Social Science Research最新文献

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How probability distributions felled the case for the beneficial effects of income inequality: and other adventures of probability distributions on the knowledge quest 概率分布如何证明收入不平等的有益影响：以及概率分布在知识探索中的其他冒险

IF 3.5 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-12-08 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103277

Guillermina Jasso

This festschrift paper honors Seymour Spilerman – an early champion of probability distributions – exploring the use of probability distributions to advance knowledge in sociology, especially about inequality and related sociobehavioral phenomena. The paper begins by briefly summarizing the few necessary building blocks – the Coleman Box visualization of the sixfold classification formed by conceptualization/theory/empirics and substance/methods; personal quantitative and qualitative characteristics, including, within the quantitative set, cardinal and ordinal characteristics; inequality measures; and probability distributions. Next it turns to the titular and opening case – how probability distributions expanded the meaning of inequality from inequality between persons to inequality between subgroups, thereby undermining the case for the beneficial effects of income inequality. For while it may have been straightforward for social scientists to defend the beneficial incentive effects of inequality between persons it is a different matter entirely to defend inequality between subgroups. The paper then discusses six further applications in which probability distributions reveal new aspects of inequality and sociobehavioral phenomena, showing how inequality in ordinal characteristics differs from inequality in cardinal characteristics (for example, the Gini coefficient is constant), assessing new candidates for inequality measures (illustrating with the P90/P10 ratio and its sibling complementary quantile ratios), showing how theoretical predictions differ across different distributional families (for example, for proportions integrationist and segregationist), showing how the proportion poorest who gain from inequality reduction varies across distributional family, discerning in empirical data how people form ideas of the just job income for themselves (for example, whether they fix on a constant or a multiple or compare to everyone), and using toy distributions to highlight and contrast distributional properties – and to prepare newcomers to the knowledge quest.

这篇论文是为了纪念Seymour Spilerman——概率分布的早期拥护者——探索使用概率分布来推进社会学的知识，特别是关于不平等和相关的社会行为现象。本文首先简要总结了几个必要的构建模块——由概念化/理论/经验和物质/方法构成的六重分类的Coleman Box可视化；个人数量和质量特征，包括数量集合内的基数和序数特征；不平等的措施;还有概率分布。接下来，它转向了名义上的和开放的案例——概率分布如何将不平等的含义从人与人之间的不平等扩展到子群体之间的不平等，从而削弱了收入不平等有益影响的案例。对于社会科学家来说，为人与人之间不平等的有益激励效应辩护可能是直截了当的，但为子群体之间的不平等辩护则完全是另一回事。然后，本文讨论了六种进一步的应用，其中概率分布揭示了不平等和社会行为现象的新方面，显示了序数特征的不平等与基数特征的不平等（例如，基尼系数是恒定的）的不同之处，评估了不平等措施的新候选（用P90/P10比率及其兄弟互补分位数比率说明），展示理论预测在不同分配家庭之间的差异（例如，对于比例整合主义者和种族隔离主义者），展示从不平等减少中获益的最贫穷比例在分配家庭之间的变化，从经验数据中辨别人们如何形成自己的公平工作收入观念（例如，他们是固定在常数上还是倍数上，还是与每个人进行比较），并使用玩具分布来突出和对比分布属性-并为新来者的知识探索做好准备。

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引用次数: 0

Why social norms matter in science: Determinants of misconduct in German-speaking Europe 为什么社会规范对科学很重要：德语区欧洲不端行为的决定因素

IF 3.5 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-12-05 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103292

Vincent Oberhauser, Antonia Velicu, Heiko Rauhut

Science studies have often emphasized the “what” of misconduct while neglecting the equally important “why”. Using a sociological lens, we shed light on the mechanisms underlying scientific misconduct and contribute to theoretical debates on its causes. We propose several potential individual and structural drivers of scientific misconduct, including alienation, rational considerations, and social norms and test these hypotheses using survey data on scientists in Germany, Austria, and Switzerland. Unlike the majority of previous literature, we find no relationship between structural pressures in academia and misconduct. Rather, researchers who feel alienated from their work or who view misconduct as profitable, with high benefits and low costs and risks, are more likely to engage in it. Conversely, when researchers internalize norms of scientific integrity, misconduct decreases. Our results confirm the roles of rational decision-making and social norms in regulating misconduct and suggest that strengthening ethical norms could improve the state of science.

科学研究经常强调不当行为的“是什么”，而忽视了同样重要的“为什么”。通过社会学的视角，我们揭示了科学不端行为背后的机制，并为其原因的理论辩论做出了贡献。我们提出了科学不端行为的几个潜在的个人和结构驱动因素，包括异化、理性考虑和社会规范，并使用对德国、奥地利和瑞士科学家的调查数据验证了这些假设。与之前的大多数文献不同，我们发现学术界的结构性压力与不端行为之间没有关系。相反，那些感到与自己的工作疏远，或者认为不当行为有利可图、收益高、成本和风险低的研究人员，更有可能参与其中。相反，当研究人员内化科学诚信规范时，不端行为就会减少。我们的研究结果证实了理性决策和社会规范在规范不当行为中的作用，并表明加强伦理规范可以改善科学状况。

引用次数: 0

From Islamic religiosity to political participation. The role of social exclusion and origin-country ties 从伊斯兰教的虔诚到政治参与。社会排斥和原籍国关系的作用

IF 3.5 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-12-05 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103295

Rachel Kollar, Nella Geurts, Niels Spierings

The current literature shows rather diffuse results on whether and how religiosity and political participation link among European Muslims. This study argues that this might be due to counteracting mechanisms: social exclusion and origin-country ties. Correspondingly, we test whether and how these two mechanisms mediate the relationship between individual, communal and literalist dimensions of Islamic religiosity with both electoral and non-electoral forms of participation. We use a two-study approach, in which we test hypotheses on two independent Dutch datasets, and apply structural equation modelling. The findings show that overall, being more religious is related to experiencing more social exclusion and greater origin-country ties, and if anything religiosity is on average positively associated with participation. However, we only find marginal support for our expectation that experiencing more social exclusion mobilizes participation, revealing that certain types of exclusion can de-mobilize participation. Although not consistently explaining religiosity's role in political participation, we find origin-country ties to consistently mobilize participation, dispelling fears that ongoing connections with the origin-country are detrimental to Muslims' political participation.

目前的文献显示，在欧洲穆斯林中，宗教信仰和政治参与是否以及如何联系在一起，结果相当分散。本研究认为，这可能是由于抵消机制：社会排斥和原籍国关系。相应地，我们测试了这两种机制是否以及如何通过选举和非选举形式的参与调解伊斯兰宗教信仰的个人、社区和字面主义维度之间的关系。我们采用两项研究方法，在两个独立的荷兰数据集上测试假设，并应用结构方程模型。研究结果表明，总体而言，更虔诚的宗教信仰与经历更多的社会排斥和更紧密的原籍国联系有关，如果有什么区别的话，宗教信仰与参与平均呈正相关。然而，我们只找到了边际支持我们的期望，即经历更多的社会排斥会动员参与，这表明某些类型的排斥会使参与失去动员。虽然不能始终如一地解释宗教信仰在政治参与中的作用，但我们发现原籍国关系始终如一地动员参与，消除了与原籍国的持续联系不利于穆斯林政治参与的担忧。

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引用次数: 0

The relevance of meritocratic beliefs for redistributive preferences increases with income 精英信仰与再分配偏好的相关性随着收入的增加而增加

IF 3.5 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-11-29 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103294

Irene Pañeda-Fernández , Jonne Kamphorst , Arnout van de Rijt , Balaraju Battu

A leading explanation for why in democratic societies the rich are not taxed more is that meritocratic beliefs breed tolerance for inequality. We problematize this account by claiming that, unlike the rich, the poor support greater redistribution regardless of how meritocratic they perceive society to be. The claim is tested using a cross-national survey and a preregistered experimental game that exogenized both income and perceptions of meritocratic fairness. Analysis of both survey and experimental data supports the proposed interaction effect between income and perceived meritocratic fairness on demand for redistribution. We conclude that while meritocratic beliefs can explain why the rich do not support more redistribution, it fails to explain the poor’s inequality acceptance.

对于为什么在民主社会中富人没有被征收更多的税，一个主要的解释是，精英主义信仰滋生了对不平等的容忍。我们认为，与富人不同的是，穷人支持更大程度的再分配，无论他们认为社会是多么精英化。这一说法是通过一项跨国调查和一个预先注册的实验游戏来检验的，这个实验游戏将收入和精英公平的观念都外部化了。对调查和实验数据的分析支持了收入和感知精英公平对再分配需求之间的互动效应。我们的结论是，虽然精英主义信仰可以解释为什么富人不支持更多的再分配，但它无法解释穷人对不平等的接受。

引用次数: 0

Mobility patterns predict increasing polarization between neighborhoods 流动模式预示着社区之间的两极分化会加剧

IF 3.5 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-11-28 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103293

Karl Vachuska, Meghann Norden-Bright

This paper investigates the relationship between neighborhood mobility patterns and political polarization in the United States, with a focus on the 2016 and 2020 presidential elections. Using everyday mobility data from SafeGraph and election results at the census block group level, we examine how neighborhood disadvantage, measured both residentially and via mobility ties, predicts shifts in support for Donald Trump. Our findings demonstrate that predominantly White neighborhoods with mobility connections to disadvantaged neighborhoods experienced increased Republican voting, while those connected to more advantaged neighborhoods saw declines in Republican support from 2012 to 2016/2020. Moreover, we find that mobility-based disadvantage constitutes a growing portion of the variation in voting patterns across multiple election cycles, indicating a durable and widening gap in political polarization. Our analysis shows that the vote gap for Republican candidates between the least and most mobility-disadvantaged White neighborhoods has expanded from a single-digit difference in 2012 to a 40 % gap in 2020. These results suggest that mobility patterns are especially strong predictors of increasing political polarization beyond the static characteristics of residential neighborhoods.

本文以2016年和2020年美国总统大选为研究对象，探讨了美国社区流动模式与政治两极分化之间的关系。利用SafeGraph的日常流动性数据和人口普查区组层面的选举结果，我们研究了社区劣势（通过居住和流动性关系来衡量）如何预测对唐纳德·特朗普的支持转变。我们的研究结果表明，与弱势社区有流动性联系的白人社区对共和党的投票增加了，而与更有利的社区有联系的白人社区在2012年至2016/2020年期间对共和党的支持有所下降。此外，我们发现，基于流动性的劣势在多个选举周期的投票模式变化中所占的比例越来越大，这表明政治两极分化的差距持续存在且不断扩大。我们的分析显示，在流动性最差的白人社区和流动性最差的白人社区之间，共和党候选人的选票差距已经从2012年的个位数差距扩大到2020年的40%。这些结果表明，流动性模式是超越居民区静态特征的政治两极分化加剧的强有力预测因素。

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引用次数: 0

Family background, romantic experience and college students’ realistic attitudes toward love in China 家庭背景、恋爱经历与中国大学生现实爱情态度

IF 3.5 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-11-24 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103283

Minghao Tang , Xiaogang Wu

Social closure theory posits that individuals from privileged social classes tend to exhibit more realistic attitudes and preferences in mate selection. However, less is known about how these realistic attitudes toward love (ATL) evolve after individuals engage in romantic relationships. This study examines the relationship between college students’ family background and their ATL, and how these patterns are reshaped through romantic experiences. Using data from the Beijing College Students Panel Survey (BCSPS), we find that students from advantaged background (i.e., parents with higher education and higher occupational status) are more likely to hold realistic ATL. However, this association between family socioeconomic status and realistic ATL tends to diminish among students with romantic experience. Moreover, the moderating effect of romantic experience differs by gender and is applicable to male students only. These findings suggest that romantic involvement may foster greater social inclusion by influencing attitudes toward love and marriage.

社会封闭理论认为，来自社会特权阶层的个体在择偶时往往表现出更现实的态度和偏好。然而，人们对恋爱后这些现实的爱情态度（ATL）是如何演变的知之甚少。本研究探讨了大学生家庭背景与ATL之间的关系，以及这些模式是如何通过恋爱经历重塑的。利用北京大学生小组调查（BCSPS）的数据，我们发现来自优势背景（即父母受过高等教育和职业地位较高）的学生更有可能持有现实的ATL。然而，在有恋爱经历的学生中，家庭社会经济地位与现实ATL之间的这种联系往往会减弱。此外，浪漫经历的调节作用因性别而异，仅适用于男生。这些发现表明，恋爱关系可能通过影响对爱情和婚姻的态度来促进更大的社会包容。

引用次数: 0

Polarized by moderates 温和派的两极分化

IF 3.5 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-11-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103281

Austin Horng-En Wang , Darrell Carter , Naseem Benjelloun , Dhritiman Banerjee , Sydney Cervantes

Polls reveal an increasing ideological polarization in recent decades, which is attributed to polarizing die-hard partisans. However, mainstream measures on polarization, including mean difference and overlap measures, ignore how moderates may indirectly contribute to polarization by leaving or (re)joining parties. This article mathematically distinguishes how partisans and nonpartisans contribute to polarization, respectively. The revised measures apply to four panel surveys: ANES1992-1996 (n = 588), ANES1994-1996 (n = 1302), ANES2000-2002 (n = 412), and ANES2016-2020 (n = 1977). The result shows that loyal partisans only account for 5% – 50% of the overall changes in ideological polarization we observed previously, and the remains are explained by detaching nonpartisans and newcoming partisans, who are usually ideologically moderates. The results and new measures offer insights into examining the heterogeneity of polarizations and help form new strategies for dealing with polarization.

民意调查显示，近几十年来，意识形态的两极分化日益加剧，这要归因于顽固党派的两极分化。然而，关于两极分化的主流措施，包括平均差异和重叠措施，忽略了温和派如何通过离开或（重新）加入政党间接促成两极分化。这篇文章分别从数学上区分了党派人士和无党派人士对两极分化的贡献。修订后的措施适用于四个小组调查：ANES1992-1996 (n = 588), ANES1994-1996 (n = 1302), ANES2000-2002 （n = 412）和ANES2016-2020 （n = 1977）。结果表明，忠诚的党派人士只占我们之前观察到的意识形态两极分化总体变化的5% - 50%，剩下的部分可以用分离的无党派人士和新加入的党派人士来解释，他们通常是意识形态上的温和派。研究结果和新措施为研究两极分化的异质性提供了见解，并有助于形成应对两极分化的新策略。

引用次数: 0

Social influence and network structure: How conspiracy theories spread on social media 社会影响与网络结构：阴谋论如何在社交媒体上传播

IF 3.5 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-11-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103282

Paweł Matuszewski , Michał Rams-Ługowski

Political conspiracy theories (CTs) pose serious risks to democratic institutions, social trust, and policymaking. While prior research has examined the psychological, cultural, or network-structural correlates of conspiracy beliefs, the social mechanisms underlying their active transmission within online networks remain insufficiently understood. This study offers empirical application of Rogers’s diffusion of innovations theory to conspiracy theory transmission, providing a dynamic account of how individuals adopt, continue, or discontinue sharing such content. Drawing on nearly 15 million tweets, retweets, replies, and quotations produced or encountered by 98 politically active Polish X (formerly Twitter) accounts over 15 months, we investigate how network exposure shape CT diffusion. Using Bayesian unordered categorical regression and network data, we examined the conditions under which these accounts acted as CT spreaders, non-spreaders, converted spreaders, and converted non-spreaders. The results indicate that the proportion of CT-spreading nodes in an account’s immediate network, rather than their absolute number, is the strongest predictor of CT transmission. Even a small fraction (1–5 %) of conspiracy theorists in one’s network significantly increases the likelihood of spreading such content. Contrary to classic diffusion theories, single-contact ties proved more influential than reinforcement from repeated-contact ties in spreading CT content. This result challenges the conventional wisdom in network diffusion theory, suggesting that even complex contagions like conspiracy sharing may spread via minimal reinforcement under certain conditions.

政治阴谋论（CTs）对民主制度、社会信任和政策制定构成严重风险。虽然先前的研究已经检查了阴谋信念的心理、文化或网络结构相关性，但其在在线网络中积极传播的社会机制仍然没有得到充分的理解。本研究提供了罗杰斯的创新扩散理论在阴谋论传播中的实证应用，提供了个人如何接受、继续或停止分享这些内容的动态描述。利用98个政治活跃的波兰X（以前的Twitter）账户在15个月内产生或遇到的近1500万条推文、转发、回复和报价，我们调查了网络曝光如何影响CT扩散。使用贝叶斯无序分类回归和网络数据，我们检查了这些账户作为CT传播者、非传播者、转化传播者和转化非传播者的条件。结果表明，在一个账户的直接网络中，CT传播节点的比例，而不是它们的绝对数量，是CT传播的最强预测因子。即使一个人的网络中有一小部分（1 - 5%）阴谋论者，也会显著增加传播此类内容的可能性。与经典扩散理论相反，在传播CT内容时，单接触联系被证明比重复接触联系的强化更有影响力。这一结果挑战了网络扩散理论中的传统观点，表明即使是阴谋分享这样复杂的传染，在一定条件下也可能通过最小强化传播。

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引用次数: 0

Compensation or concordance between warmth and competence: Examining social class stereotypes in English and Chinese languages using natural language 热情与能力的补偿或协调：用自然语言考察英汉语言中的社会阶层刻板印象

IF 3.5 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-11-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103284

Xingyu Luo , Peipei Zhai , Xiaojun Sun , Gengfeng Niu

The pervasive notion that “the poor are warm but incompetent, and the rich are competent but cold” represents a prevalent social class stereotype. However, different theoretical views and empirical findings exist on this notion, which varies between inter- and intra-class perspectives and across cultures. Against this backdrop, this study employs an innovative research method (Fill-Mask Association Test, FMAT) to examine social class stereotypes in English and Chinese languages from inter- and intra-class perspectives. A total of 12 English and eight Chinese pretrained bidirectional encoder representations from transformers (BERT) models were used to test the research questions. Results found no evidence of ambivalent stereotypes between social classes in either English or Chinese contexts. The rich were perceived as more competent and warmer than the poor, and the Chinese language reflected a more polarized view of warmth and competence across socioeconomic status groups than the English language. Additionally, a within-class stereotype emerged in which the rich were viewed as more competent than warm. These findings shed light on social class stereotypes in real-world textual contexts.

“穷人热情但无能，富人有能力但冷漠”这一普遍的观念代表了一种普遍的社会阶层刻板印象。然而，关于这一概念存在不同的理论观点和实证结果，在阶级间和阶级内以及不同文化之间存在差异。在此背景下，本研究采用了一种创新的研究方法（Fill-Mask Association Test， FMAT），从阶级间和阶级内的角度考察了英汉两种语言中的社会阶级刻板印象。共使用12个英文和8个中文预训练的双向编码器表示（BERT）模型来测试研究问题。结果发现，无论在英语还是汉语语境中，社会阶层之间都没有矛盾的刻板印象。富人被认为比穷人更有能力、更热情，而汉语在社会经济地位群体中反映出的热情和能力的观点比英语更为两极分化。此外，还出现了一种阶级内部的刻板印象，即富人被认为更有能力，而不是更热情。这些发现揭示了现实世界语境中的社会阶层刻板印象。

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引用次数: 0

The role of assortative mating in marital infidelity: Insights from China 选择性交配在婚姻不忠中的作用：来自中国的见解

IF 3.5 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

Social Science Research

Pub Date : 2025-11-14 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssresearch.2025.103280

Feinian Chen , Weixiang Luo

Using newly available data from the Chinese Private Life Survey, we examine the association between marital infidelity and assortative mating patterns within the context of China's evolving marital landscape, where educational homogamy (HW) becomes the norm but income hypergamy (H > W) still prevails. Our findings reveal a nuanced interplay of resources, status, and dependency within a highly gendered environment. Specifically, we observe that men display varying levels of marital infidelity risk based on their educational matching. Men in educational homogamous relationships exhibit the lowest risk, while those in educational hypergamous unions show increased risk. Conversely, men in educational hypogamous relationships (H < W) exhibit the highest likelihood of committing infidelity. Furthermore, this association is heavily influenced by relative income. For men in educational hypogamy, which represents a departure from traditional patriarchal norms, higher relative income amplifies infidelity risk while lower relative income diminishes it. Our study underscores the evolving and asymmetric nature of gender power dynamics within China's shifting marriage institution.

利用中国私人生活调查的最新数据，我们在中国不断发展的婚姻格局背景下，研究了婚姻不忠与选择性交配模式之间的关系，在中国，教育程度上的同性婚姻（HW）已成为常态，但收入上的一夫多妻（H >； W）仍然盛行。我们的发现揭示了在高度性别化的环境中，资源、地位和依赖性之间微妙的相互作用。具体来说，我们观察到男性在教育匹配的基础上表现出不同程度的婚姻不忠风险。受教育程度的同性婚姻关系中的男性患病风险最低，而受教育程度的多配偶关系中的男性患病风险更高。相反，处于教育程度低的恋爱关系中的男性（H <； W）表现出最高的不忠可能性。此外，这种关联在很大程度上受到相对收入的影响。对于受教育程度低的男性来说，相对收入越高，出轨风险越大，而相对收入越低，出轨风险就越小。我们的研究强调了在中国不断变化的婚姻制度中，性别权力动态的演变和不对称性质。

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