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Business Interests, Conservative Economists, and the Expansion of Noncontributory Pensions in Latin America 商业利益、保守经济学家和拉丁美洲非缴费养老金的扩大
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-09-10 DOI: 10.1177/0032329220952269
T. Dorlach
Since the 1990s, most Latin American countries have significantly expanded noncontributory pension programs. In explaining this wave of expansion, research has focused on the protagonism of left parties and social movements and on electoral competition, generally disregarding the roles of organized business and conservative policy experts. This article demonstrates, through a detailed analysis of Chile’s 2008 noncontributory pension reform, that conservative economists played active roles in formulating a noncontributory pension policy characterized by moderate, targeted, and “incentive-compatible” benefits and financed by the general budget. The conservative design of the program facilitated broad support from employers and private pension funds, critical for the eventual passage of the reform. The analysis illustrates the need to incorporate business interests into explanations of welfare state reforms in Latin America and the broader Global South, in particular by distinguishing the interests of employers and private providers and by focusing on their interaction with conservative policy experts.
自20世纪90年代以来,大多数拉美国家大幅扩大了非缴费养老金计划。在解释这一扩张浪潮时,研究集中在左翼政党和社会运动的主角以及选举竞争上,通常忽略了有组织的商业和保守政策专家的作用。本文通过对智利2008年非缴费型养老金改革的详细分析,证明了保守派经济学家在制定非缴费型养老金政策方面发挥了积极作用,该政策以适度、有针对性和“激励兼容”的福利为特征,并由一般预算提供资金。该计划的保守设计促进了雇主和私人养老基金的广泛支持,这对改革的最终通过至关重要。该分析表明,有必要将商业利益纳入对拉丁美洲和更广泛的全球南方国家福利国家改革的解释中,特别是要区分雇主和私人供应商的利益,并关注他们与保守派政策专家的互动。
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引用次数: 6
Ação, ordem e cultura: fundamentos de um programa de pesquisa weberiano 行动、秩序和文化:韦伯研究计划的基础
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-08-18 DOI: 10.5007/175-7984.2020v19n45p19
Wolfgang Schluchter
More than interpreting, it is necessary to develop Max Weber. Based on this premise, the article situates the current state of the current theoretical  discussion in sociology and presents ten key points for the construction of a Weber paradigm or a Weberian research program.
除了口译,还有必要培养马克斯·韦伯。基于这一前提,本文定位了当前社会学理论讨论的现状,并提出了构建韦伯范式或韦伯研究计划的十个要点。
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引用次数: 3
Max Weber possui duas sociologias? Análise comparativa do esquema conceitual de Sobre algumas categorias da sociologia compreensiva (1913) e Conceitos sociológicos-fundamentais (1921) 马克斯·韦伯有两种社会学吗?综合社会学(1913)和社会学基本概念(1921)的概念框架比较分析
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-08-18 DOI: 10.5007/175-7984.2020v19n45p83
Bruna dos Santos Bolda
The critical republication of Max Weber’s work, Max Weber-Gesamtausgabe, sparked a debateabout changes and permanence of the Weberian lexicon. An example is a controversy betweenthe essays Kategorien (1913) and Grundbegriffe (1921). Schluchter (2014) argues there wasonly a lexicon refinement without any conception change. Lichtblau (2015) contends there wasan approach change: historical, in 1913; sociological, in 1921. Thus, the objective is to identifyand discuss the analytical implications of the theoretical-conceptual changes made by Weber inKategorien and Grundbegriffe to understand his conception development of Sociology. Therefore,the existence of a micro-macro model of upward causality is recognized in both Kategorienand Grundbegriffe. But, it is necessary to recognize the texts have gone through a process oftheoretical maturation and conceptual improvement to modify the conceptual content of somefundamental categories of the Weberian scheme.
马克思·韦伯著作《马克思·韦伯全书》的再版引发了一场关于韦伯词汇的变化和持久性的争论。一个例子是论文《卡特格里安》(1913)和《格伦贝格里夫》(1921)之间的争论。Schluchter(2014)认为只有一个词汇的细化,没有任何概念的改变。Lichtblau(2015)认为有一个方法变化:历史上的,在1913年;社会学,1921年。因此,本文的目的是识别和讨论韦伯在理论概念上的变化对理解韦伯社会学概念发展的分析意义。因此,在格特格里夫和格伦贝格里夫都承认存在一个向上因果关系的微观-宏观模型。但是,有必要认识到文本经历了一个理论成熟和概念完善的过程,以修改韦伯图式的一些基本范畴的概念内容。
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引用次数: 1
Structural Power, Hegemony, and State Capitalism: Limits to China’s Global Economic Power 结构性权力、霸权主义与国家资本主义:中国全球经济实力的局限
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-08-17 DOI: 10.1177/0032329220950234
Mingtang Liu, Kellee S. Tsai
A comparative historical perspective shows how globalization and the specificities of China’s rapid growth era limit its hegemonic potential in the twenty-first century global economy. Although state capitalism and openness to foreign capital facilitated China’s economic transformation, interactions among three forms of capital—state, private, and foreign—have produced developmental dynamics that constrain China’s capacity to assume the position of the world’s economic hegemon. These include (1) the compromised competitiveness of China’s corporate sector due to the domination of state-owned enterprises, (2) limits on the ability of Chinese firms to develop leading transnational corporations, and (3) early openness to and continued dependence on foreign capital. Moreover, the party-state’s efforts to ameliorate these constraints arouse external suspicion rather than support a Chinese-led hegemonic order based on consent and shared interests. These historically conditioned realities should temper expectations that China is converging teleologically toward a familiar hegemonic role in the international economy.
从比较历史的角度来看,全球化和中国快速增长时代的特殊性如何限制其在21世纪全球经济中的霸权潜力。尽管国家资本主义和对外国资本的开放促进了中国的经济转型,但国家、私人和外国三种资本形式之间的互动产生了发展动力,制约了中国承担世界经济霸主地位的能力。其中包括(1)由于国有企业的统治,中国企业部门的竞争力受损,(2)中国企业发展领先跨国公司的能力受到限制,以及(3)早期对外国资本开放并继续依赖外国资本。此外,党和国家改善这些限制的努力引起了外部的怀疑,而不是支持中国领导的基于同意和共同利益的霸权秩序。这些历史条件下的现实应该会缓和人们的预期,即中国正在从目的上向国际经济中熟悉的霸权角色靠拢。
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引用次数: 13
“Societies under Stress”: Introduction to the Special Issue* “压力下的社会”:特刊导言*
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-08-11 DOI: 10.1177/0032329220942030
D. Garland
This introduction to the special issue “Societies under Stress” provides an intellectual context for the four articles that follow. The conferences at which the articles were presented brought together comparative welfare state researchers and scholars who work on crime and punishment to explore the links between social welfare and penal policy, particularly in social settings where neoliberal austerity or rising levels of criminal violence put pressure on these fields of social policy. Participants were drawn from Europe, the United States, and Latin America and represented a variety of social science disciplines and an eclectic mix of research methodologies.
这篇对特刊“压力下的社会”的介绍为接下来的四篇文章提供了一个知识背景。这些文章发表的会议汇集了比较福利国家的研究人员和从事犯罪和惩罚工作的学者,探讨社会福利和刑事政策之间的联系,特别是在新自由主义紧缩或犯罪暴力水平上升对这些社会政策领域施加压力的社会环境中。参与者来自欧洲、美国和拉丁美洲,代表了各种社会科学学科和研究方法的折衷组合。
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引用次数: 1
Common Cause? Policymaking Discourse and the Prison/Welfare Trade-Off* 常见原因?政策制定话语与监狱/福利权衡*
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-08-11 DOI: 10.1177/0032329220942080
Joshua Guetzkow
This article advances our understanding of the well-documented trade-off between welfare and prisons by analyzing US congressional hearings on welfare and criminal justice policies in two periods: the “Great Society” of 1961–67 and the “neoliberal” era of 1981–96. Comparing policymakers’ conceptions about the causes of poverty and crime, about poor and criminal populations, and about the proper role of government, the findings show that conceptions across policy domains are similar in each period and have changed in similar ways over time. These changes correspond to markedly different policy responses to poverty and crime in the two periods, favoring welfare over prisons in the earlier period and prisons over welfare in the later period. The article discusses the implications for an understanding of the punitive turn in public policies, for theories of social control, and for research on the role of ideas in policymaking.
本文通过分析两个时期(1961-67年的“伟大社会”时期和1981-96年的“新自由主义”时期)美国国会关于福利和刑事司法政策的听证会,加深了我们对福利和监狱之间权衡的理解。通过比较政策制定者对贫困和犯罪的原因、贫困和犯罪人口以及政府的适当作用的看法,研究结果表明,各个政策领域的观点在每个时期都是相似的,并且随着时间的推移也以相似的方式发生了变化。这些变化对应于两个时期对贫困和犯罪的明显不同的政策反应,在早期倾向于福利而不是监狱,在后期倾向于监狱而不是福利。本文讨论了对理解公共政策中的惩罚性转向、对社会控制理论以及对思想在政策制定中的作用的研究的影响。
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引用次数: 2
Building the Modern State in Developing Countries: Perceptions of Public Safety and (Un)willingness to Pay Taxes in Mexico* 在发展中国家建立现代国家:对墨西哥公共安全和(联合国)纳税意愿的看法*
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-08-11 DOI: 10.1177/0032329220943848
Gustavo Flores-Macías, Mariano Sánchez-Talanquer
What is the relationship between taxation and public safety? Contrary to studies suggesting that personal victimization and heightened perceptions of insecurity increase pro-social attitudes and support for state intervention in the form of greater taxation, this article argues that such concerns decrease willingness to pay taxes to address public safety. It estimates what citizens are willing to pay to reduce crime, using an original representative survey conducted in Mexico and relying on the contingent valuation method to assess the value of nonmarket goods. Attitudes toward taxation are found to respond to subjective, sociotropic assessments of public safety rather than to actual risk or occurrences of individual victimization. These findings counter the conventional wisdom that demand for personal security enables greater extraction, a central proposition in classic accounts of state building. Showing that willingness to accept heavier taxation may be weakest among those who perceive the gravest need for security, the study adds precision to theories of fiscal exchange.
税收和公共安全之间的关系是什么?研究表明,个人受害和不安全感的增强会增加亲社会的态度,并支持国家以增加税收的形式进行干预。与此相反,本文认为,这种担忧会降低为解决公共安全问题而纳税的意愿。它使用在墨西哥进行的一项具有代表性的原始调查,并依靠偶然估价方法来评估非市场商品的价值,从而估计公民愿意为减少犯罪而支付的费用。人们发现,对税收的态度是对公共安全的主观、反社会评估的反应,而不是对实际风险或个人受害事件的反应。这些发现反驳了传统观点,即对人身安全的需求可以实现更大的提取,这是国家建设经典描述中的核心命题。这项研究表明,在那些认为最需要安全的人中,接受更高税收的意愿可能最弱,这为财政交换理论增加了准确性。
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引用次数: 6
Politics, Social and Economic Change, and Crime: Exploring the Impact of Contextual Effects on Offending Trajectories* 政治、社会和经济变化与犯罪:探究语境效应对犯罪轨迹的影响*
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-08-11 DOI: 10.1177/0032329220942395
S. Farrall, Emily Gray, Phil Mike Jones
Do government policies increase the likelihood that some citizens will become persistent criminals? Using criminological concepts such as the idea of a “criminal career” and sociological concepts such as the life course, this article assesses the outcome of macro-level economic policies on individuals’ engagement in crime. Few studies in political science, sociology, or criminology directly link macroeconomic policies to individual offending. Employing individual-level longitudinal data, this article tracks a sample of Britons born in 1970 from childhood to adulthood and examines their offending trajectories through the early 1980s to see the effects of economic policies on individuals’ repeated offending. A model is developed with data from the British 1970 Birth Cohort Study that incorporates individuals, families, and schools and takes account of national-level economic policies (driven by New Right political ideas). Findings suggest that economic restructuring was a key causal factor in offending during the period. Criminologists are encouraged to draw on ideas from political science to help explain offending careers and show how political choices in the management of the economy encourage individual-level responses.
政府政策是否增加了一些公民成为顽固罪犯的可能性?利用犯罪学概念,如“犯罪生涯”的概念和社会学概念,如生命历程,本文评估了宏观经济政策对个人参与犯罪的影响。很少有政治学、社会学或犯罪学的研究将宏观经济政策与个人犯罪直接联系起来。本文采用个人层面的纵向数据,追踪了1970年出生的英国人从童年到成年的样本,并检查了他们在20世纪80年代初的犯罪轨迹,以了解经济政策对个人重复犯罪的影响。该模型是根据英国1970年出生队列研究的数据开发的,该研究将个人、家庭和学校纳入其中,并考虑到国家层面的经济政策(由新右翼政治思想驱动)。研究结果表明,经济结构调整是这一时期犯罪的关键原因。犯罪学家被鼓励利用政治学的观点来帮助解释犯罪职业,并展示经济管理中的政治选择如何鼓励个人层面的反应。
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引用次数: 20
The Welfare State amid Crime: How Victimization and Perceptions of Insecurity Affect Social Policy Preferences in Latin America and the Caribbean* 犯罪中的福利国家:受害和不安全感如何影响拉丁美洲和加勒比地区的社会政策偏好*
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-08-11 DOI: 10.1177/0032329220940850
Melina Altamirano, S. Berens, S. Ley
Criminal violence is one of the most pressing problems in Latin America and the Caribbean, with profound political consequences. Its effects on social policy preferences, however, remain largely unexplored. This article argues that to understand such effects it is crucial to analyze victimization experiences and perceptions of insecurity as separate phenomena with distinct attitudinal consequences. Heightened perceptions of insecurity are associated with a reduced demand for public welfare provision, as such perceptions reflect a sense of the state’s failure to provide public security. At the same time, acknowledging the mounting costs and needs that direct experience with crime entails, victimization is expected to increase support for social policies, particularly for health services. Survey data from twenty-four Latin American and Caribbean countries for the period 2008–12 show that perceptions of insecurity indeed reduce support for the state’s role in welfare provision, whereas crime victimization strongly increases such preferences.
刑事暴力是拉丁美洲和加勒比地区最紧迫的问题之一,具有深远的政治后果。然而,它对社会政策偏好的影响在很大程度上仍未得到探索。本文认为,要理解这种影响,至关重要的是将受害经历和不安全感作为具有不同态度后果的独立现象进行分析。不安全感的增强与对公共福利的需求减少有关,因为这种感觉反映了国家未能提供公共安全的感觉。与此同时,由于认识到直接经历犯罪所带来的成本和需求不断增加,预计受害将增加对社会政策的支持,特别是对卫生服务的支持。2008-2012年期间,来自24个拉丁美洲和加勒比国家的调查数据显示,对不安全感的认知确实减少了对国家在福利提供中作用的支持,而犯罪受害大大增加了这种偏好。
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引用次数: 10
German Business Mobilization against Right-Wing Populism 反对右翼民粹主义的德国商业动员
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-08-03 DOI: 10.1177/0032329220957153
Daniel Kinderman
Why do some business associations mobilize, engage in collective action, and take public stands against the populist right while others do not? This article examines business mobilization against the populist right in Germany, which is heavily export-oriented and reliant on the European and global market order. Drawing on interviews with three business associations, the article presents three key findings. First, economic self-interest is a powerful driver of business mobilization: perceived threats and vulnerability spurred two German associations to act collectively against right-wing populism. However, mobilization is driven not by declining revenues or profits but by a mixture of values and material interests. Second, business associations that mobilize stress the need to reform the system, democratize the European Union, and address those who feel “left behind.” Third, medium-size, export-oriented manufacturers are the core business constituency supporting liberal democracy and the European Union. The article shows that some business factions can play a role in defending the liberal international order against right-wing populism.
为什么一些商业协会动员起来,采取集体行动,公开反对民粹主义右翼,而另一些则没有?本文考察了德国企业动员反对民粹主义右翼的情况。德国严重依赖出口导向,并依赖于欧洲和全球市场秩序。通过对三个商业协会的采访,本文提出了三个主要发现。首先,经济上的自身利益是企业动员的强大推动力:感知到的威胁和脆弱性促使两家德国协会采取集体行动,反对右翼民粹主义。然而,动员不是由收入或利润下降驱动的,而是由价值观和物质利益的混合驱动的。第二,动员起来的商业协会强调有必要改革制度,使欧盟民主化,并解决那些感到“落后”的人的问题。第三,以出口为导向的中型制造商是支持自由民主和欧盟(eu)的核心商业选民。这篇文章表明,一些商业派别可以在捍卫自由主义国际秩序、对抗右翼民粹主义方面发挥作用。
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引用次数: 10
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Politics & Society
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