研究领域,不仅塑造了对以色列-巴勒斯坦情况的研究,而且塑造了非殖民化和解放的方法。
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引用次数: 28
Quiet Politics, Trade Unions, and the Political Elite Network: The Case of Denmark* 安静的政治、工会和政治精英网络:丹麦的案例*
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/0032329220985748
C. Ibsen, C. Ellersgaard, Anton Grau Larsen
Pepper Culpepper’s seminal Quiet Politics and Business Power has revitalized the study of when business elites can shape policies away from public scrutiny. This article takes the concept of quiet politics to a new, and surprising, set of actors: trade union leaders. Focusing on the case of Denmark, it argues that quiet politics functions through political elite networks and that this way of doing politics favors a particular kind of corporatist coordination between the state, capital, and labor. Rather than showing macrocorporatist coordination between the two classes and governments, it identifies representatives of business and labor that hold privileged positions in political elite networks. Representatives of segments are found in industries important for the Danish economy, specifically, the exporting manufacturing sector. Being at the core of the network requires not only a key position in the Danish economy but also an understanding that politics is often done best without politicians and voters. The analysis shows that trade union and business association representatives work closely on a wide number of issues through quiet politics, using their extensive network to broker and foster agreement between different stakeholders.
佩珀·卡尔佩珀(Pepper Culpepper)开创性的著作《安静的政治与商业权力》(Quiet Politics and Business Power),重新激活了对商业精英何时能够在不受公众监督的情况下制定政策的研究。本文将无声政治的概念介绍给一组新的、令人惊讶的参与者:工会领导人。以丹麦为例,它认为安静的政治通过政治精英网络发挥作用,这种政治方式有利于国家、资本和劳工之间的一种特殊的社团主义协调。它没有展示两个阶级和政府之间的宏观社团主义协调,而是确定了在政治精英网络中拥有特权地位的企业和劳工代表。各部门的代表在对丹麦经济有重要意义的行业,特别是出口制造业。要成为这个网络的核心,不仅需要在丹麦经济中占据关键地位,还需要理解,没有政治家和选民,政治往往做得最好。分析表明,工会和商业协会的代表通过悄无声息的政治手段,在广泛的问题上密切合作,利用其广泛的网络在不同的利益相关者之间斡旋和促进协议。
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引用次数: 4
Quiet Politics and the Power of Business: New Perspectives in an Era of Noisy Politics* 安静的政治与商业的力量:嘈杂政治时代的新视角*
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/0032329220985749
G. Morgan, C. Ibsen
This introduction summarizes the main contributions of this special issue titled “Quiet Politics and the Power of Business: New Perspectives in an Era of Noisy Politics.” The four articles in the issue use and extend Culpepper’s influential concept of “quiet politics” according to which business is able to shape policies and regulations when issues are of low salience to the public and politicians. The issue takes Culpepper’s analysis further in ways that respond to the rise of noisy politics over the last few years, often associated with new strident forms of left- and right-wing populism. Three contributions are made. First, the articles show that salience is not an inherent property of a policy area but is socially constructed. Second, a variety of strategies are described that business uses when trying to keep politics quiet. Third, strategies are affected by the structure of business, which varies across types of capitalism. Future research can use these insights to extend our understanding of the limits, strategies, and dynamics of quiet politics across political economies.
这篇引言总结了本期特刊《安静的政治和商业的力量:喧嚣政治时代的新视角》的主要贡献。这期杂志的四篇文章使用并扩展了卡尔佩珀颇具影响力的“安静政治”概念,根据该概念,当公众和政治家不太关注的问题时,企业能够制定政策和法规。这个问题进一步深化了卡尔佩珀的分析,以回应过去几年喧嚣政治的兴起,这些政治往往与左翼和右翼民粹主义的新尖锐形式联系在一起。有三个贡献。首先,文章表明,突出性不是政策领域的固有属性,而是社会建构的。其次,描述了企业在试图保持政治沉默时使用的各种策略。第三,战略受到商业结构的影响,而商业结构因资本主义类型而异。未来的研究可以利用这些见解来扩展我们对政治经济中安静政治的局限性、策略和动态的理解。
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引用次数: 10
From Quiet to Noisy Politics: Transformations of Swiss Business Elites’ Power* 从安静到喧嚣的政治:瑞士商业精英权力的转变*
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/0032329220985693
André Mach, Thomas David, Stéphanie Ginalski, F. Bühlmann
During most of the twentieth century, it was possible to consider Switzerland a coordinated market economy, characterized by dense interfirm networks and the strong role of business associations. Thanks to their cohesion and collective organization, in a context of quiet politics and informal institutions, business elites could largely self-regulate major socioeconomic issues in the shadow of politics. However, since the end of the twentieth century, Swiss business elites have undergone profound changes not only in their composition, but also in their coordinating capacity, their growing political divisions, and their connections to politics. This growing sociological and political fragmentation, combined with changes in the way of doing politics, through noisier and more formal politics, has weakened the instrumental power of Swiss business elites. To compensate for this loss of direct influence, business elites of the largest Swiss companies have developed new political strategies, relying on their growing structural power in a context of global and financial capitalism.
在二十世纪的大部分时间里,人们可以认为瑞士是一个协调的市场经济体,其特点是密集的公司间网络和商业协会的强大作用。由于他们的凝聚力和集体组织,在平静的政治和非正式机构的背景下,商业精英可以在很大程度上在政治的阴影下自我调节重大的社会经济问题。然而,自20世纪末以来,瑞士商界精英不仅在组成上,而且在协调能力、日益严重的政治分歧以及与政治的联系上都发生了深刻的变化。这种日益严重的社会学和政治分裂,再加上政治方式的变化,通过更喧闹、更正式的政治,削弱了瑞士商业精英的工具性力量。为了弥补这种直接影响力的损失,瑞士最大公司的商业精英们制定了新的政治战略,依靠他们在全球和金融资本主义背景下日益增长的结构性权力。
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引用次数: 11
Voting for Your Pocketbook, but against Your Pocketbook? A Study of Brexit at the Local Level 为你的钱包投票,但反对你的钱包?英国脱欧在地方层面的研究
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-25 DOI: 10.1177/0032329221992198
Kira Gartzou-Katsouyanni, Max Kiefel, Javier José Olivas Osuna
In explaining the outcome of the 2016 EU referendum in the United Kingdom, can theories emphasizing the importance of economic factors be reconciled with the fact that many people appeared to vote against their economic self-interest? This article approaches this puzzle through case study research that draws on fieldwork and a process of reciprocal knowledge exchange with local communities in five local authorities in England and Wales. It argues that the Leave vote can be attributed partly to political discontent associated with trajectories of relative economic decline and deindustrialization. Building on the growing literature about the role of narratives and discourses in navigating uncertainty, it contends that these localized economic experiences, interpreted through local-level narratives, paved the way for local-level discourses of resilience and nationwide optimistic messaging about the economic impacts of Brexit to resonate. Local and national-level discourses discounting the potential economic costs of leaving the European Union played a crucial role in giving precise, somewhat paradoxical, political content to the sense of discontent. The article contributes to the growing focus on place and community in understanding political behavior and invites further research on local discourses linking macro-level trajectories and micro-level voting decisions.
在解释2016年英国脱欧公投的结果时,强调经济因素重要性的理论能否与许多人投票反对自身经济利益的事实相协调?本文通过与英格兰和威尔士五个地方当局的当地社区进行实地考察和知识交流的案例研究来解决这一难题。它认为,脱欧投票可以部分归因于与相对经济衰退和去工业化轨迹相关的政治不满。基于越来越多的关于叙事和话语在驾驭不确定性中的作用的文献,它认为,通过地方层面的叙事来解释这些地方性的经济经验,为地方层面的弹性话语和关于英国脱欧经济影响的全国性乐观信息的共鸣铺平了道路。地方和国家层面的话语低估了脱离欧盟的潜在经济成本,在为不满情绪提供精确的、有些矛盾的政治内容方面发挥了关键作用。这篇文章有助于在理解政治行为中越来越多地关注地点和社区,并邀请进一步研究将宏观层面的轨迹与微观层面的投票决策联系起来的地方话语。
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引用次数: 6
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