The COVID-19 pandemic has wrought acute harm to global mental health, especially among vulnerable populations. We explore what factors in people’s lives buffered the impact of the pandemic on depression; in particular, the role of social resources, economic resources, religiosity, and quality of their local environment. Drawing on three waves of longitudinal cohort data (two pre-pandemic waves and one pandemic-period wave) from primary caregivers of school-aged children in Ireland, we demonstrate that symptoms of depression increased sharply during the pandemic. However, depression symptomology increased less steeply among caregivers who, pre-pandemic, had greater economic resources and lived in higher quality environments, but especially among those with greater social resources and those who exhibited greater religiosity. Path analysis suggests that different sources of buffering might mitigate harm via different pathways. While most buffering factors appear to cushion mental well-being by reducing stresses from increased care work, improving familial relations, and helping caregivers manage the closure of/return to schools, other drivers appear to cushion mental well-being by reducing health anxieties around COVID-19, increasing opportunities for outdoor exercise, and protecting household incomes. This study highlights how crisis-preparedness should invest in social infrastructure alongside medical infrastructure to protect societies from future pandemics.
{"title":"What buffered the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on depression? A longitudinal study of caregivers of school aged children in Ireland","authors":"James Laurence, H. Russell, E. Smyth","doi":"10.1093/esr/jcad017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcad017","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The COVID-19 pandemic has wrought acute harm to global mental health, especially among vulnerable populations. We explore what factors in people’s lives buffered the impact of the pandemic on depression; in particular, the role of social resources, economic resources, religiosity, and quality of their local environment. Drawing on three waves of longitudinal cohort data (two pre-pandemic waves and one pandemic-period wave) from primary caregivers of school-aged children in Ireland, we demonstrate that symptoms of depression increased sharply during the pandemic. However, depression symptomology increased less steeply among caregivers who, pre-pandemic, had greater economic resources and lived in higher quality environments, but especially among those with greater social resources and those who exhibited greater religiosity. Path analysis suggests that different sources of buffering might mitigate harm via different pathways. While most buffering factors appear to cushion mental well-being by reducing stresses from increased care work, improving familial relations, and helping caregivers manage the closure of/return to schools, other drivers appear to cushion mental well-being by reducing health anxieties around COVID-19, increasing opportunities for outdoor exercise, and protecting household incomes. This study highlights how crisis-preparedness should invest in social infrastructure alongside medical infrastructure to protect societies from future pandemics.","PeriodicalId":48237,"journal":{"name":"European Sociological Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42517663","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jörg Dollmann, Jan O. Jonsson, C. Mood, Frida Rudolphi
In many Western countries, researchers have documented ambitious educational choices among students of immigrant origin, for example, the tendency to choose academically more demanding routes than others at given levels of school achievement (e.g. grades, GPA). While this may indicate integration, some warn against an ‘immigrant optimism trap’, because choosing more demanding tracks at lower levels of GPA may increase risks of non-completion. Using longitudinal Swedish population data (n ≈ 90,000), we estimate an upper secondary ‘ethnic completion gap’ of 12 per cent to the detriment of students of immigrant background. We then address the ‘trap hypothesis’ via two analyses. The first shows that if students of immigration background would make similar educational choices as other students at the same GPA, the completion gap would shrink by 3.4 percentage points. The second analysis, based on simulations, suggests that restricting admission to academic programmes based on prior GPA, would lead to a massive relocation of low- and mid-GPA students to—usually less demanding—vocational programmes, but would only reduce the completion gap by 2.2 percentage points. These changes must be considered marginal in view of the substantial restrictions of choice that either of these measures would entail. We conclude that completion gaps are not primarily a result of unfounded immigrant optimism, and that optimistic choices are likely to be a net positive for integration by improving the chances of immigrant youth to reach tertiary-level qualifications and professional occupations.
{"title":"Is ‘immigrant optimism’ in educational choice a problem? Ethnic gaps in Swedish upper secondary school completion","authors":"Jörg Dollmann, Jan O. Jonsson, C. Mood, Frida Rudolphi","doi":"10.1093/esr/jcad023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcad023","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In many Western countries, researchers have documented ambitious educational choices among students of immigrant origin, for example, the tendency to choose academically more demanding routes than others at given levels of school achievement (e.g. grades, GPA). While this may indicate integration, some warn against an ‘immigrant optimism trap’, because choosing more demanding tracks at lower levels of GPA may increase risks of non-completion. Using longitudinal Swedish population data (n ≈ 90,000), we estimate an upper secondary ‘ethnic completion gap’ of 12 per cent to the detriment of students of immigrant background. We then address the ‘trap hypothesis’ via two analyses. The first shows that if students of immigration background would make similar educational choices as other students at the same GPA, the completion gap would shrink by 3.4 percentage points. The second analysis, based on simulations, suggests that restricting admission to academic programmes based on prior GPA, would lead to a massive relocation of low- and mid-GPA students to—usually less demanding—vocational programmes, but would only reduce the completion gap by 2.2 percentage points. These changes must be considered marginal in view of the substantial restrictions of choice that either of these measures would entail. We conclude that completion gaps are not primarily a result of unfounded immigrant optimism, and that optimistic choices are likely to be a net positive for integration by improving the chances of immigrant youth to reach tertiary-level qualifications and professional occupations.","PeriodicalId":48237,"journal":{"name":"European Sociological Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49639750","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Discrimination based on social class is challenging to study, and therefore likely to be underappreciated due to its subtle nature. Social class is often difficult to gauge from traditional resumes, yet, the expansion of social networking platforms provides employers with an additional source of information. Given that many individuals have a social media presence today, employers can increasingly rely on additional information gleaned from such online platforms (e.g., Twitter, Instagram), which may alter hiring decisions. To study the role of social networking platforms vis-à-vis potential discrimination based on social class cues, I leverage an original online survey experiment in the United States. The aim of the investigation is (i) to measure the effect of cultural markers of social class expressed on social media profiles in a hypothetical hiring situation and (ii) to analyse potential channels that might explain class-based discrimination. I show that subjects favour the upper-class-signalling candidate over the lower-class-signalling candidate and that perceived competence and perceived warmth are two channels through which class-based discrimination may occur. The individual’s online presence might not be part of the formal application process, yet it seems to shape inferences about individuals’ employability, competence, and warmth.
{"title":"Social media and hiring: a survey experiment on discrimination based on online social class cues","authors":"D. Galos","doi":"10.1093/esr/jcad012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcad012","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Discrimination based on social class is challenging to study, and therefore likely to be underappreciated due to its subtle nature. Social class is often difficult to gauge from traditional resumes, yet, the expansion of social networking platforms provides employers with an additional source of information. Given that many individuals have a social media presence today, employers can increasingly rely on additional information gleaned from such online platforms (e.g., Twitter, Instagram), which may alter hiring decisions. To study the role of social networking platforms vis-à-vis potential discrimination based on social class cues, I leverage an original online survey experiment in the United States. The aim of the investigation is (i) to measure the effect of cultural markers of social class expressed on social media profiles in a hypothetical hiring situation and (ii) to analyse potential channels that might explain class-based discrimination. I show that subjects favour the upper-class-signalling candidate over the lower-class-signalling candidate and that perceived competence and perceived warmth are two channels through which class-based discrimination may occur. The individual’s online presence might not be part of the formal application process, yet it seems to shape inferences about individuals’ employability, competence, and warmth.","PeriodicalId":48237,"journal":{"name":"European Sociological Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43658130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Understanding public appraisal of the governments’ responses to the COVID-19 pandemic has extensive implications for the political management of crises that require a substantial amount of civil collaboration. Using open data from a comparative online survey in eight countries (Australia, Germany, Italy, Mexico, Spain, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States), we have run mixed multilevel fixed-effects models for the pooled data and linear regression models for each country to investigate which factors are associated with respondents’ evaluations (i.e. assessments of the effectiveness) of their governments’ responses to the pandemic. Results show that political orientations, including left-right ideology and interventionist values, are strongly associated with evaluations. Their associations with government evaluations are remarkably similar in all eight countries, indicating that the pattern of influence persists across different contexts. In some countries, personal experiences with the crisis and socio-demographic characteristics also condition the evaluation of governments’ responses. Our results show that political ideology serves as a shortcut for the assessment of urgent and controversial measures by governments. This has implications for the ability of governments to elicit citizens’ cooperation with the policies confronting the crisis and can impact the effectiveness of government responses to protect people from harm.
{"title":"Are we looking at crises through polarized lenses? Predicting public assessments of the official early responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in eight countries","authors":"J. Lobera, Andrés G Santana, Catherine Gross","doi":"10.1093/esr/jcad016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcad016","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Understanding public appraisal of the governments’ responses to the COVID-19 pandemic has extensive implications for the political management of crises that require a substantial amount of civil collaboration. Using open data from a comparative online survey in eight countries (Australia, Germany, Italy, Mexico, Spain, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States), we have run mixed multilevel fixed-effects models for the pooled data and linear regression models for each country to investigate which factors are associated with respondents’ evaluations (i.e. assessments of the effectiveness) of their governments’ responses to the pandemic. Results show that political orientations, including left-right ideology and interventionist values, are strongly associated with evaluations. Their associations with government evaluations are remarkably similar in all eight countries, indicating that the pattern of influence persists across different contexts. In some countries, personal experiences with the crisis and socio-demographic characteristics also condition the evaluation of governments’ responses. Our results show that political ideology serves as a shortcut for the assessment of urgent and controversial measures by governments. This has implications for the ability of governments to elicit citizens’ cooperation with the policies confronting the crisis and can impact the effectiveness of government responses to protect people from harm.","PeriodicalId":48237,"journal":{"name":"European Sociological Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43596975","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How unemployment affects electoral participation is a archetypal question in political sociology and of particular relevance in economic crises; in the 1930s as well as during a pandemic. A frequent argument in the literature is that unemployment leads to political withdrawal as the unemployed have to focus on their economy and other personal matters. Some scholars, on the other hand, reason that unemployment triggers political mobilization through feelings of grievance and a strive to protest against leading politicians. However, existing empirical evidence is mixed and often suffers from limitations in data and research design. To make progress on this difficult empirical question, the present study leverages Swedish register data on turnout, spanning nine elections between 1970 and 2018. This extensive panel dataset enables us to more adequately address the causal status of the relationship by relying on the with-in individual variation in turnout. Our results report significant but modest negative effects of both unemployment in general and of losing a relatively well-paid job (job loss). The effects are driven by the young. We also find that the negative effect is less pronounced for those who have previously worked at a workplace where most colleagues participate, supporting a socialization mechanism.
{"title":"Unemployment, workplace socialization, and electoral participation: evidence from Sweden","authors":"Marcus Österman, Anton Brännlund","doi":"10.1093/esr/jcad014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcad014","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 How unemployment affects electoral participation is a archetypal question in political sociology and of particular relevance in economic crises; in the 1930s as well as during a pandemic. A frequent argument in the literature is that unemployment leads to political withdrawal as the unemployed have to focus on their economy and other personal matters. Some scholars, on the other hand, reason that unemployment triggers political mobilization through feelings of grievance and a strive to protest against leading politicians. However, existing empirical evidence is mixed and often suffers from limitations in data and research design. To make progress on this difficult empirical question, the present study leverages Swedish register data on turnout, spanning nine elections between 1970 and 2018. This extensive panel dataset enables us to more adequately address the causal status of the relationship by relying on the with-in individual variation in turnout. Our results report significant but modest negative effects of both unemployment in general and of losing a relatively well-paid job (job loss). The effects are driven by the young. We also find that the negative effect is less pronounced for those who have previously worked at a workplace where most colleagues participate, supporting a socialization mechanism.","PeriodicalId":48237,"journal":{"name":"European Sociological Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46696016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The institutionalization hypothesis argues that in contexts where divorce is more common, its consequences will be less severe. An implication of this hypothesis is that the association between parental divorce and child outcomes will decline over time, parallel to the historical rise in divorce. Building on a handful of earlier tests of this idea, the current analysis provides a long-term cohort perspective with sufficient statistical power to detect possible trends. Data from 18 national surveys in the Netherlands were harmonized and pooled in order to obtain a large sample with sufficient numbers of children with divorced parents from a wide span of birth cohorts (Ntotal = 87,541, Ndivorced = 5,728). Using educational attainment as a dependent variable, and applying a set of relevant controls for key family background variables, there was no evidence that the association between parental divorce and education changed between 1930 and 1991. Multi-level models showed that there was no association between the prevalence of divorce and the magnitude of the parental divorce effect. The refutation of the institutionalization hypothesis for divorce is interpreted in terms of how the selection into divorce has changed, in combination with problems emerging in modern postdivorce relationships.
{"title":"Cohort changes in the association between parental divorce and children’s education: A long-term perspective on the institutionalization hypothesis","authors":"M. Kalmijn","doi":"10.1093/esr/jcad011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcad011","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The institutionalization hypothesis argues that in contexts where divorce is more common, its consequences will be less severe. An implication of this hypothesis is that the association between parental divorce and child outcomes will decline over time, parallel to the historical rise in divorce. Building on a handful of earlier tests of this idea, the current analysis provides a long-term cohort perspective with sufficient statistical power to detect possible trends. Data from 18 national surveys in the Netherlands were harmonized and pooled in order to obtain a large sample with sufficient numbers of children with divorced parents from a wide span of birth cohorts (Ntotal = 87,541, Ndivorced = 5,728). Using educational attainment as a dependent variable, and applying a set of relevant controls for key family background variables, there was no evidence that the association between parental divorce and education changed between 1930 and 1991. Multi-level models showed that there was no association between the prevalence of divorce and the magnitude of the parental divorce effect. The refutation of the institutionalization hypothesis for divorce is interpreted in terms of how the selection into divorce has changed, in combination with problems emerging in modern postdivorce relationships.","PeriodicalId":48237,"journal":{"name":"European Sociological Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47546051","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Filippo Andrei, D. Barrera, K. Krakowski, Emilio Sulis
Cooperation without third-party enforcement is particularly puzzling in illicit online markets given the anonymity of online exchanges in the ‘dark web’ and the asymmetry of information between buyers and sellers. Most of the literature investigates the effects of reputation systems on sales. Less is known about the role of (semi)institutionalized solutions to trust problems, such as the escrow service, which deposits payments for online purchases with the market platform and releases them only upon confirmation of the item delivery by a customer. We study the effect of such a trust intermediary on sales in a cryptomarket for illegal drugs. Using a large dataset of illegal online transactions, we estimate two sets of fixed effects models predicting the sellers’ choice to offer the trust intermediary and examine the effects of such a choice on sales. Our results indicate that the trust intermediary reduces online drug sales. We explain this finding by showing suggestive evidence that escrow may crowd out traders’ trust and reciprocity. Our findings have implications for theories of the role of institutions in online markets and offer policy recommendations for law enforcement agencies.
{"title":"Trust intermediary in a cryptomarket for illegal drugs","authors":"Filippo Andrei, D. Barrera, K. Krakowski, Emilio Sulis","doi":"10.1093/esr/jcad020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcad020","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Cooperation without third-party enforcement is particularly puzzling in illicit online markets given the anonymity of online exchanges in the ‘dark web’ and the asymmetry of information between buyers and sellers. Most of the literature investigates the effects of reputation systems on sales. Less is known about the role of (semi)institutionalized solutions to trust problems, such as the escrow service, which deposits payments for online purchases with the market platform and releases them only upon confirmation of the item delivery by a customer. We study the effect of such a trust intermediary on sales in a cryptomarket for illegal drugs. Using a large dataset of illegal online transactions, we estimate two sets of fixed effects models predicting the sellers’ choice to offer the trust intermediary and examine the effects of such a choice on sales. Our results indicate that the trust intermediary reduces online drug sales. We explain this finding by showing suggestive evidence that escrow may crowd out traders’ trust and reciprocity. Our findings have implications for theories of the role of institutions in online markets and offer policy recommendations for law enforcement agencies.","PeriodicalId":48237,"journal":{"name":"European Sociological Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48584833","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines whether gender differences in preferences for field of study characteristics can explain gendered major choice. Specifically, this study focuses on a broad range of subject characteristics that are often simultaneously present: systemizing skills required (math intensity, reasoning style, affinity for technical work tasks), future job characteristics corresponding with the male breadwinner model (materialism, work–family compatibility), and characteristics invoked by behavioural preferences (risky situations and a competitive environment). To disentangle these co-occurring characteristics and minimize the influence of other factors in the decision-making process (e.g. admission likelihood), this study uses a choice experiment incorporated in the Swiss panel study TREE. In it, a representative sample of high school students choose their preferred field of study from two artificial fields with varying characteristics. The results show the largest gender differences in preferences for characteristics related to reasoning style (abstract versus creative) and affinity for work tasks (technical versus social), and smaller differences for math intensity, competitive climate, and work–family compatibility, while there are no gender differences in preferences for materialistic characteristics (salary and prestige). Unexpectedly, the gender differences are primarily caused by female students’ preferences, while male students are neutral towards most characteristics.
{"title":"Women’s aversion to majors that (seemingly) require systemizing skills causes gendered field of study choice","authors":"Benita Combet","doi":"10.1093/esr/jcad021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcad021","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article examines whether gender differences in preferences for field of study characteristics can explain gendered major choice. Specifically, this study focuses on a broad range of subject characteristics that are often simultaneously present: systemizing skills required (math intensity, reasoning style, affinity for technical work tasks), future job characteristics corresponding with the male breadwinner model (materialism, work–family compatibility), and characteristics invoked by behavioural preferences (risky situations and a competitive environment). To disentangle these co-occurring characteristics and minimize the influence of other factors in the decision-making process (e.g. admission likelihood), this study uses a choice experiment incorporated in the Swiss panel study TREE. In it, a representative sample of high school students choose their preferred field of study from two artificial fields with varying characteristics. The results show the largest gender differences in preferences for characteristics related to reasoning style (abstract versus creative) and affinity for work tasks (technical versus social), and smaller differences for math intensity, competitive climate, and work–family compatibility, while there are no gender differences in preferences for materialistic characteristics (salary and prestige). Unexpectedly, the gender differences are primarily caused by female students’ preferences, while male students are neutral towards most characteristics.","PeriodicalId":48237,"journal":{"name":"European Sociological Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42600343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Correction to: A Stall Only on the Surface? Working Hours and the Persistence of the Gender Wage Gap in Western Germany 1985–2014","authors":"","doi":"10.1093/esr/jcad022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcad022","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48237,"journal":{"name":"European Sociological Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49469834","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-01Epub Date: 2022-10-21DOI: 10.1093/esr/jcac036
Allison Dunatchik
This study employs a gendered relative resource approach to examine whether the importance of relative resources in shaping changes in the gender division of labor after first birth varies by couples' household income. A substantial body of scholarship has argued that the gender division of labor within different-sex couples is influenced by partners' relative resources. However, couples face class-based constraints that may alter the relevance of relative resources in shaping changes in gender divisions of labor following the transition to parenthood. This study compares couples' divisions of paid work and housework before and up to four years after first birth, using 28 waves of the British Household Panel Survey and the UK Household Longitudinal Study (N = 1,606 couples). I find that the effect of relative resources on changes in couple's paid work and housework behavior after first birth varies substantially by household income. Among higher-income couples, women's paid work and housework time changes less among those with high relative earnings and more among those with low relative earnings, while men's time allocation varies little after first birth. By contrast, among low-income couples, after first birth women's paid work time and share decreases most among female breadwinners while their male partners' paid work time increases substantially. These findings reflect the greater constraints that low-income couples face in making decisions about the division of household labor after first birth and highlight the need for greater attention to class interactions in the process of gender specialization in both research and work-family policy.
{"title":"Parenthood and the gender division of labour across the income distribution:: the relative importance of relative earnings.","authors":"Allison Dunatchik","doi":"10.1093/esr/jcac036","DOIUrl":"10.1093/esr/jcac036","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>This study employs a gendered relative resource approach to examine whether the importance of relative resources in shaping changes in the gender division of labor after first birth varies by couples' household income. A substantial body of scholarship has argued that the gender division of labor within different-sex couples is influenced by partners' relative resources. However, couples face class-based constraints that may alter the relevance of relative resources in shaping changes in gender divisions of labor following the transition to parenthood. This study compares couples' divisions of paid work and housework before and up to four years after first birth, using 28 waves of the British Household Panel Survey and the UK Household Longitudinal Study (N = 1,606 couples). I find that the effect of relative resources on changes in couple's paid work and housework behavior after first birth varies substantially by household income. Among higher-income couples, women's paid work and housework time changes less among those with high relative earnings and more among those with low relative earnings, while men's time allocation varies little after first birth. By contrast, among low-income couples, after first birth women's paid work time and share decreases most among female breadwinners while their male partners' paid work time increases substantially. These findings reflect the greater constraints that low-income couples face in making decisions about the division of household labor after first birth and highlight the need for greater attention to class interactions in the process of gender specialization in both research and work-family policy.</p>","PeriodicalId":48237,"journal":{"name":"European Sociological Review","volume":"39 2","pages":"229-246"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11362713/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142113474","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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