Social Science Research最新文献_第8页

Labor market formalization and local-migrant wage gap in China: Evidence from 2008 Labor Contract Law 中国劳动力市场正规化与本地农民工工资差距：来自2008年《劳动合同法》的证据

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-05-23 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103211

Yiyue Huangfu

The Chinese labor market had seen changing levels of labor market informality in the past two decades. Rural migrant workers are more likely to be in the informal labor force and earn lower wages. This study bridges the scholarship that separately consider the roles of migration and informal employment in social stratification in China. Drawing on the relational inequality framework, this paper investigates the effects of labor market formalization on the local-migrant wage gap in 2006–2015. I first document the impact of formal worker status on local-migrant wage gap throughout years. I then use two-way fixed effect event analysis to test whether the 2008 Labor Contract Law --- a specific public policy aimed at providing labor protection --- reduced migrants’ disadvantages in earnings. I combine survey data with administrative records to capture place- and time-specific variation in policy implementation. During the years of labor market formalization, having a labor contract started playing a smaller role in local-migrant wage gap. The major national policy to provide labor protection benefited local workers more than it did for migrant workers. Consequently, the implementation of the law enlarged local-migrant wage gap in the short run. The findings shed light on the relationship between labor market regulation and economic inequality.

在过去的二十年里，中国劳动力市场的非正式性水平发生了变化。农民工更有可能成为非正规劳动力，工资也更低。本研究将分别考虑移民和非正式就业在中国社会分层中的作用的学术研究联系起来。本文利用关系不平等框架，考察了2006-2015年劳动力市场正规化对本地农民工工资差距的影响。我首先记录了多年来正式工人身份对本地移民工资差距的影响。然后，我使用双向固定效应事件分析来检验2008年《劳动合同法》——一项旨在提供劳动保护的具体公共政策——是否减少了农民工在收入方面的劣势。我将调查数据与行政记录结合起来，以捕捉政策执行中特定地点和特定时间的变化。在劳动力市场正规化的这些年里，拥有劳动合同在本地移民工资差距中的作用开始变小。提供劳动保护的主要国家政策对当地工人的好处大于对外来工人的好处。因此，该法律的实施在短期内扩大了本地农民工的工资差距。研究结果揭示了劳动力市场监管与经济不平等之间的关系。

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引用次数: 0

Where I stand and what I stand for: Subjective status, class, and redistribution 我的立场和立场：主观地位、阶级和再分配

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-05-22 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103210

Giacomo Melli , Leo Azzollini

While research is increasingly focusing on the political influence of subjective social status, it is yet unclear how the latter shapes attitudes towards redistribution on its own, nor how it interacts with contextual inequality. To address this, we integrate perspectives across sociology, political economy, and social psychology, testing competing hypotheses of polarisation vs. mitigation of redistributive attitudes among social groups. We rely on ISSP data for twenty-five countries across the Americas, Asia, Europe, and Oceania between 1987 and 2019, exploiting the longitudinal potential of contextual information. Results show that individuals with lower subjective status display higher support for redistribution and perception of inequality, independently from their objective characteristics. Contextual inequality plays a key role: in countries with higher income inequalities, high subjective status individuals show higher support for redistributive policies. This suggests that, in highly unequal countries, individuals who feel they are above most of the population display pro-redistribution attitudes in line with the rest of the population. The results have broad implications, suggesting that an approach to social stratification that considers both subjective and objective aspects is central to illuminate support for redistribution.

虽然研究越来越关注主观社会地位的政治影响，但尚不清楚后者如何自行塑造对再分配的态度，也不清楚它如何与背景不平等相互作用。为了解决这个问题，我们整合了社会学、政治经济学和社会心理学的观点，测试了社会群体中两极分化与再分配态度缓和的相互竞争的假设。我们依靠1987年至2019年间美洲、亚洲、欧洲和大洋洲25个国家的ISSP数据，利用背景信息的纵向潜力。结果表明，与客观特征无关，主观地位较低的个体对再分配和不平等感知的支持程度较高。背景不平等起着关键作用：在收入不平等程度较高的国家，主观地位较高的个人对再分配政策的支持程度更高。这表明，在高度不平等的国家，那些认为自己高于大多数人口的人，会表现出与其他人口一致的支持再分配的态度。研究结果具有广泛的含义，表明考虑主观和客观方面的社会分层方法是阐明对再分配的支持的核心。

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引用次数: 0

What's my age again? An age-period-cohort analysis of generalised trust in Africa 再说一遍我的年龄？非洲普遍信任的年龄-时期-队列分析

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-05-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103203

Michael Kumove , Intifar Sadiq Chowdhury

Most African countries are experiencing a ‘youth bulge’—a large proportion of young people in their populations. What effect might this have on generalised trust? Using a cross-classified random effects model (CCREM) on Afrobarometer data, we show that (1) higher age is correlated with higher generalised trust in Africa, and (2) this is at least partly the result of the ageing process itself and not merely due to period or cohort effects. Both of these findings are consistent with previous work on trust in the US and Europe. This implies that the African youth bulge has pushed down generalised trust as the proportion of low-trust young people in the population has steadily increased. This supports the ‘instability thesis’ of youth bulges and could threaten the other dividends which they may generate. We conclude by presenting some suggestions for ameliorating this decline.

大多数非洲国家正在经历“青年膨胀”——年轻人在其人口中占很大比例。这会对普遍信任产生什么影响？使用非洲晴雨表数据的交叉分类随机效应模型（CCREM），我们表明(1)年龄越大，对非洲的普遍信任度越高，(2)这至少部分是老龄化过程本身的结果，而不仅仅是由于时期或队列效应。这两项发现都与之前在美国和欧洲进行的关于信任的研究相一致。这意味着，随着非洲年轻人在人口中信任度较低的比例稳步上升，非洲年轻人的激增推低了总体信任度。这支持了年轻人膨胀的“不稳定论点”，并可能威胁到他们可能产生的其他红利。最后，我们提出了一些改善这种下降的建议。

引用次数: 0

The development of ICT skills in adolescence at the intersection of gender and family background 在性别和家庭背景的交集下，青少年ICT技能的发展

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-05-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103202

Alexandra Wicht , Corinna Kleinert

We examine how gender and family background impact adolescents’ information and communications technology (ICT) skills, defined as the ability to effectively interact with digital technologies and to use them as a tool to process information. Using objective assessment data from the National Educational Panel Study Starting Cohort Grade 9 (NEPS-SC4), which includes 8828 students in non-academic and 5309 in academic tracks in German secondary schools, we analyzed ICT skills in grade 9, with follow-up data in grade 12 for students in academic tracks. Results reveal a gender gap favoring males in both tracks in grade 9, which widens in grade 12 among academic track students. In academic schools, gender and social background interact in affecting ICT skills, with no gender differences among socially privileged students. In non-academic schools, gender differences persist in grade 9, regardless of family background. Concerning skill growth in academic schools, the gender gap disappears for students with higher economic capital. In sum, these results suggest that in academic schools, more privileged students experience more gender-egalitarian socialization.

我们研究了性别和家庭背景如何影响青少年的信息和通信技术（ICT）技能，定义为与数字技术有效互动的能力，并将其作为处理信息的工具。利用国家教育小组研究9年级起始队列（NEPS-SC4）的客观评估数据，我们分析了9年级学生的ICT技能，其中包括8828名非学术性学生和5309名学术性学生，并在12年级对学术性学生进行了随访数据。结果显示，在九年级时，性别差距在两个方向上都有利于男性，在十二年级时，这一差距在学术方向的学生中扩大。在学术学校，性别和社会背景在影响ICT技能方面相互作用，在社会地位优越的学生中没有性别差异。在非学术性学校，无论家庭背景如何，性别差异在九年级仍然存在。就学术学校的技能增长而言，经济资本较高的学生的性别差距消失了。总之，这些结果表明，在学术学校，更多的特权学生经历更多的性别平等的社会化。

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引用次数: 0

Incarceration, stigma, and labor power: The prison as labor governance institution in 36 OECD countries 监禁、耻辱与劳动力：36个经合组织国家的监狱作为劳动治理机构

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-04-28 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103177

Andrew P. Davis , Michael Gibson-Light , Jessica Pfaffendorf , Christian Alberg

Scholars of punishment have long been interested in secondary consequences of criminal justice contact. Recent work in this vein demonstrates that higher levels of incarceration puts negative pressure on labor unions, yet much of this work focuses solely on the United States—underscoring important gaps in our knowledge of how the prison operates in broader context. This article extends this research to explore the extent to which incarceration rates across 36 OECD countries affect unionization from 1961 to 2017. Results from panel data analysis support that incarceration rates diminish union density across context and time. These findings contribute to literatures on neoliberal penality, union decline, and investigations into consequences of incarceration beyond the somewhat exceptional case of US penal practice.

刑罚学者长期以来一直对刑事司法接触的次要后果感兴趣。最近在这方面的研究表明，更高的监禁水平给工会带来了负面压力，然而，这些研究的大部分只关注美国——强调了我们对监狱如何在更广泛的背景下运作的认识的重要差距。本文扩展了这一研究，探讨了1961年至2017年36个经合组织国家的监禁率对工会化的影响程度。面板数据分析的结果支持监禁率在不同背景和时间内降低了工会密度。这些发现有助于新自由主义刑罚、工会衰落的文献，以及对美国刑罚实践中某些例外情况之外的监禁后果的调查。

引用次数: 0

Tracking in context: Variation in the effects of reforms in the age at tracking on educational mobility 情境中的追踪：追踪年龄改革对教育流动性影响的差异

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-04-27 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103188

Michael Grätz , Marieke Heers

Previous research found that increasing the age at first tracking in an education system increased educational mobility. This research has implicitly assumed that these effects do not vary across contexts. Contrary to this assumption, we develop two hypotheses predicting such variation. The first hypothesis predicts that changes in the age at tracking increase educational mobility more for larger than for smaller changes in the age at tracking. According to the second hypothesis, reforms in the age at tracking only increase educational mobility if they occur in societies which put a high emphasis on equality of opportunity as a policy aim. We test these hypotheses by estimating the effects of reforms in the age at tracking, which occurred in five European countries (Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, and Italy) in the 20th century, on educational mobility. We use data from the European Social Survey (ESS) and the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE). The effects of the reforms are identified using a regression discontinuity design (RDD). A third hypothesis tests if the reforms increase educational mobility more among women than among men and if this is particularly the case in countries with a more gender egalitarian climate. Overall, the results reveal little cross-country variation in the effects of reforms in the age at tracking on educational mobility. In all analyzed countries there is an increase in educational mobility due to the reform in the age at tracking. In most countries, these effects do not differ between men and women.

先前的研究发现，在教育系统中，增加第一次跟踪的年龄会增加教育流动性。这项研究隐含地假设，这些影响在不同的环境下不会发生变化。与这一假设相反，我们提出了两个预测这种变化的假设。第一个假设预测，年龄变化对教育流动性的促进作用大于年龄变化对教育流动性的促进作用。根据第二种假设，跟踪时代的改革只会增加教育流动性，如果这些改革发生在高度强调机会平等作为政策目标的社会中。我们通过评估20世纪在五个欧洲国家（比利时、丹麦、芬兰、法国和意大利）进行的入学年龄改革对教育流动性的影响来检验这些假设。我们使用的数据来自欧洲社会调查（ESS）和欧洲健康、老龄化和退休调查（SHARE）。采用回归不连续设计（RDD）来确定改革的效果。第三个假设检验的是，改革是否更多地增加了女性之间的教育流动性，而不是男性之间的流动性，以及在性别更平等的国家是否尤其如此。总体而言，研究结果显示，年龄追踪改革对教育流动性的影响在全国范围内几乎没有变化。在所有被分析的国家中，由于年龄追踪的改革，教育流动性有所增加。在大多数国家，这些影响在男性和女性之间没有区别。

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引用次数: 0

Measuring the unique effect of pro-military messaging on American public health behavior during COVID-19 衡量在COVID-19期间亲军事信息对美国公共卫生行为的独特影响

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-04-26 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103193

Kelsey L. Larsen

American adults were uniquely bad at adhering to COVID-19 guidelines when compared to adults in other highly developed countries. Research pointed to Americans' distinctive partisan polarization as a key source of that failure, arguing that political partisanship transformed any united willingness to look out for all Americans into a willingness to only look out for my Americans. Yet, one apolitical frame commonly used throughout the United States' public health history was never widely applied nor empirically tested: that of taking public health actions to ‘support the troops.’ This article fills this gap via experimental data from more than 600 U.S. adults and observational data from 1000 U.S. counties measuring how messages that trigger support for the military may have affected adults' COVID-19 prevention behaviors. Results show that while messages about the importance of taking public health actions in order to protect the military may have had some effect on Americans' COVID-19 practices early in the pandemic, over time that effect eroded—while the divisive effects of political partisanship strengthened. Yet, limited evidence also indicates that military messages in Republican communities weakened some of partisanship's hold on public health behaviors—suggesting that a unifying military norm may still exist.

与其他高度发达国家的成年人相比，美国成年人在遵守COVID-19指南方面表现得非常糟糕。研究指出，美国人独特的党派两极化是这种失败的一个关键原因，认为政治党派之争将任何为所有美国人着想的团结意愿变成了只为我的美国人着想的意愿。然而，在美国公共卫生史上普遍使用的一个非政治框架从未得到广泛应用，也没有经过经验检验：即采取公共卫生行动“支持部队”。这篇文章通过来自600多名美国成年人的实验数据和来自1000个美国县的观察数据填补了这一空白，这些数据衡量了引发对军队支持的信息如何影响成年人的COVID-19预防行为。结果表明，虽然关于采取公共卫生行动以保护军队的重要性的信息可能对美国人在疫情早期的COVID-19做法产生了一些影响，但随着时间的推移，这种影响逐渐减弱，而政治党派关系的分裂效应也在加强。然而，有限的证据也表明，共和党社区的军事信息削弱了一些党派对公共卫生行为的控制，这表明统一的军事规范可能仍然存在。

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引用次数: 0

State-level contexts and sexual minority occupational segregation in the United States: Assessing legal protections and public attitudes 美国的州级背景和性少数群体职业隔离：评估法律保护和公众态度

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-04-23 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103191

Jisu Park

Using data from the 2015–2019 American Community Survey, this study examines occupational segregation—specifically intergroup differences in occupation-level gender composition, earnings, and prestige—between heterosexual and sexual minority workers in the United States, focusing on workers in same-sex marriages (SSM) compared to those in different-sex marriages (DSM). The study also investigates the role of state-level contexts, such as anti-discrimination laws and public attitudes toward homosexuality, in moderating occupational segregation. Findings indicate significant patterns of segregation: SSM men are more likely to work in female-dominated, lower-paying, lower-prestige occupations, while SSM women tend to work in male-dominated, higher-paying, lower-prestige occupations compared to their heterosexual counterparts. State-level legal protections and supportive cultural attitudes toward sexual minorities are associated with reduced segregation, particularly in gender composition and prestige for both men and women. This research contributes to understanding the occupational experiences of sexual minorities and underscores the importance of legal and cultural factors in shaping their career outcomes.

本研究利用2015-2019年美国社区调查的数据，研究了美国异性恋和性少数群体工人之间的职业隔离——特别是职业层面性别构成、收入和声望方面的群体间差异，重点研究了同性婚姻（SSM）工人与异性婚姻（DSM）工人之间的比较。该研究还调查了国家层面的环境，如反歧视法和公众对同性恋的态度，在缓和职业隔离方面的作用。研究结果表明了显著的隔离模式：与异性恋者相比，SSM男性更有可能在女性主导、低收入、低声望的职业中工作，而SSM女性则倾向于在男性主导、高收入、低声望的职业中工作。国家一级的法律保护和对性少数群体的支持性文化态度与减少隔离有关，特别是在性别构成和男女声望方面。这项研究有助于理解性少数群体的职业经历，并强调了法律和文化因素在塑造其职业成果方面的重要性。

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引用次数: 0

Flexible work arrangements, gender ideology, and housework time among dual-earner couples 双职工夫妇的灵活工作安排、性别意识形态和家务劳动时间

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-04-22 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103192

Xinyan Cao , Senhu Wang

The potential of flexible work arrangements (FWAs) to reduce gender disparities in domestic labor has been a topic of considerable debate. Scholars posit that the extent of this equalizing impact hinges on how couples, when employing FWAs, allocate their time between work and family domains based on their prevailing gender ideologies. Analyzing longitudinal couple-level dyadic data in the United Kingdom and using the actor-partner interdependence model, this study contributes to the debate by investigating how the relationship between the use of FWAs and housework time among couples depends on the combination of their gender ideologies. The results reveal that a wife's adoption of FWAs notably amplifies her housework responsibilities and diminishes her husband's, when at least one spouse in a couple holds a traditional gender ideology. In contrast, a husband's use of FWAs boosts his own housework hours, only when both spouses have a more egalitarian gender ideology. However, a husband's use of FWAs does not reduce his wife's housework duration regardless of couple's gender ideology. Notably, it is couple's gender ideology, rather than FWAs usage, that has greater predicting power in housework time especially for the wife. Overall, these results underscore the necessity of contextualizing the effects of FWAs through the lens of prevailing gender ideology within couples to understand their influence on gender disparities in domestic labor.

灵活工作安排在减少家务劳动中的性别差异方面的潜力一直是一个颇有争议的话题。学者们认为，这种平衡影响的程度取决于夫妇在雇用FWAs时，如何根据他们普遍的性别意识形态在工作和家庭领域之间分配时间。本研究分析了英国纵向夫妻双元数据，并使用行为者-伴侣相互依赖模型，通过调查夫妻中使用FWAs和家务时间之间的关系如何取决于其性别意识形态的组合，为争论做出了贡献。结果表明，当夫妻中至少有一方持有传统的性别意识形态时，妻子采用FWAs显著地增加了她的家务责任，减少了她丈夫的家务责任。相反，只有当夫妻双方都有更平等的性别意识形态时，丈夫使用FWAs才会增加自己做家务的时间。然而，无论夫妻的性别意识形态如何，丈夫使用FWAs并不会减少妻子的家务劳动时间。值得注意的是，夫妻的性别意识形态，而不是FWAs的使用，对家务劳动时间的预测力更大，尤其是对妻子。总的来说，这些结果强调有必要通过夫妻中普遍存在的性别意识形态来将家庭主妇的影响置于背景中，以了解其对家务劳动中性别差异的影响。

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引用次数: 0

Amid union decline: State-level unionization and overwork of American workers 在工会衰落中：州一级的工会化和美国工人的过度工作

IF 3.2 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-04-19 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103178

Yurong Zhang, ChangHwan Kim

Over the last several decades, overwork has increased across most demographic groups in America. Concurrently, the power of organized labor, which has historically contributed to shaping societal perceptions of the standard workweek and work hours, has declined. Nevertheless, the possibility that these two phenomena are related is rarely explored. This study examines the association between union decline and the likelihood of overwork by analyzing data from the 1983–2019 Current Population Survey Outgoing Rotation Group. The results, based on two-way fixed-effects models that control for both year- and state-fixed effects along with individual and state-level covariates, reveal a robust negative association between state union density and the likelihood of overwork. The negative association varies by the level of unionization in a state. These findings underscore the role of labor unions in shaping behavioral norms in the labor market and shed new light on the rise of overwork. The implications of these findings are discussed.

在过去的几十年里，美国大多数人口群体的过度工作都有所增加。与此同时，工会的力量也在下降，而工会在历史上一直有助于塑造社会对标准工作周和工作时间的看法。然而，这两种现象之间存在联系的可能性却很少被探讨。本研究通过分析1983-2019年当前人口调查离职轮换小组的数据，研究了工会衰落与过度工作可能性之间的关系。研究结果基于双向固定效应模型，该模型控制了年度和州固定效应以及个人和州层面的协变量，揭示了州工会密度与过度工作可能性之间存在强烈的负相关关系。这种负面关联因一个州的工会化程度而异。这些发现强调了工会在塑造劳动力市场行为规范方面的作用，并为过度工作的增加提供了新的线索。讨论了这些发现的意义。

引用次数: 0