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Understanding the Impact of Military Service on Support for Insurrection in the United States 了解服兵役对支持美国叛乱的影响
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-08-02 DOI: 10.1177/00220027241267216
Robert A. Pape, Keven G. Ruby, Kyle D. Larson, Kentaro Nakamura
Why do some individuals with military experience support the insurrection of January 6? With US military veterans playing a central role in the assault on the US Capitol, answering this question is of immediate scholarly and policy concern. To better understand the impact of military service, we conducted the first nationally representative survey of support for pro-Trump anti-democratic violence (“insurrectionist sentiments”) among US military veterans and a demographically matched sample of non-veterans. Our analysis finds veterans nearly twice as likely to hold high insurrectionist sentiments than non-veterans, and that military service increases support for restoring Trump to the presidency by force by 15 percent. Further, we find the effect veterancy is not fully explained by veterans being more likely to hold pro-Trump or conspiracy beliefs but is associated with negative military and post-service-related experiences. These findings are robust to significant unobserved confounding. We conclude with implications for future research on political violence and the role of the military in American democracy.
为什么一些有从军经历的人支持 1 月 6 日的叛乱?由于美国退伍军人在袭击美国国会大厦的事件中扮演了核心角色,回答这个问题是学术界和政策界的当务之急。为了更好地了解服兵役的影响,我们首次在美国退伍军人和人口匹配的非退伍军人样本中开展了支持亲特朗普反民主暴力("叛乱情绪")的全国代表性调查。我们的分析发现,与非退伍军人相比,退伍军人持有高叛乱情绪的可能性几乎是后者的两倍,而且服兵役会使通过武力恢复特朗普总统职位的支持率增加 15%。此外,我们发现退伍军人的影响并不能完全解释为退伍军人更有可能持有亲特朗普或阴谋论信仰,而是与消极的军队和服役后相关经历有关。这些发现对重大的非观察混杂因素具有稳健性。最后,我们总结了未来研究政治暴力和军队在美国民主中的作用的意义。
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引用次数: 0
What it Takes to Return: UN Peacekeeping and the Safe Return of Displaced People 返回需要什么?联合国维和行动与流离失所者的安全回返
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-07-22 DOI: 10.1177/00220027241267191
Vincenzo Bove, Jessica Di Salvatore, Leandro Elia
We investigate the impact of UN peacekeeping on voluntary returns and negative attitudes towards displaced persons. We posit that peacekeeping missions can have beneficial effects by improving security and alleviating the socio-economic burden imposed by new arrivals on receiving communities. Focusing on the critical case of South Sudan, we combine information on peacekeepers' subnational deployment with high frequency survey data. Our findings suggest that the presence of peacekeepers is more likely to attract individuals seeking to return home, compared to those relocating for other reasons. In addition, peacekeepers positively influence the perceptions of receiving communities regarding the impact of IDPs and refugees on economic opportunities, security conditions, and social cohesion.
我们调查了联合国维和行动对自愿回返和对流离失所者的负面态度的影响。我们认为,维和特派团可以改善安全状况,减轻新来者给接收社区带来的社会经济负担,从而产生有益的影响。我们以南苏丹这一关键案例为重点,将维和人员在国家以下各级部署的信息与高频调查数据相结合。我们的研究结果表明,与因其他原因搬迁的人相比,维和人员的存在更有可能吸引寻求返回家园的人。此外,维和人员会积极影响接收社区对境内流离失所者和难民对经济机会、安全条件和社会凝聚力的影响的看法。
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引用次数: 0
Can a Sense of Shared War Experience Increase Refugee Acceptance? 共同的战争经历能提高难民的接受度吗?
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-07-21 DOI: 10.1177/00220027241261660
Ji Yeon Hong, Cecilia Hyunjung Mo, Christopher Paik
How can one increase openness towards conflict refugees in states that have experienced conflict? While highlighting shared war experience may reduce hostility toward refugees by enabling people to better understand the plight of refugees, it may also foment higher levels of out-group antipathy due to heightened feelings of threat. To answer this question, we leverage the context of South Korea, a country that technically remains at war with North Korea for more than 70 years and yet attracts asylum seekers as an advanced economy. This provides a hard case to shift residents' refugee acceptance, as challenges associated with accepting refugees are amplified with ongoing threat concerns. Employing an original survey, we find that when the parallels between the human costs of the Korean War and current conflicts are underscored, refugee acceptance increases, particularly among those whose families were displaced by the war. Moreover, this strategy is more effective than perspective-taking exercises.
在经历过冲突的国家,如何提高对冲突难民的开放度?虽然强调共同的战争经历可以使人们更好地理解难民的困境,从而减少对难民的敌意,但这也可能因威胁感的增强而引发更高水平的外群体反感。为了回答这个问题,我们利用了韩国的背景。从技术上讲,韩国与朝鲜的战争已经持续了 70 多年,但作为一个先进的经济体,韩国还是吸引了大量寻求庇护者。这为改变居民对难民的接受程度提供了一个艰难的案例,因为与接受难民相关的挑战因持续的威胁担忧而被放大。通过一项原创性调查,我们发现当强调朝鲜战争与当前冲突之间的人类代价时,难民接受度会提高,尤其是那些因战争而流离失所的家庭。此外,这种策略比透视练习更为有效。
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引用次数: 0
Social Cohesion, Economic Security, and Forced displacement in the Long-run: Evidence From Rural Colombia 社会凝聚力、经济安全与长期被迫流离失所:来自哥伦比亚农村的证据
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-05-29 DOI: 10.1177/00220027241253532
Juan F. Tellez, Laia Balcells
Millions of people around the world are internally displaced. And yet – compared to other forms of wartime victimization – scholars know relatively little about the long-run consequences of displacement for victims. This gap in the literature is problematic since displacement is distinct from other forms of victimization, and because IDPs face unique challenges in post-conflict transitions. This study contributes to the literature on the effects of displacement in three ways. First, the study brings to bear a unique sample of households in Colombia that is largely homogeneous along key confounders – mostly poor, rural, and conflict-afflicted – yet varies in their exposure to displacement. Next, the study draws on a rich set of covariates and outcomes to provide plausible estimates on the long-run effects of internal displacement. The study finds that a decade or more after displacement, victims experience substantial negative welfare deficits yet exhibit higher levels of social cohesion than their counterparts. Finally, combining a prediction framework with key stakeholder interviews, the study explores variation in outcomes among victims, particularly why some can return home and seek reparations while others are not. The results reveal a wide assortment of consequences resulting from displacement and should help inform policy-making bearing on support for internally displaced people.
全世界有数百万人在国内流离失所。然而,与其他形式的战时受害相比,学者们对流离失所给受害者造成的长期后果知之甚少。文献中的这一空白是有问题的,因为流离失所不同于其他形式的受害,而且国内流离失所者在冲突后过渡时期面临着独特的挑战。本研究从三个方面对有关流离失所影响的文献做出了贡献。首先,本研究采用了一个独特的哥伦比亚家庭样本,该样本在关键的混杂因素方面基本相同--大多为贫困、农村和受冲突影响的家庭,但他们所受流离失所的影响却各不相同。接下来,研究利用丰富的协变量和结果,对境内流离失所的长期影响进行了合理估计。研究发现,在流离失所十年或更久之后,受害者会经历巨大的负面福利赤字,但他们的社会凝聚力却高于同类人。最后,本研究将预测框架与主要利益相关者访谈相结合,探讨了受害者之间的结果差异,特别是为什么有些人可以返回家园并寻求赔偿,而有些人却不能。研究结果揭示了流离失所造成的各种后果,应有助于为支持境内流离失所者的决策提供信息。
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引用次数: 0
Cohesion Among Whom? Stayees, Displaced, and Returnees in Conflict Contexts 谁的凝聚力?冲突背景下的留守者、流离失所者和回归者
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-05-28 DOI: 10.1177/00220027241254585
Sarah Langlotz, Paul Michel, Philip Verwimp, Patricia Justino, Tilman Brück
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引用次数: 0
The Legacies of Armed Conflict: Insights From Stayees and Returning Forced Migrants 武装冲突的遗留问题:被滞留者和回归的被迫移民的见解
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-05-23 DOI: 10.1177/00220027241253529
Isabel Ruiz, Carlos Vargas-Silva
How does conflict, displacement, and return shape trust, reconciliation, and community engagement? And what is the relative impact of exposure to violence on these indicators? In this paper we explore these questions by focusing on the legacies of armed conflict and the differences between those who stayed in their communities of origin during the conflict (stayees) and those who were displaced internally and internationally and who returned home over time (returnees). The results, which rely on analysis of data we collected in Burundi, suggest that internal returnees have significantly lower levels of trust, reconciliation, and community engagement than stayees, whereas the differences between international returnees and stayees are mostly statistically insignificant. Greater exposure to violence has a more negative effect on reconciliation and community engagement for returnees compared to stayees, while the effects on trust are mixed.
冲突、流离失所和回归如何影响信任、和解和社区参与?暴力对这些指标的相对影响是什么?在本文中,我们探讨了这些问题,重点是武装冲突的遗留问题,以及冲突期间留在原籍社区的人(留守者)与在国内和国际上流离失所并随着时间推移返回家园的人(回返者)之间的差异。我们对在布隆迪收集的数据进行了分析,结果表明,境内回返者的信任、和解和社区参与程度明显低于滞留者,而国际回返者与滞留者之间的差异在统计上大多不显著。与滞留者相比,更多的暴力事件对回归者的和解与社区参与产生了更消极的影响,而对信任的影响则好坏参半。
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引用次数: 0
Land Reform Versus Repression in Counterinsurgency: Evidence From El Salvador 反叛乱中的土地改革与镇压:萨尔瓦多的证据
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-05-07 DOI: 10.1177/00220027241247539
T. David Mason, Jesse Hamner, Amalia Pulido, Mustafa Kirisci, Frank M. Howell
Land reform has been employed as a component of counterinsurgency strategies to inoculate peasants against rebel appeals by giving peasants their own land. However, the remedial effects of land reform can be undermined by right wing violence and rebel violence intended to subvert land reform implementation. We used municipio level data on land reform and election results from El Salvador to test propositions on the competing effects of land reform and political violence - right wing and rebel - on the distribution of popular support between the regime versus the rebels versus anti-reform parties in the regime. We find consistent evidence across three elections that “land to the tiller” forms of agrarian reform do increase support for the regime while right wing violence does erode support for reformist parties.
土地改革被用作反叛乱战略的一个组成部分,通过让农民拥有自己的土地,使他们免受叛乱分子的侵扰。然而,土地改革的补救效果可能会被旨在破坏土地改革实施的右翼暴力和叛乱暴力破坏。我们利用萨尔瓦多市一级的土地改革数据和选举结果,检验了关于土地改革和政治暴力(右翼和叛乱)对政权、叛乱分子和政权内反改革党派之间民众支持分布的竞争影响的命题。我们在三次选举中发现了一致的证据,即 "耕者有其田 "形式的土地改革确实增加了对政权的支持,而右翼暴力确实削弱了对改革派政党的支持。
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引用次数: 0
A Threat to Cohesion: Intragroup Affective Polarization in the Context of Intractable Intergroup Conflict 对凝聚力的威胁:棘手的群际冲突背景下的群内情感极化
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-04-17 DOI: 10.1177/00220027241247033
Tal Orian Harel, Nimrod Nir, Daan Vandermeulen, Ifat Maoz, Eran Halperin
Growing affective polarization, or animosity between competing ideological groups, threatens to tear apart democratic societies worldwide. In nations that are facing external conflicts, the threat arising from these conflicts may boost internal cohesion and potentially reduce the internal threat of fragmentation. However, in the current study, we analyze survey datasets from two societies embedded in intractable conflicts, South Korea ( N = 897) and Israel ( N = 504), and demonstrate that gaps in the perception of the external threat between competing ideological groups are related to higher levels of affective polarization within these societies. We also find support for a mechanism that explains this trend: an internal threat from the ideological outgroup. We discuss the implications of our findings for the study of conflicts' impact on intragroup processes, specifically affective polarization, and for the understanding of how such processes might perpetuate the conflict itself.
日益加剧的情感两极分化,或相互竞争的意识形态群体之间的敌意,有可能使全世界的民主社会四分五裂。在面临外部冲突的国家,这些冲突带来的威胁可能会增强内部凝聚力,并有可能减少内部分裂的威胁。然而,在本研究中,我们分析了韩国(N = 897)和以色列(N = 504)这两个深陷棘手冲突的社会的调查数据集,结果表明,相互竞争的意识形态团体之间对外部威胁的认知差距与这些社会内部较高程度的情感极化有关。我们还发现了解释这一趋势的机制:来自意识形态外群体的内部威胁。我们讨论了我们的发现对研究冲突对群体内部过程(特别是情感极化)的影响以及对理解这种过程如何可能使冲突本身持续下去的意义。
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引用次数: 0
Traditional Authorities, Norm Collisions, and Communal Conflict 传统权威、规范碰撞和族群冲突
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-04-15 DOI: 10.1177/00220027241237438
Clara Neupert-Wentz
I examine the effect of the policing capacity of traditional authorities (TAs) on communal conflict. TAs of ethnic groups use distinct customary laws and dispute-resolution mechanisms. Their coexistence with national norms and those of other TAs results in parallel legal systems. I argue that this generates uncertainties about norms and vertical and horizontal jurisdictional conflict, which increases the risk of communal conflict. However, this effect can be dampened by state-level rules on norm collisions, which lead to a system of co-production and less violence. To investigate these claims, I use global georeferenced expert survey data on customary policing of TAs and data measuring their constitutional regulation. I show that customary policing can have an adverse effect on communal peace. More subgroups of the larger ethnic group with policing institutions increase the risk of conflict. State-level regulation moderates these relationships. Additional evidence suggests that policing increases communal conflict through vertical jurisdictional conflict but otherwise achieves its intended purpose of providing security.
我研究了传统当局(TAs)的警务能力对社区冲突的影响。少数民族的传统当局使用不同的习惯法和争端解决机制。他们与国家规范和其他传统当局的规范共存,形成了平行的法律体系。我认为,这会产生规范的不确定性以及纵向和横向的司法冲突,从而增加族群冲突的风险。然而,国家层面的规范碰撞规则可以抑制这种影响,从而形成一个共同生产和较少暴力的体系。为了研究这些说法,我使用了全球地理参照的专家调查数据,这些数据涉及 TAs 的习俗警务,以及衡量其宪法监管的数据。我的研究表明,按习俗维持治安会对社区和平产生不利影响。大族群中拥有治安机构的子族群越多,冲突的风险就越大。国家层面的监管调节了这些关系。其他证据表明,维持治安会通过纵向管辖冲突增加社区冲突,但在其他方面却能实现其提供安全的预期目的。
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引用次数: 0
Measuring Arms: Introducing the Global Military Spending Dataset 衡量武器:介绍全球军事支出数据集
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-02-19 DOI: 10.1177/00220027241232964
Miriam Barnum, Christopher J. Fariss, Jonathan N. Markowitz, Gaea Morales
Military spending data measure key international relations concepts such as balancing, arms races, the distribution of power, and the severity of military burdens. Unfortunately, missing values and measurement error threaten the validity of existing findings. Addressing this challenge, we introduce the Global Military Spending Dataset (GMSD). GMSD collates new and existing expenditure variables from a comprehensive collection of sources, expands data coverage, and employs a latent variable model to estimate missing values and quantify measurement error. We validate the data and present new findings. First, correlations between economic surplus and military spending are currently higher than at any point in the last two-hundred years. Second, updating DiGiuseppe and Poast’s (2018) analysis, we find larger substantive effects. Specifically, we find that the (negative) effect of a democratic ally on military spending is three times larger, and the (positive) effect of an increase in GDP is five times larger than previously estimated.
军费开支数据可衡量关键的国际关系概念,如平衡、军备竞赛、权力分配和军事负担的严重程度。遗憾的是,缺失值和测量误差威胁着现有研究结果的有效性。为了应对这一挑战,我们推出了全球军事支出数据集(GMSD)。全球军事支出数据集从一个全面的来源收集整理了新的和现有的支出变量,扩大了数据覆盖范围,并采用潜变量模型来估计缺失值和量化测量误差。我们对数据进行了验证,并提出了新的发现。首先,目前经济盈余与军费开支之间的相关性高于过去两百年中的任何时期。其次,在更新 DiGiuseppe 和 Poast(2018 年)的分析后,我们发现了更大的实质性影响。具体来说,我们发现民主盟友对军费开支的(负面)影响是之前估计的三倍,而国内生产总值增加的(正面)影响是之前估计的五倍。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Conflict Resolution
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