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Party over pandemic: Polarized trust in political leaders and experts explains public support for COVID-19 policies 大流行党:对政治领导人和专家的两极分化信任解释了公众对COVID-19政策的支持
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-09-28 DOI: 10.1177/13684302221118534
Jennifer C. Cole, Alexandra Flores, G. Jiga‐Boy, O. Klein, D. Sherman, Leaf Van Boven
Two experiments examined the polarization of public support for COVID-19 policies due to people’s (lack of) trust in political leaders and nonpartisan experts. In diverse samples in the United States (Experiment 1; N = 1,802) and the United Kingdom (Experiment 2; N = 1,825), participants evaluated COVID-19 policies that were framed as proposed by ingroup political leaders, outgroup political leaders, nonpartisan experts, or, in the United States, a bipartisan group of political leaders. At the time of the study in April 2020, COVID-19 was an unfamiliar and shared threat. Therefore, there were theoretical reasons suggesting that attitudes toward COVID-19 policy may not have been politically polarized. Yet, our results demonstrated that even relatively early in the pandemic people supported policies from ingroup political leaders more than the same policies from outgroup leaders, extending prior research on how people align their policy stances to political elites from their own parties. People also trusted experts and ingroup political leaders more than they did outgroup political leaders. Partly because of this polarized trust, policies from experts and bipartisan groups were more widely supported than policies from ingroup political leaders. These results illustrate the potentially detrimental role political leaders may play and the potential for effective leadership by bipartisan groups and nonpartisan experts in shaping public policy attitudes during crises.
两项实验检验了公众对COVID-19政策的支持两极分化,这是由于人们对政治领导人和无党派专家(缺乏)信任。在美国的不同样本中(实验1;N = 1802)和英国(实验2;N = 1825),参与者评估了由内团体政治领导人、外团体政治领导人、无党派专家或在美国由两党政治领导人组成的政治领导人提出的新冠肺炎政策。在2020年4月进行这项研究时,COVID-19是一种不熟悉的共同威胁。因此,理论上有理由认为,对新冠政策的态度可能没有政治两极化。然而,我们的研究结果表明,即使在大流行的相对早期,人们也更支持群体内政治领导人的政策,而不是群体外领导人的政策,这扩展了之前关于人们如何将政策立场与自己政党的政治精英保持一致的研究。人们也更信任专家和群体内的政治领袖,而不是群体外的政治领袖。部分由于这种两极化的信任,专家和两党团体的政策比内部政治领导人的政策得到了更广泛的支持。这些结果说明了政治领导人可能发挥的潜在有害作用,以及两党团体和无党派专家在危机期间塑造公共政策态度方面有效领导的潜力。
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引用次数: 4
A rising tide lifts all boats: Group performance and intragroup status 一股水涨船高:团队绩效和团队内部地位
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.1177/13684302221122667
Francis J. Flynn, Chunchen Xu
Early theories of status dynamics in small groups portrayed intragroup status as a limited resource—as the status of one group member rises, the status of another must fall. Recent theorizing presents an alternative view: that the amount of status available to group members can be variable rather than fixed. Building on this view, we theorize that the average level of intragroup status changes as a function of group performance, such that the intragroup status of an average group member is higher in groups with higher performance and lower in groups with lower performance. We further theorize that changes in group solidarity partly account for the link between group performance and intragroup status. Across three preregistered studies, we find support for these hypotheses, which we hope will kindle interest in identifying other factors that can account for changes in intragroup status equilibria.
早期的小群体地位动力学理论将群体内部的地位描述为一种有限的资源——当一个群体成员的地位上升时,另一个群体成员的地位必然下降。最近的理论提出了另一种观点:群体成员的地位可以是可变的,而不是固定的。基于这一观点,我们将群体内部地位的平均水平作为群体绩效的函数而变化,例如,在绩效高的群体中,普通群体成员的群体内部地位较高,而在绩效低的群体中则较低。我们进一步推论,群体团结的变化部分解释了群体绩效和群体内部地位之间的联系。在三个预先登记的研究中,我们发现了对这些假设的支持,我们希望这将激发人们对确定其他因素的兴趣,这些因素可以解释群体内地位平衡的变化。
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引用次数: 0
Endorsing negative intergroup attitudes to justify failure to confront prejudice 支持消极的群体间态度,为未能直面偏见辩护
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.1177/13684302221120488
Hanna Szekeres, Eran Halperin, Anna Kende, Tamar Saguy
While most people believe they would speak up against prejudice, many fail to do so. We identify a harmful consequence of such inaction through examining its impact on bystanders’ own prejudice. Ac...
虽然大多数人认为他们会大声疾呼反对偏见,但许多人并没有这样做。我们通过研究这种不作为对旁观者自身偏见的影响,确定了这种不作为的有害后果。交流……
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引用次数: 0
Groups amplify the perceived threat and justification for using force against Black people protesting for racial equality—especially among social conservatives 团体放大了对抗议种族平等的黑人使用武力的威胁和理由,尤其是在社会保守派中
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-09-12 DOI: 10.1177/13684302221119982
Erin Cooley, J. Brown-Iannuzzi, B. Payne, J. Steele, William Cipolli
Although most antiracism protests of 2020 were peaceful, at times, there was extreme use of force. Drawing on research that groups amplify intergroup threats, we test whether use of force is perceived as particularly justified against groups of Black people protesting racism. In Study 1, White Americans perceived a group of Black people peacefully protesting racism to be more threatening and more deserving of use of force than the same Black people protesting individually. Notably, when the protest topic did not threaten the racial hierarchy (i.e., environmental protection), Black groups (vs. individuals) no longer amplified perceived threat nor support for force. Studies 2 and 3 demonstrated that this tendency for groups to amplify intergroup threat was stronger among White Americans motivated to maintain the status quo (i.e., social conservatives). We conclude that Black groups protesting racism activate intergroup threats with implications for support for using force against them.
尽管2020年的大多数反种族主义抗议活动都是和平的,但有时也会极端使用武力。根据群体放大群体间威胁的研究,我们测试了对抗议种族主义的黑人群体使用武力是否被认为是特别合理的。在研究1中,美国白人认为一群和平抗议种族主义的黑人比单独抗议的黑人更具威胁性,更应该使用武力。值得注意的是,当抗议主题不威胁种族等级(即环境保护)时,黑人群体(相对于个人)不再放大感知到的威胁或对武力的支持。研究2和研究3表明,群体放大群体间威胁的倾向在有维持现状动机的美国白人(即社会保守派)中更为强烈。我们的结论是,抗议种族主义的黑人群体激活了群体间的威胁,暗示了对他们使用武力的支持。
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引用次数: 0
I will help you survive but not thrive: Helping decisions in situations that empower women 我会帮助你生存,但不是茁壮成长:在赋予女性权力的情况下帮助做出决定
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-07-19 DOI: 10.1177/13684302221108437
Orly Bareket, Danit Ein-Gar, Tehila Kogut
This research examines gender-based helping behavior from a social dominance perspective. We focused on the interplay between the gender of a prospective donor and the gender of the recipient in shaping donation decisions in contexts that either empower recipients or not. In two studies (N = 866), male (but not female) donors chose to donate less often (Study 2) and to give lower amounts (Studies 1–2) to women in need than to men when donations were made in a potentially empowering context – a business context (e.g., donating to a person whose shop burned down), than in a nonempowering context – a domestic context (e.g., donating to a person whose house burned down). Lack of empathy for the female recipient among men partially mediated this gender–donation bias effect (Study 2). These findings suggest that men are less likely to help women in situations that empower women and challenge the existing gender hierarchy.
本研究从社会支配的角度考察基于性别的帮助行为。我们关注的是潜在捐赠者的性别和接受者的性别之间的相互作用,在决定捐赠决定的情况下,要么授权接受者,要么不授权。在两项研究(N = 866)中,男性(但不是女性)捐赠者选择捐赠的频率更低(研究2),对有需要的女性的捐赠金额(研究1-2),当捐赠是在一个潜在的授权背景下进行的——商业背景(例如,捐赠给一个商店被烧毁的人),而不是在一个没有授权的背景下进行的——家庭背景(例如,捐赠给一个房子被烧毁的人)。男性对女性接受者缺乏同理心在一定程度上介导了这种性别捐赠偏见效应(研究2)。这些发现表明,在赋予女性权力和挑战现有性别等级制度的情况下,男性不太可能帮助女性。
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引用次数: 2
The irony of (romantic) harmony: Heterosexual romantic relationships can drive women’s justification of the gender hierarchy (浪漫)和谐的讽刺:异性浪漫关系可以推动女性对性别等级制度的辩护
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-07-19 DOI: 10.1177/13684302221100403
Danit Sobol-Sarag, Noa Schori-Eyal, Saulo Fernández, Tamar Saguy
Even though gender inequality is evident across life domains, women often justify the gender hierarchy. We examined whether the very closeness that heterosexual women share with their male romantic partners predicts their justification of gender inequality. We drew on intergroup-related research, showing that positive perceptions that minority groups develop within harmonious intergroup interactions, generalize to affect their views of group-based inequality. We expected that to the extent that women experience their romantic relationships positively, they will be more accepting of gender inequality within their homes, and these perceptions will generalize to predict justification of macro-level gender inequality. Five correlational and two experimental studies supported this prediction. The more women rated (or were primed with) their relationship as positive, the more they justified the gender social system. This was mediated by women’s perception of their housework division as fair, and was less pronounced among feminists. Implications regarding social change are discussed.
尽管性别不平等在生活的各个领域都很明显,但女性经常为性别等级制度辩护。我们研究了异性恋女性与男性伴侣之间的亲密关系是否预示着她们对性别不平等的判断。我们借鉴了与群体间相关的研究,表明少数群体在和谐的群体间互动中形成的积极看法,会影响他们对群体不平等的看法。我们预计,在某种程度上,女性积极地体验她们的浪漫关系,她们将更容易接受家庭中的性别不平等,这些看法将推广到预测宏观层面的性别不平等的理由。五项相关研究和两项实验研究支持这一预测。越多的女性认为(或被暗示)她们的关系是积极的,她们就越能证明性别社会体系是正确的。这是由于女性认为家务分配是公平的,而在女权主义者中则不那么明显。对社会变革的影响进行了讨论。
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引用次数: 3
Positive contact with working-class people reduces personal contribution to inequality 与工人阶级的积极接触减少了个人对不平等的贡献
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-07-15 DOI: 10.1177/13684302221108936
A. Vázquez, P. Sayans-Jiménez, Lucía López‐Rodríguez, David Lois, Hanna Zagefka
The current research investigates the effect of a type of intergroup contact that has rarely been studied to date, class-based contact, on one’s personal contribution to inequality. We conducted two studies with middle and upper class individuals. We first longitudinally examined whether positive contact with working-class people reduces contribution to inequality (i.e., participants stating that they themselves contribute to maintaining the social hierarchy) whilst controlling for ideological factors. Lower levels of contribution to inequality were present in people with more and better contact, but the change over time was small in the absence of experimental manipulation. An experiment then showed that recall of positive (vs. negative) contact with working-class people reduced participants’ contribution to inequality and increased their willingness to participate in collective action for equality. These results suggest that facilitating spaces where members of different social classes can have positive interactions can contribute to reducing inequality.
目前的研究调查了一种迄今为止很少被研究的群体间接触,即基于阶级的接触,对个人对不平等的贡献的影响。我们对中产阶级和上层阶级进行了两项研究。我们首先纵向研究了与工人阶级的积极接触是否会减少对不平等的贡献(即参与者表示他们自己有助于维持社会等级制度),同时控制意识形态因素。接触更多、接触更好的人对不平等的贡献程度较低,但在没有实验操作的情况下,随时间的变化很小。然后,一项实验表明,回忆与工人阶级的积极(与消极)接触减少了参与者对不平等的贡献,并增加了他们参与平等集体行动的意愿。这些结果表明,促进不同社会阶层成员进行积极互动的空间有助于减少不平等。
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引用次数: 2
Support for Native-Themed Mascots and Opposition to Political Correctness 支持本土主题的吉祥物,反对政治正确
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-07-15 DOI: 10.1177/13684302221106924
Mason D. Burns, E. Granz, K. Williams
Despite the well-documented harmful effects of Native-themed mascots, Native-themed mascots have many supporters who decry the politically correct efforts to remove these mascots. Although ostensibly unrelated to race/racism, we reasoned that invoking anti-PC attitudes allow prejudiced people to indirectly support Native-themed mascots while minimizing the appearance of being biased. Three studies (N = 587) found that anti-Native bias predicted anti-PC attitudes and, in turn, Native-themed mascot support. In Studies 2 and 3, participants varying in anti-PC attitudes considered a university changing their Native-themed mascot for PC or non-PC reasons. Anti-PC attitudes predicted opposition to changing Native-themed mascots in both conditions. However, the effect of anti-PC attitudes was stronger in the PC condition where social justice norms were salient. These results suggest that, for many, anti-PC attitudes reflect more than just opposition to political correctness and are used by prejudiced people to indirectly defend controversial mascots without appearing prejudiced.
尽管有充分的证据表明,本土主题的吉祥物有有害的影响,但本土主题的吉祥物有许多支持者,他们谴责移除这些吉祥物的政治正确努力。虽然表面上与种族/种族主义无关,但我们认为,援引反pc态度可以让有偏见的人间接支持本土主题的吉祥物,同时最大限度地减少偏见的外观。三项研究(N = 587)发现,反本土偏见预测了反pc态度,进而预测了本土主题的吉祥物支持。在研究2和3中,持不同反PC态度的参与者认为一所大学出于PC或非PC的原因改变了他们的本土主题吉祥物。在这两种情况下,反对pc的态度预示着对改变本土主题吉祥物的反对。然而,在社会公正规范显著的社会规范条件下,反政治态度的影响更强。这些结果表明,对许多人来说,反pc态度反映的不仅仅是对政治正确的反对,而且被有偏见的人用来间接地为有争议的吉祥物辩护,而不会显得有偏见。
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引用次数: 0
How group processes push excluded people into a radical mindset: An experimental investigation 群体过程如何将被排斥的人推向激进心态:一项实验调查
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-07-15 DOI: 10.1177/13684302221107782
Michaela Pfundmair, Luisa A. M. Mahr
Social exclusion is a condition that seems to allow terrorism to flourish. Since radicalization is argued to occur mostly in the context of group identification and accompanying processes, we hypothesized that these may contribute to pushing excluded individuals toward radicalism. To investigate this, we performed four studies. In Studies 1 to 3, we conducted experiments in which we manipulated exclusion (vs. inclusion), created new in-groups, and measured radicalism intentions in the context of eco- or animal rights extremism. In Study 4, we tested the focal variables in a reanalysis of coded qualitative data on an Islamist sample. In Study 1, the exclusion–radicalism link revealed to be mediated by in-group sympathy as opposed to out-group antipathy. Studies 2 to 4 specifically identified perceived group threat as a driver of radicalism in the aftermath of exclusion. This work provides first experimental evidence for the catalyzing power of relationships in the exclusion–radicalism link.
社会排斥似乎是恐怖主义滋生的条件。由于激进化被认为主要发生在群体认同和伴随过程的背景下,我们假设这些可能有助于将被排斥的个体推向激进主义。为了调查这个问题,我们进行了四项研究。在研究1到3中,我们进行了一些实验,在这些实验中,我们操纵了排斥(与包容相比),创造了新的内部群体,并在生态或动物权利极端主义的背景下测量了激进主义的意图。在研究4中,我们在伊斯兰样本的编码定性数据的再分析中测试了焦点变量。在研究1中,排外主义与激进主义之间的联系是由群体内同情而非群体外反感所介导的。研究2到4明确指出,在被排斥之后,感知到的群体威胁是激进主义的驱动因素。这项工作为排他性-激进主义联系中关系的催化能力提供了第一个实验证据。
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引用次数: 2
“Everybody’s doing it”: Exploring the consequences of intergroup contact norms “每个人都在这么做”:探索群体间接触规范的后果
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-07-13 DOI: 10.1177/13684302221106926
H. Boss, Elena Buliga, Cara C. MacInnis
Newcomers to a country can strongly benefit from having positive intergroup contact with host country residents. Often, however, such contact does not occur. Norms surrounding intergroup contact between newcomers and host country residents were explored over three studies. Correlational relationships among positive perceived contact norms, positive attitudes, and behavioural intentions supporting contact were demonstrated over multiple studies. Further, an experimental manipulation indicating higher (vs. lower and control) contact between host country residents and newcomers predicted behavioural intentions toward future intergroup contact through heightened intergroup contact norms and more positive attitudes toward newcomers. Implications of using norms as a means to impact intergroup relations are discussed.
一个国家的新移民可以从与东道国居民的积极群体间接触中受益匪浅。然而,这种接触往往不会发生。在三项研究中探讨了新来者和东道国居民之间群体间接触的规范。多项研究表明,积极感知的接触规范、积极态度和支持接触的行为意图之间存在相关性。此外,一项实验操作表明,东道国居民和新来者之间的接触较高(与较低和对照组相比),通过提高群体间接触规范和对新来者更积极的态度,预测了未来群体间接触的行为意图。讨论了使用规范作为影响群体间关系的手段的含义。
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引用次数: 0
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Group Processes & Intergroup Relations
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