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Group Processes & Intergroup Relations最新文献

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Heroes or traitors? Perception of whistleblowers depends on the self-relevance of the group being reported 英雄还是叛徒?对举报人的看法取决于被举报群体的自我相关性
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-10-11 DOI: 10.1177/13684302221123923
M. Pacilli, I. Giovannelli, Federica Spaccatini, S. Pagliaro, Marco Brambilla, M. Barreto, S. Sacchi
Whistleblowing is the action by which members of an organization report misconduct that occurs within their group to other persons inside or outside the organization. In the present research, we examined perception of whistleblowers in terms of global impressions, emotions, and behavioural intentions. Study 1 reveals negative reactions to whistleblowers, while Study 2 shows positive reactions to whistleblowers. To reconcile these findings, Study 3 varies the self-relevance of the context and reveals that whistleblowers are derogated when the context is highly self-relevant (as in Study 1) and positively evaluated when it is not (as in Study 2). Across the studies, we also show that emotions and the subjective importance of loyalty and fairness influence the evaluation of whistleblowers. Our findings help unveiling the conditions in which whistleblowers are alternatively regarded as heroes or traitors, depending on the perceivers’ point of view.
告密是指组织成员向组织内外的其他人报告组织内部发生的不当行为。在目前的研究中,我们在全球印象、情绪和行为意图方面检查了举报人的感知。研究1显示了对举报人的消极反应,而研究2显示了对举报人的积极反应。为了调和这些发现,研究3改变了情境的自我相关性,并揭示了当情境高度自我相关时(如研究1)举报人受到贬损,而当情境高度自我相关时(如研究2)举报人受到积极评价。在所有研究中,我们还表明情绪和忠诚和公平的主观重要性影响对举报人的评价。我们的发现有助于揭示告密者被视为英雄或叛徒的条件,这取决于感知者的观点。
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引用次数: 5
Trash talk about the other gender: Content of, reactions to, and willingness to confront stereotypical comments about men and women 关于异性的垃圾言论:关于男性和女性的陈规定型评论的内容、反应和面对的意愿
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-10-07 DOI: 10.1177/13684302221125182
Elizabeth L. Haines, Rebecca Schachtman, P. Glick, Juliana Earvolino
We examined the content of and reactions to stereotypical comments about men and women. In Study 1, daily comments participants recalled hearing people make about “what men/women are like” were generally negative and targeted the other gender. Men rejected negative comments about both genders, whereas women rejected negative comments about women more than comments about men. In Study 2, college participants could confront an online interaction partner who made an other-gender sexist comment. Women confronted a comment targeting women and had more negative reactions to sexism directed at a woman than at a man; men had equivalent, negative reactions to sexism that did not depend on target gender. Study 3 extended and replicated Study 2 by including both other-gender and same gender sexism. Results showed that (a) women were more attuned to men’s sexism toward women compared to all other types and (b) men responded negatively to sexism about either gender, but were more likely to confront sexism directed at women than sexism directed at men. We suggest that women’s tendency to confront sexism when it targets women but not men may reinforce stereotypes that undermine gender equality.
我们调查了关于男人和女人的刻板印象的内容和反应。在研究1中,参与者回忆起每天听到人们关于“男人/女人是什么样的”的评论,这些评论通常是负面的,并且是针对异性的。男性拒绝对两性的负面评论,而女性拒绝对女性的负面评论多于对男性的负面评论。在研究2中,大学参与者可以面对一个发表了性别歧视言论的在线互动伙伴。女性面对针对女性的评论时,对针对女性的性别歧视的负面反应比针对男性的要多;男性对性别歧视也有相同的负面反应,这种反应与目标性别无关。研究3扩展并重复了研究2,包括异性和同性性别歧视。结果显示:(a)与其他类型的性别歧视相比,女性更容易接受男性对女性的性别歧视;(b)男性对任何性别的性别歧视都反应消极,但更容易面对针对女性的性别歧视,而不是针对男性的性别歧视。我们认为,女性倾向于面对针对女性而非男性的性别歧视,这可能会强化破坏性别平等的刻板印象。
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引用次数: 1
Perceptions of intolerant norms both facilitate and inhibit collective action among sexual minorities. 对不宽容规范的认知既促进又抑制了性少数群体的集体行动。
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-10-01 Epub Date: 2021-07-20 DOI: 10.1177/13684302211024335
Léïla Eisner, Richard Settersten, Felicity Turner-Zwinkels, Tabea Hässler

This article presents the results of three studies that examine how the perceived opinions of others are related to sexual minorities' support for social change toward greater equality. Results of two cross-sectional studies (Study 1: N = 1,220; Study 2: N = 904) reveal that perceived intolerance (i.e., perceived intolerant societal norms) is indirectly related to intentions to engage in collective action in both negative and positive ways: the negative effect was mediated by lower perceptions of perceived efficacy; positive effects were mediated by greater anger (about the legal situation and public opinion) and greater perceived need for a movement. Study 3 (N = 408) replicates this conflicting effect with a delayed outcome measure by showing that perceived intolerant norms were indirectly, both negatively and positively, associated with actual collective action engagement. We discuss the theoretical and practical implications of our expanded social identity model of collective action.

本文介绍了三项研究的结果,这些研究考察了他人的看法与性少数群体支持社会变革以实现更大的平等之间的关系。两项横断面研究的结果(研究1:N = 1,220;研究2:N = 904)揭示了感知到的不宽容(即感知到的不宽容的社会规范)以消极和积极的方式间接与参与集体行动的意图相关:消极影响是由感知效能的较低感知介导的;积极的影响被更大的愤怒(关于法律状况和公众舆论)和更大的运动需求所调节。研究3 (N = 408)通过显示感知到的不宽容规范与实际的集体行动参与间接地(负向和正向)相关,用延迟结果测量重复了这种冲突效应。我们讨论了我们扩大的集体行动的社会认同模型的理论和实践意义。
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引用次数: 3
Party over pandemic: Polarized trust in political leaders and experts explains public support for COVID-19 policies 大流行党:对政治领导人和专家的两极分化信任解释了公众对COVID-19政策的支持
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-09-28 DOI: 10.1177/13684302221118534
Jennifer C. Cole, Alexandra Flores, G. Jiga‐Boy, O. Klein, D. Sherman, Leaf Van Boven
Two experiments examined the polarization of public support for COVID-19 policies due to people’s (lack of) trust in political leaders and nonpartisan experts. In diverse samples in the United States (Experiment 1; N = 1,802) and the United Kingdom (Experiment 2; N = 1,825), participants evaluated COVID-19 policies that were framed as proposed by ingroup political leaders, outgroup political leaders, nonpartisan experts, or, in the United States, a bipartisan group of political leaders. At the time of the study in April 2020, COVID-19 was an unfamiliar and shared threat. Therefore, there were theoretical reasons suggesting that attitudes toward COVID-19 policy may not have been politically polarized. Yet, our results demonstrated that even relatively early in the pandemic people supported policies from ingroup political leaders more than the same policies from outgroup leaders, extending prior research on how people align their policy stances to political elites from their own parties. People also trusted experts and ingroup political leaders more than they did outgroup political leaders. Partly because of this polarized trust, policies from experts and bipartisan groups were more widely supported than policies from ingroup political leaders. These results illustrate the potentially detrimental role political leaders may play and the potential for effective leadership by bipartisan groups and nonpartisan experts in shaping public policy attitudes during crises.
两项实验检验了公众对COVID-19政策的支持两极分化,这是由于人们对政治领导人和无党派专家(缺乏)信任。在美国的不同样本中(实验1;N = 1802)和英国(实验2;N = 1825),参与者评估了由内团体政治领导人、外团体政治领导人、无党派专家或在美国由两党政治领导人组成的政治领导人提出的新冠肺炎政策。在2020年4月进行这项研究时,COVID-19是一种不熟悉的共同威胁。因此,理论上有理由认为,对新冠政策的态度可能没有政治两极化。然而,我们的研究结果表明,即使在大流行的相对早期,人们也更支持群体内政治领导人的政策,而不是群体外领导人的政策,这扩展了之前关于人们如何将政策立场与自己政党的政治精英保持一致的研究。人们也更信任专家和群体内的政治领袖,而不是群体外的政治领袖。部分由于这种两极化的信任,专家和两党团体的政策比内部政治领导人的政策得到了更广泛的支持。这些结果说明了政治领导人可能发挥的潜在有害作用,以及两党团体和无党派专家在危机期间塑造公共政策态度方面有效领导的潜力。
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引用次数: 4
A rising tide lifts all boats: Group performance and intragroup status 一股水涨船高:团队绩效和团队内部地位
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.1177/13684302221122667
Francis J. Flynn, Chunchen Xu
Early theories of status dynamics in small groups portrayed intragroup status as a limited resource—as the status of one group member rises, the status of another must fall. Recent theorizing presents an alternative view: that the amount of status available to group members can be variable rather than fixed. Building on this view, we theorize that the average level of intragroup status changes as a function of group performance, such that the intragroup status of an average group member is higher in groups with higher performance and lower in groups with lower performance. We further theorize that changes in group solidarity partly account for the link between group performance and intragroup status. Across three preregistered studies, we find support for these hypotheses, which we hope will kindle interest in identifying other factors that can account for changes in intragroup status equilibria.
早期的小群体地位动力学理论将群体内部的地位描述为一种有限的资源——当一个群体成员的地位上升时,另一个群体成员的地位必然下降。最近的理论提出了另一种观点:群体成员的地位可以是可变的,而不是固定的。基于这一观点,我们将群体内部地位的平均水平作为群体绩效的函数而变化,例如,在绩效高的群体中,普通群体成员的群体内部地位较高,而在绩效低的群体中则较低。我们进一步推论,群体团结的变化部分解释了群体绩效和群体内部地位之间的联系。在三个预先登记的研究中,我们发现了对这些假设的支持,我们希望这将激发人们对确定其他因素的兴趣,这些因素可以解释群体内地位平衡的变化。
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引用次数: 0
Endorsing negative intergroup attitudes to justify failure to confront prejudice 支持消极的群体间态度,为未能直面偏见辩护
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.1177/13684302221120488
Hanna Szekeres, Eran Halperin, Anna Kende, Tamar Saguy
While most people believe they would speak up against prejudice, many fail to do so. We identify a harmful consequence of such inaction through examining its impact on bystanders’ own prejudice. Ac...
虽然大多数人认为他们会大声疾呼反对偏见,但许多人并没有这样做。我们通过研究这种不作为对旁观者自身偏见的影响,确定了这种不作为的有害后果。交流……
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引用次数: 0
Groups amplify the perceived threat and justification for using force against Black people protesting for racial equality—especially among social conservatives 团体放大了对抗议种族平等的黑人使用武力的威胁和理由,尤其是在社会保守派中
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-09-12 DOI: 10.1177/13684302221119982
Erin Cooley, J. Brown-Iannuzzi, B. Payne, J. Steele, William Cipolli
Although most antiracism protests of 2020 were peaceful, at times, there was extreme use of force. Drawing on research that groups amplify intergroup threats, we test whether use of force is perceived as particularly justified against groups of Black people protesting racism. In Study 1, White Americans perceived a group of Black people peacefully protesting racism to be more threatening and more deserving of use of force than the same Black people protesting individually. Notably, when the protest topic did not threaten the racial hierarchy (i.e., environmental protection), Black groups (vs. individuals) no longer amplified perceived threat nor support for force. Studies 2 and 3 demonstrated that this tendency for groups to amplify intergroup threat was stronger among White Americans motivated to maintain the status quo (i.e., social conservatives). We conclude that Black groups protesting racism activate intergroup threats with implications for support for using force against them.
尽管2020年的大多数反种族主义抗议活动都是和平的,但有时也会极端使用武力。根据群体放大群体间威胁的研究,我们测试了对抗议种族主义的黑人群体使用武力是否被认为是特别合理的。在研究1中,美国白人认为一群和平抗议种族主义的黑人比单独抗议的黑人更具威胁性,更应该使用武力。值得注意的是,当抗议主题不威胁种族等级(即环境保护)时,黑人群体(相对于个人)不再放大感知到的威胁或对武力的支持。研究2和研究3表明,群体放大群体间威胁的倾向在有维持现状动机的美国白人(即社会保守派)中更为强烈。我们的结论是,抗议种族主义的黑人群体激活了群体间的威胁,暗示了对他们使用武力的支持。
{"title":"Groups amplify the perceived threat and justification for using force against Black people protesting for racial equality—especially among social conservatives","authors":"Erin Cooley, J. Brown-Iannuzzi, B. Payne, J. Steele, William Cipolli","doi":"10.1177/13684302221119982","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13684302221119982","url":null,"abstract":"Although most antiracism protests of 2020 were peaceful, at times, there was extreme use of force. Drawing on research that groups amplify intergroup threats, we test whether use of force is perceived as particularly justified against groups of Black people protesting racism. In Study 1, White Americans perceived a group of Black people peacefully protesting racism to be more threatening and more deserving of use of force than the same Black people protesting individually. Notably, when the protest topic did not threaten the racial hierarchy (i.e., environmental protection), Black groups (vs. individuals) no longer amplified perceived threat nor support for force. Studies 2 and 3 demonstrated that this tendency for groups to amplify intergroup threat was stronger among White Americans motivated to maintain the status quo (i.e., social conservatives). We conclude that Black groups protesting racism activate intergroup threats with implications for support for using force against them.","PeriodicalId":48099,"journal":{"name":"Group Processes & Intergroup Relations","volume":"78 1","pages":"1565 - 1588"},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90499418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
When seeing stigma creates paternalism: Learning about disadvantage leads to perceptions of incompetence. 当看到耻辱产生家长式作风时:了解劣势会导致对无能的看法。
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-08-01 Epub Date: 2021-05-29 DOI: 10.1177/13684302211009590
Stephanie L Reeves, Crystal Tse, Christine Logel, Steven J Spencer

The present research examines the conditions under which educating non-stigmatized individuals about the experiences of members of stigmatized groups leads to paternalistic or more respectful views of the target. We propose that when these efforts ask members of non-stigmatized groups to focus only on the difficulties experienced by stigmatized targets, they will lead to more paternalistic views of targets because they portray targets as being in need of help. In contrast, we propose that when these efforts take a broader focus on stigmatized targets and include their resilience in the face of their difficulties, they will lead to more respectful views of targets. Four studies supported these predictions. Across studies, White participants who focused only on a Black target's difficulties subsequently perceived the target as more helpless and less competent than controls. Participants who focused on the target's resilience in the face of difficulties perceived him as more competent.

本研究考察了教育未被污名化的个体关于被污名化群体成员的经历会导致对目标产生家长式或更尊重的观点的条件。我们建议,当这些努力要求非污名化群体的成员只关注污名化目标所经历的困难时,他们将导致对目标的更家长式的看法,因为他们将目标描绘成需要帮助的人。相反,我们建议,当这些努力更广泛地关注被污名化的目标,并包括他们面对困难的韧性时,它们将导致对目标的更尊重的看法。四项研究支持了这些预测。在所有研究中,只关注黑人目标困难的白人参与者随后认为目标比对照组更无助、更无能。关注目标在面对困难时的适应力的参与者认为他更有能力。
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引用次数: 5
I will help you survive but not thrive: Helping decisions in situations that empower women 我会帮助你生存,但不是茁壮成长:在赋予女性权力的情况下帮助做出决定
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-07-19 DOI: 10.1177/13684302221108437
Orly Bareket, Danit Ein-Gar, Tehila Kogut
This research examines gender-based helping behavior from a social dominance perspective. We focused on the interplay between the gender of a prospective donor and the gender of the recipient in shaping donation decisions in contexts that either empower recipients or not. In two studies (N = 866), male (but not female) donors chose to donate less often (Study 2) and to give lower amounts (Studies 1–2) to women in need than to men when donations were made in a potentially empowering context – a business context (e.g., donating to a person whose shop burned down), than in a nonempowering context – a domestic context (e.g., donating to a person whose house burned down). Lack of empathy for the female recipient among men partially mediated this gender–donation bias effect (Study 2). These findings suggest that men are less likely to help women in situations that empower women and challenge the existing gender hierarchy.
本研究从社会支配的角度考察基于性别的帮助行为。我们关注的是潜在捐赠者的性别和接受者的性别之间的相互作用,在决定捐赠决定的情况下,要么授权接受者,要么不授权。在两项研究(N = 866)中,男性(但不是女性)捐赠者选择捐赠的频率更低(研究2),对有需要的女性的捐赠金额(研究1-2),当捐赠是在一个潜在的授权背景下进行的——商业背景(例如,捐赠给一个商店被烧毁的人),而不是在一个没有授权的背景下进行的——家庭背景(例如,捐赠给一个房子被烧毁的人)。男性对女性接受者缺乏同理心在一定程度上介导了这种性别捐赠偏见效应(研究2)。这些发现表明,在赋予女性权力和挑战现有性别等级制度的情况下,男性不太可能帮助女性。
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引用次数: 2
The irony of (romantic) harmony: Heterosexual romantic relationships can drive women’s justification of the gender hierarchy (浪漫)和谐的讽刺:异性浪漫关系可以推动女性对性别等级制度的辩护
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2022-07-19 DOI: 10.1177/13684302221100403
Danit Sobol-Sarag, Noa Schori-Eyal, Saulo Fernández, Tamar Saguy
Even though gender inequality is evident across life domains, women often justify the gender hierarchy. We examined whether the very closeness that heterosexual women share with their male romantic partners predicts their justification of gender inequality. We drew on intergroup-related research, showing that positive perceptions that minority groups develop within harmonious intergroup interactions, generalize to affect their views of group-based inequality. We expected that to the extent that women experience their romantic relationships positively, they will be more accepting of gender inequality within their homes, and these perceptions will generalize to predict justification of macro-level gender inequality. Five correlational and two experimental studies supported this prediction. The more women rated (or were primed with) their relationship as positive, the more they justified the gender social system. This was mediated by women’s perception of their housework division as fair, and was less pronounced among feminists. Implications regarding social change are discussed.
尽管性别不平等在生活的各个领域都很明显,但女性经常为性别等级制度辩护。我们研究了异性恋女性与男性伴侣之间的亲密关系是否预示着她们对性别不平等的判断。我们借鉴了与群体间相关的研究,表明少数群体在和谐的群体间互动中形成的积极看法,会影响他们对群体不平等的看法。我们预计,在某种程度上,女性积极地体验她们的浪漫关系,她们将更容易接受家庭中的性别不平等,这些看法将推广到预测宏观层面的性别不平等的理由。五项相关研究和两项实验研究支持这一预测。越多的女性认为(或被暗示)她们的关系是积极的,她们就越能证明性别社会体系是正确的。这是由于女性认为家务分配是公平的,而在女权主义者中则不那么明显。对社会变革的影响进行了讨论。
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引用次数: 3
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Group Processes & Intergroup Relations
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