European Journal of Social Psychology最新文献

The article listed below, intended for publication in the Special Issue on ‘It always seems impossible, until it is done’: Perspectives on reconciliation and its underlying processes in post-conflict societies, was inadvertently published in a regular issue, volume 54, Issue 1. This article should be cited as shown below.

Territorial ownership perceptions and reconciliation in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict: A person-centred approach

Kaja Warnke, Borja Martinović, Nimrod Rosler

Pages: 31–47; DOI: https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.2993

The article listed below, intended for publication in the Special Issue on ‘It always seems impossible, until it is done’: Perspectives on reconciliation and its underlying processes in post-conflict societies, was inadvertently published in a regular issue, volume 54, Issue 1. This article should be cited as shown below.

The long hard road of reconciliation: Prefiguring cultures of peace through the transformation of representations of former combatants and identities of urban youth in Colombia

Laura Fonseca, Sandra Jovchelovitch

Pages: 1–16; DOI: https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.2967

While, by default, people tend to believe communicated content, it is also possible that they become more vigilant when personal stakes increase. A lab (N = 72) and an online (N = 284) experiment show that people make judgements affected by explicitly tagged false information and that they misremember such information as true – a phenomenon dubbed the ‘truth bias’. However, both experiments show that this bias is significantly reduced when personal stakes – instantiated here as a financial incentive – become high. Experiment 2 also shows that personal stakes mitigate the truth bias when they are high at the moment of false information processing, but they cannot reduce belief in false information a posteriori, that is once participants have already processed false information. Experiment 2 also suggests that high stakes reduce belief in false information whether participants’ focus is directed towards making accurate judgements or correctly remembering information truthfulness. We discuss the implications of our findings for models of information validation and interventions against real-world misinformation.

Conspiracy beliefs entail a scapegoating function by attributing the consequences of crises, such as economic downturns, to the secret action of outgroups. While conspiracy beliefs have been described as reactions to economic threats, we argue that this factor alone is not sufficient. Rather, perceiving one's ingroup as unfairly deprived compared to other groups (i.e., group relative deprivation) might be key to explaining the situation in terms of secret, intentional wrongdoings. Furthermore, individuals high in national narcissism (i.e., a perceived lack of recognition of the ingroup's greatness), may be especially sensitive to this dynamic. Three pilot studies (N = 1237) attested the robustness of the link between group relative deprivation and conspiracy beliefs. Then, Study 1 (N = 812) revealed that the effect of group relative deprivation on conspiracy beliefs was moderated by national narcissism. In Study 2 (N = 728), we found effects of induced national narcissism and group relative deprivation on conspiracy beliefs in a fictitious setting. Study 3 (N = 846) replicated the moderation of national narcissism on the link between group relative deprivation and conspiracy beliefs at the cross-sectional level. Overall, these studies provide evidence that conspiracy beliefs in reaction to group relative deprivation are especially likely among collective narcissists. We discuss the scapegoating function of conspiracy beliefs during crises.

Organisations seeking to enhance their reputation increasingly depend on social network messages—for instance, from employees—instead of being able to control this through their formal communications. The present research aimed to examine how employees’ willingness to share positive messages about their organisation on their social network sites (SNS) relates to organisational features and activities. Specifically, we examined whether employee ambassadorship on SNS relates to two key dimensions of social evaluation: perceived organisational morality and competence. Results of three studies suggest that organisational features can motivate employees to support their organisation online. Across different samples and measures, employee evaluations of organisational morality were a stronger statistical predictor of online ambassadorship than their evaluations of organisational competence. Organisational identification, not external prestige, mediated the effect of organisational morality on online ambassadorship. This suggests that perceived organisational morality relates to intrinsic motives of employees to support their organisation on SNS.

Predominant economic theories of coalition formation assume that the best strategy during coalition negotiations is to approach as few partners as possible with self-serving offers that barely beat all other competitors while maximizing one's profit. Accordingly, to be included in a winning coalition, one needs to be able to predict others’ intentions, which is called perspective-taking. However, economists derived the idea that these strategies lead to success from observed coalition outcomes, rather than testing the role of perspective-taking empirically or modeling coalition negotiation dynamics. The present research revisits these theories from a psychological perspective within a novel coalition formation game that mimics common problems in horizontal supply chain collaboration. In line with theories of coalition formation, perspective-taking during the negotiation predicted higher inclusion in winning coalitions and higher monetary payoffs, but unexpectedly also longer negotiations. Contrary to predominant theories, perspective-taking led individuals to approach more partners and make other-serving offers, suggesting that successful coalition negotiations rely on different mechanisms than previously thought. These results are also practically relevant because companies often fail to orchestrate their transport flows, which leads to economic losses and environmental damage. These insights are valuable as they call for a psychological revision of predominant theories on coalition formation and shed light on how social behaviour influences horizontal collaboration in the transport sector. Furthermore, these findings underscore the potential of coalition-driven approaches in mitigating environmental consequences, offering a pathway toward sustainable practices in the face of climate challenges.

People who feel powerless are motivated to gain power, which may include men endorsing hostile sexism to affirm societal power or women endorsing benevolent sexism to affirm power in relationships. We used four waves of an annual longitudinal panel sample (N = 58,405) to test whether within-person changes in powerlessness predicted subsequent changes in men's hostile sexism and women's benevolent sexism. Results from a random intercept cross-lagged panel model indicated that men who generally felt more powerless tended to endorse hostile sexism, but within-person tests did not provide directional evidence linking men's powerlessness with hostile sexism. By contrast, women who generally felt more powerless endorsed benevolent sexism more strongly, and small within-person lagged effects indicated that upward deviations in women's powerlessness in 1 year predicted stronger endorsement of benevolent sexism the following year. These results provide novel evidence that powerlessness motivates women's benevolent sexism and their toleration of gender inequalities.

Migrants who flee their home country for economic (vs. political) reasons often elicit more negative responses in receiving countries. We examined psychological processes underlying this flight-reason bias, focusing on majority residents’ perceptions of migration circumstances and their emotional responses. In three preregistered studies (total N = 1394), participants read texts about an individual refugee (Studies 1 and 2) or groups of refugees (Study 3) who fled because of economic versus political reasons. Overall, participants perceived migration as less forced in the economic-flight reason condition. Economic (vs. political) flight reasons also elicited less willingness to accept refugees. Additional analyses suggest that the flight-reason bias was driven by greater perceived control of refugees over emigration (for perceived forcedness), by lower empathy (for willingness to accept refugees) and by lower perceived pre-migration perils (for both outcomes) in the economic-flight reason conditions. We discuss implications for political and humanitarian issues surrounding refugee immigration and integration.